Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 657 - Yemen War Mosaic 657

Yemen Press Reader 657: 9. Juni 2020: Jemen im Mai 2020 – Marginalisierung der „Muhamasheen“ im Jemen – Wirtschaftliche Prioritäten für ein nachhaltiges Friedensabkommen – Provinz Al Bayda ...

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... Provinz Al Bayda: Strategische Bedeutung – Der Gouverneur von Sokotra – Jemen kämpft gegen COVID-19 – und mehr

June 9, 2020: Yemen in May 2020 – Marginalization of Yemen’s Muhamasheen community – Economic priorities for a sustainable peace agreement – Strategic importance of Al Bayda province – The governor of Socotra –Yemen struggles against COVID-19 – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavitrus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp1b Am wichtigsten: Kampf um Hodeidah / Most important: Hodeidah battle

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12a Katar-Krise / Qatar crisis

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms Trade

cp13b Mercenaries / Söldner

cp13c Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage

cp13d Wirtschaft / Economy

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

Neue Artikel / New articles

(* B H)

Film: Jemen: Bürgerkrieg und Corona

Bürgerkrieg, Hunger und Krankheit –im Jemen sind Not und Leid zum ständigen Begleiter geworden. Zu der humanitären Katastrophe kommt nun die Coronakrise. In den Flüchtlingslagern sind Hygiene- und Abstandsregeln kaum einzuhalten.

(* B H)

Film: A look back at Yemen's 6 years of hardship

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B H K P)

A Grave Road Ahead – The Yemen Review, May 2020


COVID-19 and the Grave Road Ahead

In Focus: Yemen’s Medical Sector Struggles to Cope with COVID-19

Houthi COVID-19 Coverup Unleashes Death, Suffering

In Focus: Education Under COVID-19 Measures

UN Evacuates Most International Staff in Sana’a

The Struggle for the South

Government and STC Forces Clash in Abyan

Abyan Battles to Determine Fate of the Riyadh Agreement

Government-STC Power Struggle Simmers in Socotra

Yemeni Govt and Houthis Battle On

Houthi-Government Fighting Shifts from Marib to Al-Bayda

Commentary: Al-Bayda Governorate: Too Strategic to be Forgotten

Houthi Missile Strike in Marib Targets Army Leadership

Yemeni Government Accuses Houthis of Rejecting UN Cease-Fire Plan

UN Security Council Plans Resolution to Support Yemen Cease-Fire Deal

Hudaydah Cease-Fire In Peril As UN Monitors Sent Home

Other Developments in Yemen

Economic Developments

STC Claims Aden Revenues, Adding to Government’s Economic Woes

Newly Printed Notes Could Further Devalue Rial

Saudi Deposit Below US$200 Million, Rapid Currency Depreciation Looms

Military and Security Developments

AQAP: Ties to US Shootings Raise Fresh Questions

Fractures within AQAP

Other Military and Security Developments in Brief

Humanitarian and Human Rights Developments

UN Warns Against Stigmatizing African Migrants

Other Humanitarian and Human Rights Developments in Brief

International Developments

Commentary: Serious Risks in Saudi Options for Leaving Yemen

In the United States

After Partial Aid Suspension to Yemen, Washington Announces $225 Million Grant

Fired State Dept Official was Investigating US Weapons Sales to Saudi-Led Coalition

Easing of Regulations Benefits Raytheon, whose Missiles are Used in Airstrikes

Other International Developments in Brief

(** B H P)

The Historic and Systematic Marginalization of Yemen’s Muhamasheen Community


No community in Yemen has suffered the consequences of the current war as harshly as the Muhamasheen (Marginalized), a Yemeni underclass that has experienced centuries of discrimination, exploitation and poverty. The Muhamasheen (sing. Muhamash) are commonly referred to in Yemen as the Akhdam (servants). While there are no official statistics on the size of the community, the UN has reported that there are up to 3.5 million Muhamasheen in Yemen.[1]

Prior to the current conflict, social discrimination against the Muhamasheen limited their access to education, healthcare, housing and meaningful work. As this policy brief explores, the war has compounded these vulnerabilities and the existing poverty of this group. Discrimination against the Muhamasheen has also hindered their access to humanitarian aid and made it harder for those who have been displaced by fighting to find safe shelter.

For several months this author has been conducting interviews with Muhamasheen from across Yemen about how the conflict has affected them. This policy brief presents the outcomes of these conversations, as well as recommendations to address the multi-faceted challenges this community faces.

Disputed Origins at the Core of Social Marginalization

In a society where the social structure is partly based on lineage, the Muhamasheen’s unclear origins and existence outside tribal structures has led to centuries of descent-based discrimination. While the Hashemites, who are said to be descended from Prophet Mohammad, are at the top of Yemen’s social hierarchy in many areas of the country, the Muhamasheen — considered without origin — occupy the bottom regardless of where they live.[4] This also intersects with racial discrimination, as most Muhamasheen are dark-skinned.

The Contours of Community Exploitation and Discrimination

Today, discrimination against Yemen’s Muhamasheen manifests in multiple ways, blending elements of both racism and a caste system. The minority group mostly resides in slums on the outskirts of cities, often without electricity, clean water or secure shelters. Low school enrollment levels have resulted in literacy levels of 20 percent among adults, according to a study by UNICEF.[5] Muhamasheen children often face harassment and bullying by teachers and other students at school, leading to high drop-out rates, while Muhamasheen parents sometimes withdraw their children from school so they can work.[6] According to UNICEF, just nine percent of Muhamasheen register their children at birth, and the lack of birth certificates can also be an obstacle to school enrollment.[7]

No Yemeni law specifically discriminates against the Muhamasheen, yet systemic discrimination prevents Muhamasheen from accessing redress or mediation from exploitation; they face systemic prejudice in the justice system and within local governments and tribal authorities.[8]

The Disproportionate Impact of the War on the Muhamasheen

The escalation of the ongoing conflict in March 2015 has greatly magnified the Muhamasheen community’s poverty, displacement and food insecurity. Although humanitarian agencies often feature the Muhamasheen in fundraising and publicity photographs documenting the Yemeni crisis, humanitarian aid to the community is far less consistent than for other groups, and in some areas the Muhamasheen have been systematically excluded from assistance.

The widespread economic collapse and loss of livelihoods driven by the conflict — between the armed Houthi movement and supporters of the internationally recognized Yemeni government — has created competition for the low-paid jobs which were once reserved for the Muhamasheen.

The Muhamasheen were among the first to be displaced in the current conflict, with the dislocation compounded by discrimination.

Several other aspects of the conflict that have affected Yemenis across the country have been felt most acutely by Muhamasheen. Women and girls from the Muhamasheen have long faced a greater risk of gender-based violence than other women; during the conflict, Muhamasheen women have been more vulnerable than others to sexual violence and harassment by fighters, particularly at checkpoints.[17]

While access to healthcare in Yemen was precarious even before the current war began, the collapse of state institutions has made access far more difficult in many areas around the country. However, even where healthcare services are available, for Muhamasheen, treatment is at times denied due to discrimination; Muhamasheen, who have suffered injuries inflicted by both Houthi and anti-Houthi forces, have reported being denied treatment upon arrival at healthcare facilities.[

Different Areas, Similar Stories: Snapshots of the Muhamasheen Experience from Around Yemen

Looking Ahead: Recommendations to Address Systemic Marginalization – by Aisha Al-Warraq

(** B E P)

Economic Priorities for a Sustainable Peace Agreement in Yemen

Executive Summary

The sustainability of a peace agreement in Yemen depends on two critical economic issues. First, in a conflict that is largely over access to resources, the issues of distribution, control, and sharing of those resources can make or break peace. Therefore, these issues must be addressed head-on during negotiations. Second, where peace agreements lack provisions that create overall economic stability, warfare can resume during the fragile implementation period. The fears over the resumption of conflict after signing a peace agreement are substantiated by several historical events in Yemen, such as the failure of the GCC Initiative.

At the sixth Development Champions Forum in Amman, Jordan, from January 25 to 27, 2020, the Development Champions therefore focused on identifying urgent macroeconomic, fiscal, and monetary issues that pose a direct threat to the successful implementation of any peace agreement in Yemen. The discussions led to the following key recommendations to Yemeni negotiating parties and international supporters of the peace process on economic provisions that need to be included in the peace agreement:

Agree on the economic priorities of the post-agreement government, and a process to redefine the state’s economic philosophy within a broader reform agenda and vision.

Agree on measures to end the division of key state institutions that play a vital role in Yemen’s economy, including the Central Bank of Yemen.

Establish a socio-economic council mandated with formulating responsive public policies.

Commit to a transparent, inclusive, and sustainable process for payment of public sector salaries, and agree on a measured approach to the rehabilitation and reintegration of combatants.

Ensure the smooth, fair, and transparent collection of local revenue and appointment of new heads of public revenue authorities, and put in place an effective accountability mechanism.

Agree on the allocation of revenue from natural resources.

Agree on a good governance framework for the reconstruction and recovery process.

Reopen all seaports, airports, and land border crossings, and lift all restrictions on the movements of goods and travellers through Yemen’s borders.

The Missing Piece in the Current Peace Process

The structure of the peace negotiations has been limited to the political aspect and the security/military aspect, with the exception of the UN-brokered consultations convened in Sweden, where one of the consultation tracks focused on the “economic file”, and the resulting Hodeidah Agreement required that “Revenues of the ports of Hodeidah, Salif and Ras Issa shall be channeled to the Central Bank of Yemen through its branch in Hodeidah as a contribution to the payment of salaries in the governate of Hodeidah and throughout Yemen.”[6] But even in Stockholm, the economic issues were only discussed as part of confidence-building measures, and to reach an agreement on steps that would lay the groundwork for peace talks, and not as a main pillar of the future peace agreement in its own right.

There have also been some other initiatives aiming to reach agreements on certain economic issues, such as the efforts to coordinate the work of the Central Bank as a national and independent institution, efforts to pay the salaries of civil servants throughout the country, and finally the efforts to implement the economic clauses of the Stockholm Agreement. But these efforts, as important as they are, are limited to supporting de-escalation and confidence-building; it is not evident yet that the Yemeni parties and international community have firmly embraced the need to include economic provisions that must be agreed upon as an integral part of the peace agreement – by Rafat Ali Al-Akhali & Zaid Ali Basha

(** B K P)

Al-Bayda Governorate: Too Strategic to be Forgotten

Al-Bayda is often forgotten. It is a vast area of Yemen where little is visible other than poverty and powerlessness, which have worsened during the war. It generally receives little attention among Yemen observers and monitors, except when it comes to Al-Qaeda. Recently, however, Al-Bayda has emerged as a central arena in the battle between the Houthi movement and its opponents.

Al-Bayda borders eight other governorates: Shabwa, Al-Dhalea, Abyan and Lahj to the south, and Marib, Sana’a, Dhamar and Ibb to the north. Its strategic location, providing access to many areas of the country, makes Al-Bayda decisive to the current conflict between the Houthis and the government.

The Houthis, thanks to their military strength, secured control of the governorate in 2015 despite initial local resistance, which was crushed because it was scattered and received no support.

The Houthis’ strategy in dealing with Al-Bayda tribes is based on two elements: mobilize supporters from among tribes (particularly Hashemites who, like the Al-Houthi family, trace their lineage to the Prophet Mohammed) and render neutral tribes that are not loyal to them. This arrangement has guaranteed that tribal blocs that are not loyal to them are neither hostile toward them nor supportive of the government, and it allows the Houthis to freely move in the governorate and control it.

Meanwhile, the Houthis have managed an interesting relationship with the Islamic State (IS) group, which has a presence and positions in Al-Bayda. There appears to have been an implicit agreement between the groups to not attack each other.

Al-Bayda governorate is implicitly and unofficially divided into two blocs. One is centered around Al-Bayda city and its surroundings, and another around the city of Rada’ and its surroundings. Rada’s particularity is that it is a sectarian frontline as its tribes are Sunni while its tribal neighbors in the Dhamar governorate belong to the Zaidi sect of Shia Islam.

Therefore, Al-Bayda represents more hostile territory to the Houthis compared to most other governorates. Except for some communities with a Hashemite identity, including Riyam, outside Rada’, and Al-Saqqaf in Al-Sawadiyah, the majority of residents do not have anything in common with the Houthis.

Al-Bayda Becomes Key to Protecting Marib

Battles in Al-Bayda have been fiercest in the area of Qaniyah, in the district of Radman al-Awad bordering Marib governorate. These battles began in 2018, but have increased in intensity and frequency since government forces began advancing slightly on this front in April. The government offensive coincided with Houthi forces’ pressure on frontlines in Marib, and thus the Al-Bayda front became important in blunting the Houthis’ surge toward Marib by keeping them busy in Qaniyah.

However, the government thus far has failed to achieve a major breakthrough in any Al-Bayda battles because there is no strategy to mobilize tribes and push them to rebel against the Houthis.

While it is not assured that a tribal rebellion will erupt against the Houthis or that the government will succeed in advancing from the outskirts of Al-Bayda to its heart, what is certain is that the Houthis do not want to risk losing this governorate. For the government, taking Al-Bayda would represent a turning point in the conflict.

The uniquely strategic location of Al-Bayda grants whoever controls it the keys for escalation and deescalation on open fronts in eight different governorates. But controlling it, as both sides know, requires strategies responsive to tribal interests – by Maged Al-Madhaji

(** B P)

The Socialist in Socotra at the crossroads of unity, secession and foreign intervention

The STC is leading the campaign to oust him, and despite his longstanding membership in the Socialist Party has labeled him a “Muslim Brotherhood governor”

His name first emerged in 2017, when he voiced his refusal to recruit and train a UAE-sponsored group of Yemeni fighters outside the authority of Yemen’s Interior Ministry. Since then, and despite living nearly 1,000 kilometers away from any frontlines in Yemen’s civil war, he has been at the center of a simmering conflict in the archipelago of Socotra, the Yemeni governorate off the horn of Africa.

Who is Ramzi Mahrous?

The main shift in this equation came when the UAE began recruiting hundreds of young people in Socotra to form a “security belt” outside the authority of the local government. This prompted Mahrous, who was deputy governor at the time, to lead a resistance bloc against what they considered abuses by the UAE against the legitimate authorities.

According to the source in Mahrous’s office, the governor, along with a group of local authority officials and tribal elders, has documented a large number of violations by the UAE, most of which have been handed over to UNESCO (Socotra is a UNESCO World Heritage Site) and to the leadership of the Saudi-led coalition. Once the group expressed its opposition to the UAE's actions, the Emiratis sent in military battalions and warplanes, distributed money to tribal sheikhs, and granted citizenship to a large number of them, exacerbating the UAE's conflict with the local authority in Socotra and the Hadi government as a whole.

Khalfan Al-Marzoui, an Emirati officer based on the island since 2015, has purchased vast amounts of land on the island, according to the local authority source, despite Yemeni law prohibiting the purchase and sale of land in Socotra by non-Yemenis. Al-Marzoui is accused of organizing and facilitating the rebellion against the local authority in Socotra on behalf of the UAE.

For his part, Mahrous lacks adequate support and operates with tight resources on the island. “Government employees and government soldiers do not receive their salaries regularly, as opposed to generous support from the UAE for their loyalists," a government official said.

Mahrous voiced concerns that the unrest the UAE has concocted and the divisions it has sowed in Socotra are creating a social rift that will be difficult to recover from. “They took advantage of the moment of weakness of the legitimate government, and it’s all part of their escalation plan, whether it is in Aden, Socotra, or previously in Shabwa before the STC were pushed out,” he said.

Mahrous said he does not view the problem as the demands for secession, but rather with the greed of actors from outside the governorate as well as regional countries using the “southern cause” to advance their own agendas.

Many Socotris see Mahrous as a hero defending them and their interests, including the sheikh of the Socotra tribes Issa Al-Socotri, who believes that the UAE has ambitions to take control of the island and that it is using the STC to carry out its own plans. Others in Socotra have demonstrated against Mahrous and demanded his dismissal. The STC is leading the campaign to oust him, and despite his longstanding membership in the Socialist Party has labeled him a “Muslim Brotherhood governor.”

In the midst of the ongoing conflict, Mahrous has emerged as a symbol of Yemeni legitimacy and unity. Despite his young age, as governor and a leader in the Socialist party – the party which has long played a leading role in supporting the southern cause – Mahrous is leading the struggle against the separatist body demanding secession. He is also leading the resistance campaign against the UAE, with scant national resources and little international support.

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(** B H)

"Viele Menschen hier sterben schnell"

Im Bürgerkriegsland Jemen führt Covid-19 zu dramatischen Situation.

So schnell und brutal ist Covid-19 in Aden, einer Stadt im Bürgerkriegsland Jemen, die sich fest im Griff des Virus befindet. Wir hatten schon viele solcher Fälle. Viele Menschen sterben schnell. Sie kommen bereits in einem ernsten Zustand an, und es ist zu spät. Die Menschen verstehen nicht, warum sie so schnell sterben. Vom 30. April bis zum 24. Mai hat das Behandlungszentrum 228 Patienten aufgenommen, von denen 99 starben. Wir als Gesundheitspersonal fühlen uns machtlos. Wir können nicht viel mehr tun, als den Menschen Sauerstoff zu geben. Es gab Tage, an denen wir 13 Todesfälle hatten.

Das Behandlungszentrum hat eine Sterberate, die so hoch ist wie jene in den Intensivstationen in Europa und den USA. Aber in Aden handelt es sich nicht um ein gut ausgestattetes Krankenhaus, das von einem Netzwerk anderer Krankenhäuser unterstützt wird. Wir haben hier einen Teil eines alten onkologischen Krankenhauses am Rande einer Stadt renoviert, deren Gesundheitssystem nach fünf Jahren Krieg zusammengebrochen ist und deren Bewohner häufig unter Stromausfällen leiden. Das Behandlungszentrum ist bis jetzt die einzige Einrichtung, die sich der Behandlung von Covid-19 verschrieben hat.

Wir müssen Schutzanzüge mehrmals verwenden, weil wir nicht genug haben. Der Zugang zu Tests ist unglaublich eingeschränkt. Wir haben nicht genug Beatmungsgeräte und würden mehr Sauerstoffkonzentratoren und verlässlichen Nachschub von Material benötigen.

Der Innenhof unseres Behandlungszentrums ist voll mit Sauerstoffflaschen. 250 werden pro Tag für die Patientinnen und Patienten benötigt, damit diese weiter atmen können. Der Körper eines Corona-Patienten hat nicht genügend Sauerstoff, und die Behandlung besteht darin, ihm mehr Sauerstoff zu geben. Es klingt einfach, aber die Patientinnen und Patienten benötigen ein sehr, sehr hohes Sauerstoffniveau.

Eine so hohe Anzahl an Todesfällen führt auch zu Problemen im Umgang mit den Leichen. Wir haben keine Leichenhalle im Behandlungszentrum. Es gibt einen Imam, der die Leichen abholt und zu den Familien zurückbringt, aber es gibt nicht genug Menschen, die sich dann um die Leichen kümmern können – von Thierry Durand, Ärzte ohne Grenzen

The English version already had been linked. Here.

(** B H P)

Will Yemen Survive COVID-19?

The United Nations estimates that 16 million Yemenis may ultimately be infected with the COVID-19 virus. Simultaneously, the warring parties’ response, or lack thereof, to the pandemic’s arrival has been stunningly reckless, and the ongoing retraction of international financial support for the country’s relief effort could not be more ill-timed.

Seen through the sum of all these factors, the months ahead have come to appear sufficiently dire as to warrant consideration of whether it is still possible for Yemenis to save their country, or whether Yemen, as a political entity, will be unrecoverable after the pandemic passes.

Behind the frontlines, Houthi authorities have engaged in a massive censorship campaign to stifle public awareness of the disease’s spread, keeping shops open and allowing Ramadan festivities to continue normally through April and May even as new obituaries increasingly flooded Yemeni social media and reports of a surge in burials in Sana’a emerged toward the end of last month.

In Aden, like Sana’a and elsewhere in Yemen, the rising numbers of burials and tributes to the newly dead on social media attest to a virus spreading freely – the World Health Organization (WHO) is now operating on the assumption that full-blown transmission is ongoing in the country – while the lack of available testing makes accurate quantification impossible. Widespread malnutrition and poverty are undoubtedly aggravating factors – ones that are on track to significantly intensify in the near future.

As a soon-to-be-published Sana’a Center research paper will show, the Yemeni market is on the cusp of a precipitous drop in the amount of available foreign currency.

In the past several months there have been increasing warnings that the billions of dollars in foreign support sent annually is also shrinking.

The impact that the decline in remittances and foreign aid is having on available foreign currency in Yemen, if plotted on a graph, would appear to be a steep downward slope.

When that happens, traders – in particular commercial food and fuel importers – will have to turn to the market to purchase dollars to pay for orders from abroad. The shrinking supply of available foreign currency, however, means that it will cost increasingly more Yemeni rials to purchase each dollar, and thus the rial’s value will fall.

Thus, in the months ahead it is reasonable to expect a surge in COVID-19 infections accompanied by an acute shortage in access to healthcare, food, water, sanitation and most of the other services that millions of Yemenis receive only from, or through the facilitation of, international aid agencies. Concurrently, prices will spike as a large new slice of the population loses its income source, either because of unemployment or lost remittances. The culmination of these factors will likely propel the humanitarian crisis into dizzying new scales of horror.

To be clear, what is to come is in no way certain, and those in positions of power can choose differently and alter the outcomes – by Sanaa Center

(** B H P)

COVID-19 and the Grave Road Ahead

In Focus: Yemen’s Medical Sector Struggles to Cope with COVID-19

Yemen was one of the last countries in the world to report the presence of COVID-19, announcing the first case on April 10. By the end of May, all of Yemen’s 38 hospitals designated for COVID-19 hospitals were full,[1] yet the internationally recognized Yemeni government had officially confirmed only 323 cases of coronavirus, including 80 deaths in areas it controls,[2] while Houthi authorities had confirmed just four cases, including one death in Houthi-held territory.[3] These figures are almost certainly a vast undercount given the country’s chaotic response to the pandemic, especially considering the apparent concealment[4] of cases in Houthi-controlled territories and severe lack of testing.[5] For a country of close to 30 million people, at the end of May the UN reported that Yemen had 675 intensive care unit beds, 309 ventilators and six labs with testing capacity for COVID-19.[6] The Sana’a Center spoke with doctors and medical professionals across Yemen about the challenges of responding to the coronavirus pandemic in a health system which the UN said in May had, in effect, collapsed.[7]

Aden: An “Infested City”

A surgeon at May 22 Hospital in Aden, Dr. Iyad, said neither public nor private hospitals were even minimally prepared to deal with COVID-19 cases due to a lack of equipment and supplies. When the first deaths from COVID-19 were announced in Aden on April 28, several hospitals closed as staff walked out because they did not have personal protective equipment (PPE) or resources to treat the disease.[10] Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) took over management of the COVID-19 treatment facility at Aden’s Al-Amal Hospital on May 7; the facility is the only dedicated treatment center for COVID-19 in southern Yemen. Dr. Iyad said Al-Amal Hospital had only seven ventilators.

Dr. Iyad said he had equipped a small apartment with an oxygen cylinder to treat a friend with COVID-19, but another friend had died because no beds were available in the intensive care units at Al-Amal Hospital or Al-Jumhuriyah Hospital. Some people delay seeking treatment until they are no longer able to breathe, Dr. Iyad said, in part because of the similarity of COVID-19 symptoms to those of other diseases such as malaria and chikungunya. No laboratory in Aden is able to test for chikungunya, he added, despite the prevalence of the disease.

Dr. Iyad’s concerns were echoed by MSF

Sana’a: Lack of PPE and Denial of Healthcare

Houthi authorities, meanwhile, had confirmed only four cases of COVID-19 by May 29, but social media and WhatsApp groups were filling with reports of friends and relatives dying with symptoms of the disease. The Sana’a Center is using pseudonyms for doctors in Sana’a to protect their identities, due to Houthi authorities’ intimidation of doctors who discuss COVID-19 publicly. Dr. Huda, who works at a hospital in Sana’a, said the Houthi-run health ministry had issued instructions to transfer all patients with chest infections to Zayed Hospital and Kuwait Hospital, but said these hospitals lacked PPE. She said the administration at the hospital she works in had struggled to secure PPE due to shortages worsened by the Saudi-led military coalition’s restrictions on imports to Houthi-held areas and price inflation, while international aid was scarce. The UN says it is approaching a “fiscal cliff” in Yemen and that cash shortages will force vital programs to close, including those critical to fighting COVID-19.

Dr. Abdullah, an emergency and critical care physician at a hospital in Sana’a, said preparedness had improved, and that staff had access to PPE. He said the Houthi-run epidemiological surveillance committee was tracking coronavirus cases and supervising PCR tests at private and public hospitals.

Dr. Mohammad, an anesthesiologist at a private hospital in Sana’a, said hospitals remained unprepared to treat COVID-19, and doctors did not have PPE. Some medical staff are buying their own face masks, he said, but these are expensive so doctors are being forced to reuse disposable masks.

Taiz: Little Testing or ICU Available

In Taiz, Dr. Abdelmoghni Almasani, the technical director at Shafak isolation center, said there were seven doctors at the facility, only one of whom was an ICU physician. The team was trained by the World Health Organization. The center has 30 beds and eight ICU beds.

Hamstrung WHO Response

Altaf Musani, WHO representative in Yemen, said the agency had been systematically advising, influencing and informing discussions on case declaration and reporting in Yemen, but that under international health regulations, the decision to announce cases rests with national leaders.

Yemen does not have enough resources to clinically respond to the impact coronavirus will have on the population, Musani told the Sana’a Center – by Rim Mugahed

(** B H K P)

UN humanitarian coordinator Lise Grande: Covid-19 will devastate Yemen

In an exclusive interview with Al-Araby Al-Jadeed & The New Arab, UN Humanitarian Coordinator in Yemen, Lise Grande, warned that the specter of famine haunts Yemenis once again unless the UN can provide necessary humanitarian aid.

Lise Grande: It is very difficult to get supplies in. If you add all of this up, we are deeply worried by the impact that Covid will have here, as compared to almost every other country in the world.

The first point is that doctors, nurses, and health workers are doing heroic work. But there are shortages of everything. Health workers have not been paid. They don’t have protective gear. There are hundreds of ICU beds in the country, but we need hundreds of thousands. [Of] every single item that Yemen needs to address Covid there are only minimum supplies in the country. Minimum supplies of testing, swabs, beds and oxygen. So, the country is facing one of the worst crises in a hundred years and it doesn’t have what it needs to face it. That’s the realty.

Northern Yemen has been under blockade for most of the conflict (for 5 years by the Saudi led coalition on the areas controlled by the Houthi rebels). This makes it very difficult to bring in the supplies by air or by sea. We must seek the permission to do so from the Saudi led coalition and also the approval from Ansar Allah authorities [Houthis].

We have mounted a massive supply bridge. In the last few weeks we have procured 9,000 metric tonnes of supplies. We have managed to bring half of them into the country but we are still struggling to bring in the other half.

Every month the world food programme (WFP) provides food assistance to 13 million people. This is the largest food operation of its kind in the world.

So, there are 20 million people, out of 30 million Yemenis, [who] when they wake up in the morning they have no idea if they will eat. 10 million of those people plus the displaced population we feed every month. The other have just enough money that they are able to buy food on the market. You see this is what we call an income famine. So, there is food on the market but families don’t have enough income, they don’t have enough money they can’t afford it. They can’t buy it. That’s the problem. And the economic crises are caused by the failure to pay salaries, by 200 percent increase in the cost of food, by the blockade on cooking oil and fuel, by the loss of 600,000 jobs across the country.

The war in Yemen is a military war and it’s an economic war. The people in the private sector who supply lifesaving commodities that people need, they haven’t been able to bring in supplies, because of the blockade. This is what we mean by an economic war and the consequences of it are devastating on people. This is why we are pre-famine here in Yemen.

So, half of all of the people who need assistance, i.e. 24 million people, 12 millions are acutely vulnerable. That means that they are in deep trouble. They don’t need assistance just a little bit, they need it to survive. And this is why we call this crisis the worst in the world. It’s not just the number of people, 80 percent of the population in Yemen, it’s the fact that the people who do need assistance, are so vulnerable and this is why we say that Covid would spread faster and more widely and with deadlier consequences than anywhere else.

There are no other humanitarian crises in the world that compare to Yemen. More people are impacted more harshly than anywhere else. This is the worst crisis. It is also one of the most difficulty places for humanitarians to do their job. We face constant restrictions on our work. We face constant obstacles in bring in assistance. You would think that in the world's worst crisis that everyone will be trying to ensure that humanitarians can do their job. That’s what we need. We need money. We need the authorities to lift restrictions and we need authorities to allow us to get to people so we can help to keep them alive through this terrible war.

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Film: Yemen struggles with the coronavirus pandemic | ITV News

There's no testing in Yemen, so new graves are the most reliable metric, International Correspondent John Irvine reports.

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Film: Yemen: Sales of arms and herbs increase amid coronavirus pandemic

Guns and herbs have become some of the top-selling items at Taiz's Al Shanini market, as the coronavirus further exacerbates Yemen's already critical economic conditions and healthcare system, as seen in footage from Monday. According to gun salesman Abdul Rahman Al-Habashi, many Yemenis have turned to selling weapons and fireworks to support their families, saying, "The arms and fireworks trade has become more popular than before." Herbal stores have also been more popular. One customer Abdo Al-Humairi explained fenugreek, tamarind and green and dry ginger, are used "We use these recipes to fight all kinds of viruses, especially infections in men, youths and children," adding, "We consider these mixtures as protection from the coronavirus and other viruses."

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Do U know that hospitals in Sanaa don't accept patients if they are Covid suspects? Private hospitals does if you pay 1,100,000million which almost $1900 in advance before even admitting them to ICU! Who could pay this much in such times? People die at home out of poverty & fear!

Some other hospitals don't accept patients with kidney failures bcz they say 'they don't have capacity'. At least two friends lost loved ones, no hospital accepted to receive them. Driving from hospital to another was a shock by itself to many. Situation is literally SCARY!

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Film (by an anti-Houthi site): How #Houthi rebels confront the novel #coronavirus outbreak in areas under their control!

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The Houthi’s underreporting and mismanagement of Covid-19 in Yemen hinders international support

Observers have accused the Houthis of leaving thousands of Covid-19 patients in Sanaa and other areas under their control to die of the disease and, despite the international warnings from the UN and WHO, the Houthis continue to ignore the grave consequences of their mismanagement of the coronavirus crisis.

A recent Reuters report accused the Houthi rebels of deliberately underreporting. The four sources Reuters spoke to said Houthi health authorities had not shared additional test results with the World Health Organization (WHO) for at least 50 further patients with Covid-19 symptoms they were aware of at Kuwait hospital in Sanaa. Two of the sources said 20 other patients they had seen with similar symptoms died in that hospital. However, the two sources said authorities in areas under the Saudi-backed government’s control have also not fully disclosed the extent of the pandemic. At least 13 confirmed Covid-19 patients have died at Al Amal hospital in Aden, they said.

Earlier in May, WHO suspended staff activity at its hubs in Houthi-held areas of Yemen in a move sources said aimed to pressure the group to be more transparent about suspected coronavirus cases. The WHO has temporarily paused its movements in northern areas due to “credible threats and perceived risks which could have an impact on staff security”, it said in response to a Reuters’ query, adding that operations have not been suspended.

The UN has “systematically for weeks now” advised on case declaration and reporting, but the decision to do so rests with local authorities, the WHO added.

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Film: Yemen rebels suppress information on virus deaths

An investigation by the Associated Press found that the coronavirus is take a deadly toll on the war weary population of Yemen. The situation is exacerbated in the Houthi-controlled north where rebels have suppressed information about the virus.

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Soaring prices of graves and disinfectant shortage in Houthis-held areas

Disinfectants ran short of supply in the Houthis-held capital Sana'a amid increase of demand to the products caused by the outbreak of coronavirus.

Residents reported shortage of disinfectants and face masks especially high quality products.

Medical sources quoted by Al-Asima Online News Website said that a network of merchants affiliated to the Houthis have purchased the available stocks to sell them again at the black market rate.

This coincides with soaring prices of graves amid increasing deaths of suspected Covid-19 cases in Sana'a.

My comment: by an anti-Houthi news site, misused for anti-Houthi propaganda. But all this occurs in Southern Yemen as well.

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Film: Aden, a hotspot of coronavirus COVID-19 in Yemen

In Yemen, we are re-using PPE because we don’t have enough... We don’t have enough ventilators, we need more oxygen concentrators and a reliable supply chain. It’s an enormous challenge at the only COVID19 treatment centre in Aden, Yemen. Here, the rates of people dying from the coronavirus -and quickly- have staggered our staff

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Film: COVID-19 threatens to increase poverty in East Africa, Yemen

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Yemen COVID-19 Preparedness and Response Snapshot - As of 6 June 2020

Between 10 April, when the first case was confirmed, and 6 June, the authorities in Yemen announced 486 COVID-19 cases, including 112 deaths. The case fatality rate (CFR) is alarmingly high at 24.77 per cent. More than 75 per cent of confirmed cases are men and people in the 45 – 59 age range who have the highest case fatality rate. The highest number of confirmed cases are in Aden, where 130 cases have been reported including 5 deaths, followed by Hadramaut, where 126 cases, including 48 deaths and 11 recoveries were reported. Reports continue to indicate that hundreds more people are symptomatic and are dying with COVID-like symptoms. Individuals with mild and moderate symptoms are often not seeking health care and only seek treatment when they are critically ill. Fear of stigma, concerns about safety, inability to access testing, and the perceived risks of seeking care may explain why people are not seeking treatment earlier. Aid agencies in Yemen continue to do all they can to scale up the response.

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#Yemen: chief of the Special Forces within the army of the internationally recognised government has died from Covid-19.

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[Sanaa gov.] Minister of Health: Death Toll from Coronavirus Is Very Low

Minister of Health and Population Dr. Taha Al-Mutawakkil confirmed Monday that the death toll from Coronavirus is very low as a result of adopting the policy of reassuring the patient and reassuring the community.

The Minister of Health considered the psychological trauma that is made by political leaders and media about Corona causes many of the deaths in the world.

He pointed out that what the aggression media talks about reflects its malicious desires, confirming that “our experience in facing Corona proves its success day after day”.

And Dr. Taha Al-Mutawakkil emphasized that citizens in the southern governorates are killed with diseases and epidemics amid the silence of the international community.

and also

My comment: This minister again and again tells tall stories; he should resign.

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Yemen` COVID-19 .. 484 infected cases, 112 deaths

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2 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 484 in total

My remark: Southern Yemen only.

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Film: Spreading the Word About COVID-19 in Yemen

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Photo: Suffering from #CoronaVirus and didn't find a bed in #Taiz hospitals!

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After a lifetime spent treating others, Dr. Amal died without receiving critical care

Dr. Amal Noman Al-Dhubhani, a Sana’a-based doctor well known in the community for her medical expertise and devotion to treating those most in need, passed away earlier this week after contracting COVID-19. In an interview with Almasdar Online, a doctor who worked with Dr. Amal and followed her condition, explained that she was unable to receive the critical care she needed to survive.

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QRCS protects health care workers in Yemen against Coronavirus

The representation mission of Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) in Yemen is going on with its efforts to combat the Coronavirus (COVID-19), by backing the struggling health system amid scarce finances, medications, and medical supplies.

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Yemeni Pharmacists’ Union warns Houthis against unethical medical testing

The head of the Yemeni Pharmacists' Union warned the Houthis against turning Yemeni patients into “guinea pigs” for the group’s purported medical research, following an announcement by the Houthis’ top health official that the group is conducting “extensive research” to produce a cure for COVID-19.

Dr. Fadl Harrab, head of the Yemeni Pharmacists’ Union, warned the Houthi minister of health, as well as doctors, pharmacists, and lab technicians “from making the Yemeni people lab rats for experimentation without adherence to scientific methods and research methods in the field of medicine.”

“Are patients in Yemen becoming a field of drug testing that will be tried for the first time in Yemen and will be subject to the protocols of the Yemeni Ministry of Health?” the doctor wrote online, in a widely shared social media post. Dr. Fadl criticized Houthi officials in the health sector “for promising what they have no knowledge of, the imminent success of discovering a Yemeni invention of a cure for the COVID-19 virus.”

Dr. Fadl’s comments came in response to a controversial announcement made by the Minister of Health in the Houthi government, Taha Al-Mutawakkel, last Saturday.

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Doctors in Al-Baydha ring alarm bell over COVID-19 spread in the governorate

The death toll in Rada’a city and surrounding areas of Al-Baydha has been mounting in recent days, according to health officials in the central governorate who are warning that the indicators of a COVID-19 outbreak are present.

A total of 26 individuals in the Houthi-controlled Rada’a are believed to have died from COVID-19, including six deaths on Thursday, medical sources in Rada’a city told Almasdar Online.

According to the local sources, the virus began spreading during the first week of Ramadan (last week of April), but Houthi officials in the city clamped down on individuals publishing information about the disease and imprisoned them for reasons of “national security.” The number of suspected infections and associated deaths then increased dramatically by the end of Ramadan and the celebration of Eid in late May, when an increase in travel and family gatherings is typically experienced.

The Houthis have been widely criticized for their delayed response to the pandemic, and for continuing to censor public health officials from discussing the spread of the disease in areas under the group’s control.

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Mohammed Hassan al-Deais, a pediatric consultant, died from #COVID19 in Ibb governorate, bringing the total number of deaths among doctors to 36, according to unofficial statistics, most of them senior consultants and specialists

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13 new cases of COVID-19 reported in Taiz

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Corpses of poor people infected with Corona are without graves in Taiz

The incident of finding the body of a dead woman, dumped inside the cemetery of Al-Saeed, in the Yemeni governorate of Taiz, sparked widespread condemnation, after her relatives abandoned it as a result of the high price of grave digging.

Sources said that the body belonged to a woman from the marginalized group who died from the Corona virus.

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Aden receives lifesaving supplies to respond to COVID-19

The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) sent on Saturday, lifesaving supplies on a chartered plane landed at Aden airport in support for the health sector and to help curb the spread of the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19).

and by Xinhua:

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MSF: In #Aden, in #Yemen, we are facing a difficult situation but are doing everything we can to treat #COVID19 at al-Amal hospital. Our teams are working around the clock to provide the best care they can.

We have 16 tonnes of equipment and drugs that are arriving in the next few days to further improve the care we are able to offer at the centre, which now has 40 beds in total.

It has been a huge challenge to find and organize the supply of oxygen in #Aden. Our teams are manually changing an average of 250 bottles per day, a mammoth task. #Yemen

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#Yemen: at least 40 doctors have died from coronavirus. 469 Covid-19 cases, 111 deaths, have been confirmed in Gov't-run regions since 10 April. In Houthi-run regions, Facebook is showing tens of deaths a day as it has turned into a platform for mourning, the tip of the iceberg.

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UNO: Coronavirus führt zu mehr Toten im Jemen, als Jemen-Krieg

Die UNO hat gewarnt, das Coronavirus werde in Jemen mehr Menschenleben fördern als der Krieg.

"Das Worst-Case-Scenario - vor dem wir derzeit stehen - ist, dass die Todeszahl der Coronavirus-Opfer, die Anzahl der Kriegsopfer, und die an Krankheit und Hungersnot Verstorbenen in den letzten fünf Jahren übersteigt", sagte Lisa Grande, Koordinatorin der UN Hilfsorganisationen dem US-Fernsehsender CNN.

Die Lage im Jemen sei besonders schlimm, da dort bereits viele Menschen hungern würden und nicht für das Virus gewappnet seien, fügte sie hinzu.

Die Sterblichkeitsrate durch Corona im Jemen beträgt 20 Prozent; Der globale Durchschnitt liegt jedoch bei 7%, hieß es weiter.

Grundlegende medizinische Versorgung in 189 von 369 Krankenhäusern, Zugänge zu sauberem Wasser und Hygiene-Anlagen und Nahrungsmittelunterstützung für rund 8,5 Millionen Jemeniten, darunter 2,5 Millionen Kinder, würden in den kommenden Wochen wegfallen, erklärte Grande.

Laut den letzten Statistiken sind 469 Jemeniten mit dem neuartigen Coronavirus infiziert und 111 Menschen sind dabei ums Leben gekommen.

Das Land verzeichnete massive Anstiege bei der Zahl der Todesopfer, nachdem die UNO die Hilfen für das vom Krieg betroffene Land zu kürzen begonnen hatte. Die Kürzungen begannen, nachdem die UNO von den Mitgliedsstaaten nur die Hälfte der benötigten Gelder für die Bekämpfung des Coronavirus erhalten hatte. Am Dienstag der letzten Woche erhielt die UN in einer virtuellen Geberkonferenz etwas mehr als die Hälfte der benötigten 2,4 Milliarden Dollar für Untersützung im Jemen.ührt_zu_mehr_toten_im_jemen_als_jemen_krieg

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COVID-19 compounds economic crises in Yemen

[Overview, with parroting Saudi / UAE propaganda

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[Hadi gov.] Health Minister calls Houthi militia to disclose the number of corona-victims

In a press statement on Thursday, he stressed dealing with the corona endemic responsibly and humanitarianly and away of political gains, calling international organizations to play their roles to estimate all cases in the militia-held areas and exert possible efforts for curing affected people.

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8 deaths of COVID-19 from new 16 cases in Yemen

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16 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 469 in total

My remark: Southern Yemen only.

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Five Yemeni medics catch COVID-19 in Taiz

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Yemen recorded 34 new Covid-19 cases, 5 deaths

My remark: Southern Yemen only.

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[Hadi] Gov’t demands again international probe into Houthis’ mistreatment to COVID-19 patients

Minister of Information, Muamar Al-Eryani, demanded again formation of an international commission to investigate incidents of malpractices by the Houthis rebels against the Covid-19 patients.

Al-Eryani said that the Houthis excluded citizens form access to good healthcare by setting up the luxurious Movenpick Hotel in Sana’a for suspected Covid-19 cases of their leaders and militants.

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Abdusalam: Saudi-Mercenaries ٍShould Draw Attention to ’Riyadh and Abu Dhabi’ Corona

The mercenaries of US-Saudi aggression should be busy with their condition and draw their attention to the Riyadh and Abu Dhabi virus, the head of the [Sanaa gov.] National Delegation said on Thursday.

Mohammed Abdusalam’s remarks came in response to the statements of Moeen Abdulmalik, the head of the so-called Hadi government, who claimed the outbreak of the new corona epidemic (Covid-19) in the governorates controlled by the Political Council, while it has been controlled in the governorates under occupation.

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IOM Yemen COVID-19 Response Update (17 - 30 May 2020)

IOM has been able to maintain programming in this challenging context, adopting strict COVID-19 mitigation measures and protocols across its operations, offices and spaces and advocating for access to enable operations. Important progress is being made to bring international staff back into Yemen during this critical time. Since the beginning of May, a number of international team members have been able return to Aden, bringing the total number of international professionals in country to 25 (12 in Aden, 9 in Marib and 4 in Sana’a). IOM continues to advocate within the humanitarian system for the opening of air flight options (both internationally and domestically) to allow for additional staff to return to Yemen, particularly in the north where no staff have returned in recent months. This will be an important step in alleviating the burden on current teams but to increase staff on the ground in order to appropriately respond to the increasing needs due to COVID-19.

Migrants are facing increasing risks of violence, forced movement, arrests and detention in Yemen, as the COVID-19 sparks increased backlash against this group. Already navigating dire circumstances as they travel through Yemen (many with to reach the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia) migrants are confronted now more than ever with challenges to accessing basic services and threats to their safety. COVID-19 fears have contributed to increased stigmatization of migrants, which has in turned heightened migrants’ exposure to a variety of risks.

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Yemen faces spread of COVID-19 'with no health care system at all'

In Aden, Yemen’s southern port city, gravediggers can not keep up with the demand for burials.

Fatima Saleh, a civil society activist living in Sana’a, has also noted the rise in death announcements on Facebook.

“I’m seeing condolences to our friends, to friends of friends, on a daily basis,” she said. “It's crazy. I mean, we've been in a war for, like, six years, but we've never seen something like this.”

Preventative measures observed widely throughout the developed world have not yet been adopted in Saleh’s neighborhood in the Yemeni capital.

“Yesterday, I went on an errand,” Saleh says. “I was in the shop and many people were not social distancing … And also, many people are not wearing masks or any kind of protection.”

Hisham Al-Omeisy, a Yemeni political analyst living in Cairo with close ties to friends and family in Yemen, says the country is not doing enough to protect its people from the virus.

“All the shops are open. All the roads are open. Even the big areas, where a lot of people crowd, are open,” Al-Omeisy said.

“I just feel scared when I go outside because I know that people are not being careful and cautious regarding COVID,” Saleh said. “And some of the people treat it as just the flu.” She sees ominous signs in Sana’a’s busy streets and marketplaces. “Countries in the first world closed all facilities. But we didn't take lessons learned from this … And we don't know if we are at the peak or not. Nobody is telling us any death toll or any numbers.”

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Experts fear Yemen could suffer one of the world's worst coronavirus outbreaks

Hundreds of thousands of Yemenis face what experts fear could be one of the world's worst coronavirus outbreaks, raising concerns of a staggering death toll after the United Nations began cutting aid to the war-torn nation.

The cuts came after UN appeals for $2.42 billion in funding fell short by about 50% this week.

Estimates for the numbers of people who have died from disease and malnutrition in the country have varied widely.

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21 cases of Corona virus are recorded in Southern governorates including 4 deaths

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Houthis’ ignorant handling of coronavirus led to real catastrophe: Yemen [Hadi gov.] PM

The Houthi militants’ ignorant handling of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic has led to a real catastrophe in Sanaa, Yemeni Prime Minister Maeen Abdulmalik told Al Arabiya, adding that residents in the capital fear disclosing their infections.

“I can say that the disease has exploded in areas controlled by the Houthis. The problem is in the way they are dealing with it. There is intimidation, inhuman treatment when it comes to any patient,” Abdulmalik said.

“That’s why any patients in Sanaa, they don’t come forward about their illness. Several of those infected do not disclose their illness because they fear being taken away to undisclosed locations,” he added.

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Former Yemeni health minister dies of Covid-19

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Prominent al Houthi religious scholar and former Yemeni health minister die in Sana’a [1]

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Covid-19 quietly sweeps across Yemen

The authorities either cannot test for the virus—or do not want to

There are no daily news conferences about covid-19 in Yemen, no charts or maps or deluge of data. There are barely any tests. But there are bodies. Silently but steadily the virus has taken root in the Arab world’s poorest country. Its spread can be glimpsed in anecdotes from doctors and snippets on social media. In one city aid agencies say gravediggers work overtime to keep up with the dead, most of them middle-aged men. In another city doctors who talk about the pandemic are threatened with arrest or worse (paywalled)

cp1b Am wichtigsten: Kampf um Hodeidah / Most important: Hodeidah battle

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US-Saudi Aggression’s Daily Update for Monday, June 8th, 2020

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Film: The joint forces break two separate Houthi attacks west of Taiz, and the militia incurs scores of deaths and injuries

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Film: The family of the martyr Ahmed Ali Hassan .. Another witness to the Houthi crimes in Hodeidah

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80 Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah innerhalb von 24 Stunden

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Aggression mercenaries implement 80 violations in Hodeidah

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82 Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah innerhalb von 24 Stunden

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82 Saudi-led aggression violations recorded in Hodeidah

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Houthi militias target the homes of God in the district of Al-Tahita in Hodeidah

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Houthi Explosive Devices Leave 3 Civilians Wounded in Hodeidah (Video)


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Two civilians were injured by a Houthi bomb explosion in the Mashhad neighborhood of Hodeidah


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Film: A child was injured during the shelling of Houthi militia targeting citizens' farms in Al-Muteena, Hodeidah

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Houthis continue to target people's homes in Hodeidah

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119 Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah innerhalb von 24 Stunden

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Aggression forces commit 119 violations in Hodeidah

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In Hodeidah, the US-Saudi artillery shells targeted Ad-durayhimi city. Its forces targeted intensively 50th St. and Al-Dhubyani neighborhood, with machineguns.

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Houthis killed by their own explosive device in Hodeidah

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Two brothers injured by Houthi projectile blast in Hodeidah

According to local residents, the two brothers, Wadi' Mohammed Hassan and Ibrahim Mohammed Hassan, were at home when the explosive device planted by pro-Iran Houthis exploded. (in the Al-Houk district of Hodeidah)


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Aggression forces continue to escalate in Hodeidah

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US-Saudi Aggression’s Daily Update for Thursday, June 4th, 2020

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128 Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah in den letzten 24 Stunden

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Aggression forces commit 128 violations in Hodeidah in 24 hours

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

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Film: "Was hast du hinter dir gelassen?" - Stimmen aus dem vergessenen Krieg im Jemen

Über den Krieg im Jemen, der seit fünf Jahren das Land bestimmt, wird hierzulande kaum berichtet. Es ist ein vergessener Krieg. Jetzt gibt es eine Stimme aus dem Jemen, die uns vom Leben und Sterben unter Luftangriffen erzählt.

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The elusive road to peace in Yemen

The conditions for peace: The experts in the Middle-east politics believed that the prospect for peace may be realistic if the UN played its role properly. The UN resolution of 2015 was never supported by all actors in the conflict and the path it proposed has already proven unworkable. The experts think that a more open-ended approach is needed. At one point, the resolution calls for “a peaceful, inclusive, orderly and Yemeni-led political transition process that meets the legitimate demands and aspirations of the Yemeni people, including women, for peaceful change and meaningful political, economic and social reform.”

Here is a better starting point. The UN needs to take up its traditional role of coordinating and building peace, rather than endorsing an “externally” developed process. The transfer of weapons must be more effectively controlled and tracked. The original arms embargo on Yemen should be extended to all parties involved in the conflict. There is extensive evidence that the Saudi-led coalition has used arms in “violation” of international humanitarian law and human-rights law. Under these conditions, the experts insist, no state should supply Saudi Arabia or other coalition members with weapons that could be used in Yemen.

In the Yemeni civil war foreign countries are involved in providing military and financial support to one or more sides. Studies have found that external interventions in “domestic conflicts” do not lead to a rapid military victory. They are likely to make “internal conflicts deadlier and more protracted.” The parties to the conflict are less amenable to traditional peace settlements.

Such a civil war that involved several countries can be difficult to end, because the sides tend to “splinter” over time, creating more parties that must be satisfied, each with a veto that could spoil a peace settlement. Foreign countries with diverging interests, with varying forms of involvement and support to different actors, add to the complexity of the war. In the past seven decades the UN has played key roles in most peace processes. Sometimes, an international peacekeeping force has been used to maintain peace. Sanctions and embargoes on arms, travel, or money have been imposed as deemed appropriate.

Conclusion: While each war is unique, there are lessons from other protracted civil wars that have experienced external interventions that may apply to Yemen. The peace-building efforts in these war-torn countries offer a wealth of knowledge and analysis that can be used to design peace plans to “prevent” other wars.

If the war in Yemen cannot be ended, the resulting security vacuum and humani¬tarian crisis will be lingering creating further disasters for the Yemenis. It will be a fertile ground for terrorist organizations that promote their style of rule over the region of the Middle East.

The hardships of the Yemeni people are expected to spread across countries beyond the Red Sea. The main target of terrorism seems to be the region of the Horn of Africa. This region is believed to be fragile and fragmented by racial, ethnic, and tribal wars that contributed to immense economic, social and political disruptions.

The Africa region should take the Yemeni crisis seriously. This crisis could easily spread into the rest of this region like an “unknown” flu for which there is no remedy found – BY GETACHEW MINAS

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Saudi-Arabien und VAE: Unermüdliches Streben, den Jemen auseinander zu reißen

Der Hass der Jemeniten auf die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate und Saudi-Arabien hat zugenommen, weil dieser Staat und dieses Königreich eine verschwörerische Rolle spielen, um das jemenitische Sozialgefüge zu zerreißen, und ihr unermüdliches Streben, die jemenitische Einheit zu erreichen, indem sie eine Herde skrupelloser Söldner und ein Gefühl der Staatsbürgerschaft unter einer falschen Illusion unterstützen, die als "südliche Unabhängigkeit" bezeichnet wird.

Mit dieser schmutzigen Politik sind die VAE und Saudi-Arabien der erste Feind der Jemeniten und sogar der Araber im Allgemeinen geworden, weil sie eine mutmaßliche Verschwörungsrolle gegen arabische und islamische Völker gespielt haben, deren Reichweite in vielen arabischen Ländern "Syrien, Libyen, Palästina, Libanon, Somalia, Algerien und anderen" erreicht wurd

Um ihre bösartigen Agenden im Jemen umzusetzen, versuchen Saudi-Arabien und die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate absichtlich, das Land in schwache und schwache Einheiten zu unterteilen, die von halbmännischen, mobilen Puppen geführt werden, die die Agenda von Saudi-Arabien und den Emiraten umsetzen.

Mein Kommentar: Ein Standpunkt der Huthis, in schlechtes Deutsch übersetzt.

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The purveyors of death cough up loose change for Yemen

A so-called humanitarian aid conference for Yemen last week raised a paltry $1.35 billion, some $1 billion short of the target and less than half the $3.2 billion raised last year.

The Saudi monarchy, which has spent $5 to $6 billion per month for the last five years on a criminal war against Yemen, primarily fought from the air, pledged just $500 million. Riyadh insisted $200 million of its donation would be spent through Saudi aid programmes, not those sanctioned by the United Nations (UN). It later emerged that this was not new money but money that had been pledged earlier and not delivered.

The US, UK, Norway and Germany contributed most of the remainder, small change compared to the sales value of their weaponry—supplied to the Saudi Arabian military—that has devastated the Arab world’s poorest country. The United Arab Emirates (UAE), the other major participant in the war, made no commitment to the UN’s aid appeal.

The irony of appealing to the very forces that had produced this “tragedy of historic proportions” seems to have escaped him and the world’s press reporting on a conference that served to absolve the major participants of their crimes.

It came as no surprise that the response to the aid appeal was a noxious combination of hypocrisy, indifference and bullying.

The five-year-long war, which has turned into several separate conflicts and a military quagmire, has led to the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe for the civilians caught in the midst of this hellscape.

The Saudis’ 257,000 aerial strikes and the UAE’s naval blockade have caused the deaths of at least 230,000 civilians, both directly and indirectly as a result of hunger and disease and displaced some 3.6 million Yemenis.

The imperialist powers are up to their necks in this catastrophe. The US has sold hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of weaponry to Saudi Arabia and provided surveillance intelligence used in selecting targets, training for pilots, a continuous resupply of bombs, missiles and other military hardware and, until November 2018, aerial refuelling of Saudi bombers so that they could carry out round-the-clock airstrikes.

US warships and other Western military vessels, including an Australian warship in February 2016, supported the UAE’s naval blockade of Hodeidah, claiming they were enforcing the arms embargo against the Houthis.

The UK, the former colonial power in Aden, has licensed more than $6 billion worth of arms sales to Riyadh, while providing intelligence and training for its military in Yemen.

The US and European powers supplied Saudi Arabia and the UAE with the fighter aircraft, the naval vessels, armoured vehicles and munitions whose supply chain extends throughout Europe and North America as well as with airborne-radar systems and drones, bolstering the coalition’s surveillance capabilities, and provided the air support for its land operations. The Saudis and Emiratis in turn supplied their local proxies with these armoured vehicles and military material.

Both the Obama and Trump administrations backed the war in Yemen as part of Washington’s efforts to forge an anti-Iranian alliance made up of the Saudi monarchy, the Persian Gulf Sunni oil sheikdoms and Israel, branding the Houthi rebels as an Iranian “proxy force” without ever producing a shred of evidence.

While the US and UK’s diplomatic support at the UN ensured no arms embargo was imposed on the Saudi-led coalition, nor resolutions passed condemning Riyadh’s wholesale killings of civilians—it did secure an arms embargo on the armed groups under the control of the Houthis and former President Ali Abdullah Saleh—until he switched sides.

American imperialism’s purpose was to bolster its own geo-strategic domination of the energy-rich Middle East by maintaining the power of its local policemen in region. Yemen’s people, along with those in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Palestine, are paying a terrible price.

(H K P)

New Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen

The US is also coordinating closely with its partners in the military action. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have both argued that the majority of human rights violations and civilian deaths in the conflict have been committed by the Saudi-led coalition, the side receiving support from the US. This means the US is also complicit in Saudi war crimes.

The warmongers have turned Yemen into a disaster zone, encouraging the fragmentation of the whole country. In the process, they aid and abet the growth of terror outfits. Caught in a depressing scenario, the Saudis have been just sustaining greater and greater defeats, secially in the last two years. The Saudi and UAE-backed militants in the South have found such a wide rift amongst themselves that at times call for ceasefire with the North to open war against each other

their last objective seems to be continuing crimes against the Yemeni population until a pandemic of COVID-19 and other grave diseases spread all across Yemen to ruin the population, and meantime give Riyadh a chance to claim a humanitarian end to this war. This is an open crime against humanity, but more surprising is the lack of meaningful action on the part of the UN and other international bodies!

My remark: From Iran.

(* B K P)

Serious Risks in Saudi Options for Leaving Yemen

Two options appear to be under consideration, judging from Saudi Arabia’s actions and the opinions emanating from its “independent commentators”— editors and publishers who float the ideas of senior Saudi officials. One option is to make a deal with the Houthis and let other Yemeni parties fend for themselves, providing enough support to local warlords to keep Yemen in a state of perpetual civil war similar to that of Somalia in the 1990s. Saudi disengagement from Yemen would almost certainly lead to economic collapse, as much of the foreign exchange that keeps the Yemeni economy going comes from the war budget in the form of salaries and patronage payments to tribesmen. This option will be a round-about way of achieving the desired objective of “no victor-no vanquished.” Saudi Arabia would avoid an outright defeat, as there would be no winners in Yemen as it gets ravaged by famine and disease.

The second option is to break Yemen into smaller pieces. Abdul-Rahman al-Rashed, a prominent Saudi commentator and Royal Court insider, wrote that some circles in Saudi Arabia back this idea. He also noted that while many smaller Yemens would be better for Saudi Arabia than a united Yemen, the unintended consequences of breaking Yemen apart (such as the expansion of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and Islamic State control over territories, or increased meddling by other regional players such as Iran, Turkey and Qatar) are cause for reconsideration of this option.[1] If Saudi Arabia successfully breaks Yemen apart, it will naturally endeavor to annex, or bring under its hegemony, as much of eastern Yemen as it can. This option is probably attractive, as it secures the decades-old Saudi strategic objective of having access to the Indian Ocean that circumvents the Strait of Hormuz.

Saudi commentators often miss other potential risks that could be triggered by either of these two options. The most significant one is that most Yemenis will not stand by while their country is ripped apart. Instead, they are likely to close ranks behind their strongest faction, which happens to be the Houthi movement, to defend their homeland and their very survival. Already secret talks are going on between Islah and Houthi figures to formulate a collective response to that threat. Many independent Yemeni politicians and opinion-makers both at home and abroad are voicing similar thoughts. Yemenis closing ranks behind the Houthis would probably adopt the militant Houthi rhetoric of taking the fight to Saudi Arabia to recover the Yemeni territory surrendered to Saudi Arabia by the Taif agreement of 1934. That includes southern Saudi Arabia and the vast desert of the Empty Quarter. While this claim does not enjoy a legal basis under international law, such a challenge could test the fragile Saudi empire.

The option of leaving Yemen in a state of perpetual war is likely to produce long-term security threats to Saudi Arabia, which can generally be countered, albeit at a high cost. The second option of breaking Yemen apart, while achieving some Saudi interests, also presents Iran, and, ironically, some lesser Gulf states, with the opportunity to challenge Saudi hegemony over the region. The Saudi Empire is already showing hairline cracks. A miscalculation in Yemen could cause it to shatter – by Abdulghani Al-Iryani

(* B H P)

Yemenis do not need a fundraising conference. They need the war to end

As the spread of coronavirus exacerbates Yemen's crisis, Western governments must take a firm stance with Saudi Arabia to end the fighting.

“After destroying Yemen, Saudi Arabia is co-hosting a fundraising summit for Yemen. This is the height of moral hypocrisy," Nader Hashemi, director of the Center for Middle East Studies at the University of Denver, told MEE. "What is equally outrageous is that the United Nations is legitimising this exercise in political theatre.

“Let’s not forget that for the past five years, MBS [Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman] has been spending $5-6bn per month on Yemen. For a fraction of this money, Yemen could have been rebuilt into a prosperous nation.”

The Yemeni people do not need a fundraising conference. They need the war and the fighting to stop.

Saudi Arabia has been prolonging the war, yet has failed to achieve its military goals or to put forward a plan to end the conflict. Without a roadmap to end this devastating war, things are unlikely to improve for the Yemeni people, who deserve to live in lasting peace.

This crisis has largely unfolded because of the Saudi-led coalition’s intervention.

This crisis has largely unfolded because of the Saudi-led coalition’s intervention.

Delayed humanitarian aid

In 2015, Saudi Arabia pledged $274m in emergency humanitarian relief for Yemen, but the promised funding was delayed for months. In 2017, Save the Children warned that as a result of Riyadh’s delay in providing aid to Yemen, children have died.

In July 2019, UN aid chief Mark Lowcock called out Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates for paying only a “modest proportion” of the hundreds of millions of dollars they pledged in February of that year to the humanitarian appeal for Yemen. These delays suggest that the Saudi-led coalition does not care about humanitarianism; rather, it uses the aid packages as part of its strategy.

The Houthi rebels share some responsibility for Yemen’s current situation, with clashes erupting between the rebels and the Yemeni government in the past; yet the crisis only reached unprecedented levels after Riyadh’s intervention.

(B K P)

Audio: Nasser Arrabyee, @narrabyee founder of Yemen Alaan for Media Productions says the COVID-19 outbreak in Yemen doesn’t compare with the war crimes committed in Yemen’s ongoing conflict, reminding us that the largest humanitarian crisis today is man-made.

(A K P)

Oxfam: Stopp von Waffenverkäufen an Saudi-Arabien ist einzige Lösung der Jemen-Krise

Die internationale Hilfsorganisation Oxfam hat den Stopp der Waffenverkäufe an Saudi-Arabien als die einzige Lösung der Jemen-Krise bezeichnet.

Laut der Nachrichtenseite Arabi 21 kritisierte der Exekutiv-Direktor der Oxfam Jose M. Viera die langjährigen Aggressionen Saudi-Arabiens gegen das jemenitische Volk und hob hervor, die einzige ständige Lösung der Jemen-Krise sei Herstellung von Waffenstillstand sowie Stopp der Waffenverkäufe an Saudi-Arabien und die Konfliktparteien.äufen_an_saudi_arabien_ist_einzige_lösung_der_jemen_krise

(* B P)

Yemeni Safer FSO risks oil appropriation or environment catastrophe

Yemeni and international voices increasingly warn against the risks of oil leak from the floating storage and offloading (FSO) facility Safer anchored off the Yemeni western port of Ras Isa without repairs for five years.
Despite the warnings, the Yemeni official government and Houthis have traded blames for potential oil outflow and resultant environment disaster, with each seeking to appropriate the 1.14 million barrels of crude stored inside the tanker.
While their officials dub the FSO as a time bomb, whose blast could cause the worst environment disaster, reality says none of the Yemeni rivals does bother about the risk, as each sticks to its own stance in an attempt to grasp and sell the cargo or – if not – let the tanker sink.
Last week, a pipe of the reservoir had reportedly a hole and let seawater into engine chamber of Safer that has not been repaired since 2014, with corrosion making it at risk of imminent explosion.
If large deal of oil crude leaked from the tanker, a gross loss could inflict the maritime species and environment throughout and beyond the Red Sea, leading to a dire decline in fishery production on which millions of Yemenis live.
Safer contains about 150,000 tons of crude that, in case of leakage, could destroy the Red Sea and its coasts

(* B P)

Wer ist für die Safir-Schiffskrise verantwortlich?

Forschungs- und Informationszentrum: Zaid Al-Mahbashi- Wir haben lange Zeit die Wartung des Safir-Tankers gefordert, aber die von den USA unterstützten Aggressionstruppen haben mit ihrer ungerechten Blockade absichtlich Hindernisse gesetzt und jegliche Wartung verhindert und sind daher für alle Auswirkungen verantwortlich, die sich aus einer Leckage ergeben, und dass die Verantwortung auch bei Washington liegt, weil sie politische Deckung und Unterstützung bietet Das Militär für die Fortsetzung der Aggression und der Belagerung.

Mit dem Beginn der Aggression der Sturmkoalition gegen den Jemen am 26. März 2015 richteten die Aggressorländer ihre Aufmerksamkeit aufgrund ihrer geopolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Bedeutung auf die jemenitischen Küsten, Inseln und Häfen vor dem jemenitischen Landesinneren. Um diese Mission zu erleichtern, bemühten sich diese Länder um eine erstickende Seeblockade in der Hoffnung, das jemenitische Volk mit Hunger zu töten und Zeitbomben zu erzeugen Für die Bekanntmachung angesichts dieses standhaften und standhaften Volkes, wenn sich die Aggressionskräfte in einer militärischen oder politischen Pattsituation befinden.

Eine der schmutzigsten und gefährlichsten Waffen der Aggressionstruppen besteht darin, technische Teams daran zu hindern, Wartungsarbeiten in den schwimmenden Safir-Tanks vor den Gewässern des Ras Isa-Hafens im Roten Meer durchzuführen, nachdem die Arbeiten am Schiff infolge des Aggressionsflugzeugs, das auf die Ras Issa-Anlage abzielte, eingestellt wurden, und deren Betrieb zu verhindern und die Erschöpfung seiner Ölreserven für das fünfte Jahr zu verhindern Angesichts der zunehmenden lokalen und internationalen Warnungen vor Erosion und Rost in den Stauseen und der zunehmenden Angst vor Ölleckagen und Explosionen in jedem Moment droht die Meeresverschmutzung, die sich auf mehr als 939 Billionen Quadratmeter erstrecken kann, und stellt damit die gesamte Region und nicht nur den Jemen vor eine regionale Umweltkatastrophe Viermal so groß wie die Ölpest in Exxon Valdez, USA (Alaska 1989)

Sanaa startete mehrere Initiativen, um die Gefahr für alle ausnahmslos zu vermeiden, insbesondere:

1- Die Initiative des Märtyrerpräsidenten Saleh Saleh al-Sammad Anfang 2017, zu der gehört, dass die Vereinten Nationen eine Rolle spielen, um den Export der Ölreserven auf dem Schiff und deren Verkauf im Austausch gegen Medikamente für das jemenitische Volk zu ermöglichen.

Bitten Sie den Außenminister der Heilsregierung am 4. November 2018, den Generalsekretär der Vereinten Nationen, um Erlaubnis zu bitten, das Schiffsöl zur Stromerzeugung für jemenitische Städte zu verwenden, um die humanitäre Situation zu lindern und die Umweltkatastrophe zu vermeiden, die durch Ölverschmutzungen verursacht werden kann.

3- Aufforderung an ein Mitglied des Obersten Politischen Rates, „Muhammad Ali Al Houthi“, am 1. Mai 2019, die Vereinten Nationen und den Internationalen Sicherheitsrat, einen Mechanismus einzurichten, der auf dem Verkauf von jemenitischem Rohöl, einschließlich des Safferöls des Schiffes, beruht, um Erdöl, Diesel und Haushaltsgas bereitzustellen und zu importieren und an was es verkauft wird Die Banken von Sanaa und Aden und teilen dies den Gehältern der Mitarbeiter ihrer Kontrolle zu.

(A P)

Yemeni gov't wants Safer FSO separated from UN envoy proposals

The Yemeni official foreign minister on Thursday called for the floating storage and offloading (FSO) facility Safer to be separated from the proposals made by the UN special envoy for Yemen, and be dealt with urgently to avoid an environment catastrophe.
The Yemeni State-owned tanker of Safer has not been repaired since 2014, with corrosion making the FSO at risk of looming explosion along with 140,000 barrels of crude.

My remark: This is a problem for years, which both sides blaming each other.

(* B H P)

Experts fear Yemen could suffer one of the world's worst coronavirus outbreaks

Hundreds of thousands of Yemenis face what experts fear could be one of the world's worst coronavirus outbreaks, raising concerns of a staggering death toll after the United Nations began cutting aid to the war-torn nation.

The cuts came after UN appeals for $2.42 billion in funding fell short by about 50% this week.


(* A P)

Eritrea releases 19 Yemeni fishermen out of 120 arbitrarily detained inside Yemeni waters

Eritrean authorities released 19 Yemeni fishermen on Saturday and returned 18 fishing boats that had been targeted in an Eritrean anti-piracy operation within Yemen’s territorial waters. About 100 Yemeni fishermen remain detained by Eritrean authorities.

According to the Yemeni Fishermen’s Cooperative Union, the fishermen had been “attacked and kidnapped” by the Eritrean navy in Yemeni territorial waters between the Hunaish Islands and the coast of Al-Khokha, Hodeidah governorate. The 19 Yemeni individuals who were released on Saturday were transported from Eritrea to Hodeidah, on Yemen’s western coast, fishermen told Almasdar Online.

The Fishermen’s Cooperative Union released a statement expressing “deep regret” over the flagrant violation committed by the “criminal elements” who had detained the fishermen. The Union called on the Yemeni authorities to take measures to protect fishermen and release those who continue to be detained, and to ensure the return of their boats and equipment.

The release of the 19 fishermen comes after Yemen’s Red Sea Coast Guard detained several Eritrians on Wednesday who were allegedly armed and attempting to hijack boats belonging to Yemeni fishermen off the coast of the Hunaish Islands in the Red Sea.

According to Chinese news organization Xinhua, the release of the Eritrean nationals was brokered by the Saudi-led coalition, and in particular the UAE, which reportedly guaranteed the release of the Yemeni fishermen.


(A P)

Houthis: 19 fishermen arrive in Hodeidah after being arrested by Eritrean, Emirati forces

Houthi group (Ansar Allah) reported Saturday evening that 19 Yemeni fishermen arrived at the fishing port of Hodeidah province after they were detained by Eritrean and Emirati forces about 35 miles in the international waters.

The Houthi-run Yemeni news agency (Saba) reported according to the Yemeni General Authority for Coast Fishing said that the fishermen were arrested by the Eritrean and Emirati forces after cordoning off their boats and threatening them by force of arms.

The Authority added that the Yemeni fishermen's boat was seized, including their equipment before they were allowed by the forces to return on another boat in deplorable conditions.

Fishermen boats are exposed almost daily to attacks by boats and battleships of the US backed Saudi-Emirati aggression spread along the coasts off the Red Sea sector, according to the Authority.

It added that the continuous attacks on Yemeni fishermen in the territorial waters represent an economic war against a large segment of Hodeidah citizens

and by Saba:

Film (in Arabic):

while Reuters reports 58 released:

(* A P)

Yemen exchanges 58 fishermen, troops with Eritrea

Yemen and Eritrea have exchanged 58 fishermen and troops detained by both countries' navies since last week, sources at the Yemeni UN-recognized government said Friday.
The Eritrean authorities released 50 Yemeni fishermen, general director of Yemeni coastguards said, after the fishers were detained last Wednesday.
The release came hours after Yemeni authorities had freed 8 Eritrean marines following a mediation by the Arab coalition, Colonel Abdul Jabar Zahzooh added, noting that the troops were also detained last Wednesday.


(* A P)

Eritrean navy urged to free dozens of Yemeni fishermen from custody

There have been calls for Eritrea to release dozens of Yemeni fishermen who were caught last week after sailing into a maritime flashpoint.

On Wednesday 15 armed boats from Eritrea’s navy seized 120 Yemeni fishermen from the Red Sea between Hanish Islands and the coast of Khokha.

“We demand all concerned authorities to work on releasing our colleagues and their boats that are in Eritrea’s custody,” Khaled Al-Zarnouqi, the head of Yemen’s Shabab Al- Khokha fishery association, told Arab News on Saturday. “We demand the international community, the (Saudi-led) coalition and the (Yemeni) government to protect us from the repeated attacks by Eritrea’s navy that violates Yemeni sovereignty, attacks Yemeni fishermen and seizes boats.”

Hashem, one of the fishermen who was released on Thursday, said that armed Eritrean vessels approached their boats on Tuesday and asked them to sail to Eritrea’s Ras Tarma.

“They were tough,” Hashem told Arab News, preferring to be identified by his first name. “Before releasing us, they gave us little fuel and rickety boats and asked us to sail back home.”

The Eritreans refused to release their boats. “Each boat costs YER2.5 million ($9,987). They seized the finest and most expensive boats and allowed us to sail back with the worst ones.”

Local security officials and fishermen say that Eritrea’s naval attacks have become more brazen and are getting closer to the Yemeni coastline.

“They have attacked Yemeni fishermen less than 17 miles from the Yemeni coastline,” a local security official who documents Eritrea’s navy attacks on Yemeni fishermen told Arab News. “The Eritreans are also still holding 24 fishermen who were detained in the Red Sea on Dec. 1, 2019 and refuse to release them,” he said, adding that many fishermen were thinking of taking up arms to protect themselves.


(A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Ministry of Interior Condemns Stationed Eritrean Forces on Island of Hounish with Emirati Support

(A P)

Eritrea attacks on Yemen fishermen must stop, insists minister

Eritrean naval forces must stop their attack on fishermen in Yemen’s territorial waters, [Hadi gov.] Fish Wealth Minister, Fahd Kafayen, said yesterday.

“The Eritrean forces have been targeting the Yemeni fishermen within the country’s territorial waters, kidnapping them and confiscating their boats,” Kafayen wrote on Facebook, stressing that the practices were “unacceptable and must be halted”.

He called on Eritrean authorities “to release the detained Yemeni fishermen, handover the confiscated equipment, and to halt its attacks.”


(* A K P)

Yemen's Gov't forces say captured 8 Eritrean soldiers

The Yemeni "legitimate" government Wednesday captured eight Eritrean coast guard forces as they entered Yemeni territorial waters in the Red Sea, in the west of the country, according to a spokesman for the joint Yemeni forces on the western coast.

The Yemeni "legitimate" government had accused Eritrea earlier Wednesday of kidnapping four fishermen from the Yemeni regional waters in the Red Sea.

"The Yemeni Coast Guard forces captured 8 Eritrean soldiers as they entered the territorial waters, near the Yemeni island of Hanish, near the Bab al-Mandab strait linking the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden," said a spokesman for the Yemeni Joint Forces in the western coast, Colonel Waddah al-Dubeish.

Al-Dubeish added that 4 marine boats entered the territorial waters for the second time and a few hours after they kidnapped four Yemeni fishermen, forcing the government forces to confront them and arrest two boats and escape two.

"The two boats were detained and they have 8 soldiers, including the leader of the group, 4 of them with military clothes and 4 with civilian clothes, all armed, and then subjected to investigation.", he added.

The military spokesman confirmed that his forces had previously warned more than once the Eritrean forces not to enter the Yemeni territorial waters


(* A K P)

[Hadi gov.] Red Sea Coast Guard detains Eritreans attacking Yemeni fishermen

Yemeni sailors and army forces detained two boats with seven Eritrean gunmen near the Hunaish Islands, where Eritrean navy forces have been harassing Yemeni fishermen

Yemen’s government-controlled Red Sea Coast Guard on Wednesday detained a group of Eritrean gunmen who attempted to hijack the boats of Yemeni fishermen off the coast of the Hunaish Islands in the Red Sea.

The detained Eritreans were transported to Zuqar, one of the islands in the archipelago, where Yemeni military units are stationed, fishermen told Almasdar Online.

The Coast Guard’s top commander, Maj. Gen. Khalid Al-Qummaly, told Aden Al-Ghad newspaper that Yemeni sailors and army forces detained two boats with seven Eritrean gunmen on board, adding that a third boat equipped with a .50 caliber machine gun escaped.

The Eritrean Navy has detained at least 15 Yemeni fishing boats around the Hunaish archipelago in less than a week.

My remark: Earlier reporting: Yemen War Mosaic 656, cp2.


(A K P)

[Sanaa gov.] Fish Wealth Ministry Condemns Eritrean, Emirati Attacks against Yemeni Fishermen


(A K P)

Film: visit to Hanish Island refutes the rumors and confirms the readiness of the [Hadi gov.] Coast Guard forces

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

(A K P)

Amid COVID-19 Outbreak, the US-Saudi Aggression Detains 15 Oil Ships

Yemeni Petroleum Company stated that US-Saudi aggression continues to detain 15 Oil ships. The company pointed out that these ships contains around 400 thousand tons of oil derivatives and that these ships are arbitrarily detained.

The detention period for some of these ships reached 75 days, the company explained.

and also

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

(B H K)

The Health Sector in Yemen’s Taiz On Verge of Collapse

The health sector in Yemen’s southwestern Taiz region is on the verge of collapse due to the siege imposed by the Iran-backed Houthi militias and the shortage of medical staff and medicine, revealed local sources.

They told Asharq Al-Awsat that the situation had gotten so dire that some doctors have chosen to leave the province and hospitals are refusing to receive patients amid the outbreak of diseases, including the novel coronavirus.

The Taiz health department is suffering from a shortage of medicine and medical supplies at operating public hospitals, especially with the advent of the season when diseases, such as malaria, Yellow Fever and Chikungunya, become widespread. Compounding the concerns is the outbreak of the coronavirus and several private and public hospitals refusing to admit suspected cases.

Director of the general health and population office in Taiz, Dr. Rajeh al-Meliki told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Houthis were to blame for the “catastrophe” in the health sector.

Agencies and some donors have managed to come to the aid of the sector, which is, however, operating in a limited capacity, he added.

“The Houthi siege and random shelling has led to a catastrophe in every sense of the word,” he stressed, blaming them for the displacement of important medical staff.

Moreover, he said that medical equipment, which had been damaged in recent years, has not been repaired due to a lack of spare parts and poor capacities. This has therefore, left main hospitals without modern medical equipment. =

My comment: By a Saudi news site, misusing this situation for an anti-Houthi blame game.

(B H)

'Stop me if you need a doctor': Yemen medic treats poor from his car

"Stop me if you need a medical consultation," reads a large sticker on the rear window of Sami Yahya al-Hajj's four-wheel drive, alongside a cartoon figure of the bearded doctor wearing his square spectacles.

As he offers diagnoses and prescriptions to the poor, the doctor's phone chirps with messages and calls from patients who cough and splutter as they explain their ailments.

Hajj said he started giving free consultations via social media but then wanted to reach to those without access to such technology.

"I thought about the poor and those in need on the streets who cannot get medical advice or don't have the money for it," he told AFP. =

and also

(* B H)

Film by UNDP: Yemen Livelihood and Human Security project

(* B H)

Yemen: Humanitarian Access Snapshot (January - February 2020)

Humanitarian partners reported 744 access incidents during the reporting period across 46 districts in 17 governorates in Yemen. The number of incidents remained at similar levels compared to late 2019.

During the first two months of 2020, humanitarian partners continued to face pervasive restrictions on movement and over 393 incidents of restrictions on movement within Yemen were reported. Similar to last year, restrictions were predominantly reported in northern Yemen and attributed to the de facto authorities (DFA) based in Sana’a. The incidents ranged from delays and denials of travel permits affecting needs assessments and delivery of humanitarian assistance to monitoring activities. In areas controlled by the internationally recognized government (IRG), humanitarian partners continued to face delays in the movement of personnel and humanitarian cargo owing to the bureaucratic requirement of local authorities. Moreover, despite the voluntary nature of the humanitarian deconfliction notification system, forces affiliated with the Saudi-led Coalition continued to request acknowledged deconfliction documentation from humanitarian organisations at the Dhubab checkpoint in Taizz Governorate, causing delays to the humanitarian response in the Red Sea Coast.

Interference in humanitarian operations by local authorities continued to be a major constraint, with over 216 separate incidents of interference reported across the country. This predominantly related to interference in local beneficiary registration and arbitrary attempts to influence project design, budgeting and other project components during sub-agreement negotiations.

Extensive delays in project approvals by the authorities remained the principal impediment for NGOs in implementing a timely and effective response. By the end of February 2020, humanitarian partners reported that 120 NGO projects remained unimplemented, in part or in full, due to delays by the authorities in approving sub-agreements

(* B H)

In Focus: Education Under COVID-19 Measures

Education institutions in Yemen were the first to be shut down in the official response to the COVID-19 pandemic in early March 2020

Interviews with education staff around the country in May painted a clear picture of how COVID-19 is putting an additional strain on a sector that has been eviscerated by more than five years of war.

According to an interview with a school supervisor overseeing three girls’ schools in Salah district, Taiz – a district under government control sitting near a frontline with the Houthis – education in this area was already severely disrupted.[19] The school supervisor said it has been very difficult to achieve even minimal education objectives during the conflict. Schools were suspended during intense fighting and students suffered psychological trauma, while many teachers continued to work on a voluntary basis with unpaid or partial salaries. The March decision to close schools as students were preparing for their final exams brought everything to a halt.

Similarly in Dar Sa’ad, one of the most underserved districts in Aden, teacher Nassim Ahmed Salem expressed concerns over the shutdown decision, which seemed to come without a proper plan in place.[20] Salem heads the Arman Development Association, which organizes special lessons for children who have dropped out of school and supports children with disabilities and learning difficulties to remain in school. He said children could have been instructed on how to avoid infection before letting them go for the remainder of the academic year, but this opportunity was lost. “The biggest concern now is that these children are going back to work in menial jobs and it may be very difficult to get them back to school after this is over,” he said. There are also no measures to enforce physical distancing in Dar Sa’ad, where children regularly play and gather in the streets in a densely populated area with a high number of IDPs.

In Shabwa it is not much different, according to Hiyam al-Qarmoushi, an official at the office of the Ministry of Education and the head of the Women’s National Committee in Shabwa. School feeding rations were distributed to children for the rest of the semester and the children were let go. Al-Qarmoushi said that while markets and mosques were closed for only two weeks before they resumed their normal operations, measures were swiftly taken to shut down schools for the rest of the academic year. Prior to COVID-19, education in Shabwa was suffering from many challenges.

In Sana’a, the decision to suspend all education institutions came about two months before the first case of COVID-19 was officially reported. The implementation of this measure was very strict and school principals, particularly in private schools, were threatened with severe consequences if they were not fully compliant with the directive, according to Hajar al-Lahabi, a deputy school principal in a girls’ school in Sana’a.[22] Al-Lahabi explained that this was out of concern for the health and well-being of the students. Nevertheless, this is an addition to a sequence of disruptions to education, with recurrent teacher strikes and excessive teacher absences over the past several years.

(* B H)

USAID: Comprehensive WASH support to conflict affected populations in Yemen

The *Comprehensive WASH Support to Conflict Affected Populations in Yemen *(CWS) project improves access to safe and adequate water supply and basic sanitation infrastructure for households, health facilities, schools. The project builds resiliency through complementary hygiene practices to maximize and enhance health-seeking behaviors among the most vulnerable communities.

CWS supports and improves sustainable environmental health conditions of vulnerable communities in Yemen by improving water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) infrastructure and service delivery. The project addresses the key challenges to long-term sustainability by enabling (a) behavior change, (b) community ownership, (c) local capacity to manage infrastructure, and (d) coordination between public and private sector stakeholders. CWS will reach 43,950 direct beneficiaries, targeting the most vulnerable communities over three years.


(B H)

USAID: Yemen ‑ Active USG Programs for Yemen Response (Last Updated 05/08/20)


(* B H)


Karl-Otto Zentel kennt die Situation im Land. Der Generalsekretär von Care Deutschland war selbst im Jemen und hat immer noch Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter vor Ort, die ihn mit Informationen versorgen. Ihm ist klar: "Die fürchterliche Situation mit Millionen Menschen in Not, hat sich noch weiter verschärft." Care unterstützt die Bevölkerung unter anderem mit Nahrungsmitteln und mit Bargeld.

Die Versorgungslage sei katastrophal, Reserven inzwischen aufgebraucht. "Die Behörden versuchen, etwas zu unternehmen", sagt der Care-Generalsekretär, "aber noch nicht mal die Hälfte der ohnehin wenigen Gesundheitseinrichtungen im Jemen sind noch funktionsfähig."

Der Jemen braucht Hilfe, doch die ebbt immer mehr ab. Die Vereinten Nationen haben angekündigt, dass mindestens 31 Hilfsprogramme Ende des Monats eingestellt werden müssten, wenn es nicht mehr Geld gebe. Doch auf der Geberkonferenz für den Jemen sind nur 1,35 Milliarden Dollar eingesammelt worden, eine Milliarde weniger als die Hilfsorganisationen gefordert hatten, berichtet die Tagesschau.

Wenn das passiert,warnt Karl-Otto Zentel, wird es so weiterlaufen: "Sehr sehr viele Menschen, hunderttausende Menschen, würden an Mangelernährung und an Krankheiten sterben."

(* B H)

Yemeni women will die, aid workers warn, as U.N. cuts maternity services

Women in Yemen are already dying in childbirth and thousands more will be put at risk as U.N. funding cuts force reproductive health services to close, doctors and aid workers have warned.

The United Nations is the main provider of reproductive health services in Yemen, where a long-running conflict has left 80% of people reliant on aid, but it has been forced to cut back its operations due to a funding shortfall.

Last month the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA) stopped providing reproductive services in most of the 180 facilities it supports in Yemen, leaving about 320,000 pregnant women without care.

Since then, at least two women whose local maternity facilities closed have died in childbirth, said Nestor Owomuhangi, deputy representative of the UNFPA in Yemen.

“Complications cannot be handled at home, they have to be attended by a skilled health worker,” Owomuhangi told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

“Where you have no specialized care to at least check the dangerous signs of pregnancies, that’s our worry.”

His comments came after the head of the UNFPA Natalia Kanem urged international donors at a conference on Tuesday to give more to fund its operations, saying Yemeni women “cannot afford to wait”.

The agency said it had received only 41% of the $100.5 million it needs to find its operations this year, even as it grapples with the impact of the coronavirus on a population weakened by malnutrition after five years of conflict.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

(B H)

Flow Monitoring Points | Migrant Arrivals and Yemeni Returns from Saudi Arabia in May 2020

From 1 to 31 May 2020 IOM-DTM estimates that 1,195 migrants entered Yemen and 2,089 Yemeni returned from Saudi Arabia. The migrant caseload has been primarily Ethiopian (88%) and Somalis (12%), with 100% of those tracked heading for Saudi Arabia and no towards Yemen. The migrants are predominantly male (67%), with 18% women and 12% boys and 3% girls also among the travellers.

Through the May 2020 reporting period, the highest arrivals were observed at Shabwah governorate with 835 migrants entering at the Eyn Bamabad monitoring point.

(B H)

IOM Yemen | Rapid Displacement Tracking (RDT) - Reporting Period: 31 May - 06 Jun 2020

From 01 January 2020- 6 Jun 2020, IOM Yemen DTM estimates that 15,748 Households or 94,488 Individuals have experienced displacement, at least once. Between the 31st of May 2020 and 06th of June 2020, the highest number of displacements were seen in:

(* B H)

Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 4 June 2020

The UN and partners currently require at least 1.64 BN to maintain urgent life-saving activities for 18 million Yemenis dependent on international humanitarian aid.

The UNHCR-led Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) and Shelter/Non-Food Items (NFIs) clusters are coordinating with partners to respond to 457 flood-affected families in Al Dhale’e governorate with shelter, core relief items (CRIs), and food assistance. UNHCR will assist 400 families in need with plastic sheets and CRIs, including mattresses, blankets, and floormats, using its last stocks. On 24 May, torrential rains and flash floods affected 16 hosting sites in Al Dhale’e, causing widespread damage to shelters.

UNHCR delivered cash assistance to internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Marib governorate. So far, UNHCR reached some 4,000 IDPs with multi-purpose cash assistance of YER 100,000 (approx. USD 140) to cover their basic needs.

During the reporting period, UNHCR provided protection services to 1,280 conflict-affected IDPs across the country.

(B H)

IOM Yemen - Marib Response (03 June 2020)

IOM has been operating in Marib and providing multi-sectoral assistance to meet the needs of the over 26,000 households displaced by the conflict since March 2019. While new displacements into Marib have slowed in recent weeks, the COVID-19 outbreak is projected to place additional pressure on public systems and exacerbate existing vulnerabilities.

In addition to providing safe shelters, essential aid items, emergency health care, clean water, safe sanitation and emergency food rations to over 8,818 newly displaced HHs, IOM has supported 3,679 HHs with cash for shelter and has rapidly scaled up COVID-19 prevention and preparedness efforts

(* B H)

Yemen Fact Sheet - Site Management for IDPs in Yemen, May 2020

Out of more than four million Yemenis who fled and lost their homes due to conflict, an estimated one million live in makeshift camps. These range from a few families living together on a site with no access to basic services to hundreds of them living in more organised but still spontaneous settlements.

Displaced families living in these sites are under constant threats of being evicted and harassed and have difficulties accessing clean water, essential medical care and education.

Recent mappings show that close to one million displaced and vulnerable population live in some 1,700 IDP sites across Yemen. However, it is highly likely that many more exist which have not yet been identified by humanitarian partners. UNHCR as the Camp Coordination and Camp Management (CCCM) Cluster lead, mobilised partners to conduct a series of surveys on sites to consult residents about their needs and ways they would like to see them addressed. CCCM activities support all humanitarian partners as they help identifying gaps in the delivery of key services such as shelter, WASH, protection, and solutions.

(* A H)

Floods Strike 20 Refugee Camps in Yemen

Twenty refugee camps in southern and eastern Yemen have been struck by flooding from heavy seasonal rain.
The refugees, who have escaped the oppression of the Iran-backed Houthi militias, now have to confront a new challenge amid calls by the government on relief agencies for urgent aid.
The flooding has also compounded concerns over the spread of diseases among the refugees as the country is already grappling with the novel coronavirus outbreak.
Eleven camps in Aden, four in Hadramawt and five in other provinces have been damaged, a local official told Asharq Al-Awsat. Dozens of families have been affected and forced to flee to areas that have not been impacted by the flooding. Many have turned to al-Mahra province where 1,570 families are already present, he added.
The greatest need now is for tents and food, he said. The greatest challenge is meeting health and sanitation needs in order to avoid the environmental catastrophe that took place in Aden earlier this year during similar flooding, which led to diseases that left hundreds dead. =

(* A H)

Displacement unit: 1024 displaced families affected by Aden heavy rains

The Executive Unit for Managing Displaced People’s Camps has confirmed that up to 1024 displaced families in Aden have been affected by the heavy rains hit Aden’s districts on Thursday over the tropical rain in eastern and southern provinces.

In a report by the unit, the displaced people’s camps in Fasi, Sha’ab, al-Hafrah, Amran, Bir Ahmad, Qerw, Ra’as Abbas and Kabjen at Buraiqa District, Sawme’ at Ma’lla District and Camps at Khor Maksar District are in need of 108 tents, 533 sheets of clothes and pols,1011 shelter items,1024 food parcels and 1024 health parcels.

and also

(* B H)

Yemen: the implications of forced immobility

As Yemen enters its sixth year of conflict, the threat of Covid-19 has prompted the Saudi-led coalition to declare a unilateral ceasefire.1 A de-escalation of violence would have been welcome in a country embroiled in the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, but the ceasefire has been poorly implemented. More than 111,000 Yemenis have lost their lives since 2015, and around 85,000 children have died of starvation.

The conditions in the country are such that significant crossborder movements might be expected, but comparatively few people have sought refuge abroad. Based on primary research with Yemeni refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs), we find that restrictive migration policies have aggravated the humanitarian crisis by exposing Yemenis to repeated internal displacement. The country is home to more than 3.63 million IDPs, representing more than 10 per cent of the population.3 Not only are their human rights frequently denied, but their heightened vulnerability also undermines long-term prospects for durable solutions. This policy paper identifies four opportunities for the European Union to alleviate Yemen’s humanitarian crisis and reduce the risk of repeated internal displacement.

IDMC carried out 147 interviews with displaced Yemenis between May and September 2019. Eighty-seven were conducted with IDPs, 39 with refugees in Europe and 21 with refugees in Djibouti. The survey interviews, conducted using KoBoToolbox, were supplemented with qualitative data shared by the research participants. Respondents were identified through convenience sampling. The research is not representative, but it offers a useful snapshot of displacement in Yemen and beyond. The results of the study can be found in the report ‘Even if they reopened the airports’.


Border closures in neighbouring countries prevent Yemenis from seeking refuge abroad. Oman is building a wall.15 Saudi Arabia started building a border fence in 2003, and construction resumed after Ansar Allah took control of the northern Saa’da governorate despite disputes with borderland tribes.16 Saudi border police is receiving training from Germany to further secure the border.17 Since amending its labour law in 2013, Saudi Arabia has also increased deportations of undocumented migrant workers, many of whom are Yemeni. Nearly 600,000 people were returned to Yemen within a year of the amendment.18 Despite the ongoing conflict, deportations continue. There were more than 50,000 returns in 2019.

Across the Gulf of Aden, Djibouti offers prima facie recognition for Yemenis able to undertake the perilous crossing. The country, however, has little to offer on arrival. With GDP per capita of just over $3,000, Djibouti is far poorer than Oman or Saudi Arabia.

If opportunities to seek international protection in the region are limited, Europe is all but out of reach. Three-quarters of the IDPs surveyed in Yemen said cost was a barrier to crossborder movement. A Yemeni refugee in Germany said those who had made it to Europe were the “rich and educated”. As a result of the clandestine nature of travel, journeys to Europe cost as much as $26,000.23 More than 300 Yemenis were refused entry at the EU’s external borders between 2015 and 2018, mostly for lack of valid visas or travel documents.

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp5 – cp18

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-656 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-656: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose

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