Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 664 - Yemen War Mosaic 664

Yemen Press Reader 664: 6. Juli 2020: Wikipedia über Jemen-Krieg – Jemen: Andauernder Krieg und Sturz ins Chaos – Überlegungen zum Frieden – Spaltung im Südjemen – Saudische Hilfe-Diplomatie ...
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... Saudische Hilfe-Diplomatie im Jemen Söldner terrorisieren Taiz Militär aus Saudi-Arabien und vom Golf wird in Großbritannien ausgebildet und mehr

July 6, 2020: Wikipedia on the Yemen War – Unabated war and descent into chaos in Yemen – Rethinking peace in Yemen – Fragmentation in Southern Yemen – Saudi’s Aid Diplomacy in Yemen – Mercenaries terrorizing Taiz – Saudi and Gulf military trained in Britain – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavitrus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12b Sudan

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms Trade

cp13b Mercenaries / Söldner

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

Neue Artikel / New articles

(* B H K)

Film: Yemen crisis: Five years of hunger, war and disease

(* B H K)

Film: Please share and listen to @Afrahnasser ’s words as she powerfully, movingly, articulates the human tragedy that is unfolding in Yemen. It is shameful how little attention we pay to this.

(* B H K P)


cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B H K P)

Wikipedia: Militärintervention im Jemen seit 2015ärintervention_im_Jemen_seit_2015

(** B H K P)

Wikipedia: Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen

(** B K P)

Unabated war and descent into chaos in Yemen

Yemen has fallen into chaos because of the mistakes of an otherwise strong president, the late Ali Abdullah Saleh, who could not find it in himself or his advisors to listen to the protesters and invite them to help transition the country from authoritarianism and corruption into a more democratic and less corrupt system of government. War and chaos also resulted from the Houthi takeover of Sanaa in 2014, reflecting the clumsy efforts of the United Nations and the Gulf Cooperation Council to patch together a new social contract among the various Yemeni factions and regions. None of this was helped with the Saudi-led Arab coalition’s intervention in the country in 2015, ostensibly to repel the Houthi takeover, derail what the Saudis perceived as a growing Iranian menace on their southern border, and restore the internationally recognized government of President Hadi to power. Five years of this war have achieved quite the opposite: the entrenchment of the Houthis in Sanaa, a growing Iranian influence bucking up the Houthis, an increasingly divided country, and a marginalized Hadi government.

Five years of this war have achieved quite the opposite: the entrenchment of the Houthis in Sanaa, a growing Iranian influence bucking up the Houthis, an increasingly divided country, and a marginalized Hadi government.

Whatever the agenda of the Saudi and Emirati leadership, it could not have been pursued without the willing participation of Yemeni militias and armies on the ground. To start with, the Hadi government, living in the lap of luxury courtesy of the Saudi government, has been fighting for a secure foothold inside Yemen and has sought to keep control of Yemen’s central bank holdings. However, it has been unable to do that in either Sanaa (which was taken over by the Houthis) or Aden (where the STC challenges it). Hadi loyalists have been fighting in Marib, trying to fend off Houthi attacks to remain in control of oil and gas facilities in the area. The Hadi forces have also complained of inadequate support from Riyadh, especially because they have to fight on at least two fronts: north with the Houthis and south with the STC and other UAE-supported forces trying to form a separate state there. There are reports of the Saudis’ unhappiness with Hadi’s leadership, that they may be searching for alternatives. Indeed, everyone now questions the Hadi government’s legitimacy as well as the efficacy of continuing to vest this honor upon him when he, like every other major player in Yemen, is struggling to hold on to land and resources.

In fact, the Riyadh Agreement, purportedly a plan to merge the STC with the Hadi government and put an end to bloodshed and chaos in the south, has been suspect in the eyes of Hadi as well as analysts who see it as an abandonment of Hadi in favor of the STC. The hostile takeover of Socotra Island is the most recent example of the STC trying to assert southern independence with clear support from the UAE and suspected connivance from Saudi Arabia. There is no military value to the island for the STC, save that of adding territory to what it already controls in the south, in addition to how the island might help the UAE’s maritime ambitions in the Arabian Sea. It represents, however, a significant defeat for the Hadi government and a further squeezing out of their forces from the south.

If the reported Saudi offer of a Riyadh Agreement part II is true, it would shed even more doubt on Saudi intentions and add credibility to reports of their discontinuing support to President Hadi. This offer evidently suggested the STC withdraw its troops from Aden and into Abyan, with no mention of where Hadi’s forces would be deployed. If implemented—and there is no chance of that happening, in any case—it would mean an expansion of STC influence into Abyan, a contested governorate not currently under their control.

Under the best of circumstances and assuming good intentions, Saudi and Emirati leaders are under intensifying pressure to cut their losses in Yemen, given the increasing cost of the war, lower revenue due to the depressed prices of oil, and the vulnerability of their own countries to rocket attacks and land incursions in southern Saudi Arabia. The management of Yemen, as administered territory, also seems too much of a challenge for the Arab coalition, unless one wants to assume the worst and conclude that the prevalent chaos is exactly what they wanted to achieve

The sins of the international community

Since 2011, three successive UN special envoys have failed to stitch together an agreement to reconcile the various parties in conflict and to get the permanent members of the UN Security Council to put their weight behind an effort to end the war. The latest of the envoys, Martin Griffiths, wasted two years trying to secure the neutrality of the vital Hodeida port while the real war raged elsewhere in Yemen and Yemeni and regional parties continued to fundamentally disagree on what a final agreement would look like.

The United States, guilty by association in the launch of the war in 2015, has failed to fully engage its diplomacy in the service of peace, continuing instead to fuel the fighting with huge arms sales, training of fighter-pilots, and putting in place a missile defense system in an extensive but futile effort to guard against rocket attacks against sensitive targets inside Saudi Arabia.

Yemen needs Yemenis

Young men and women from Yemen are now spread far and wide across Europe, the United States, and Asia. Through their various engagements and contributions, they have demonstrated the ability of a new Yemeni generation to launch a rebuilding of their country and lead it into the future

If the international community seems incapable or unwilling to stop the bloodletting, it remains incumbent on Yemeni leaders themselves to use the good counsel of their youth to patch up their differences and enable a positive and constructive transition into the future – by Nabeel Khoury

(** B K P)

Rethinking Peace in Yemen

Yemen’s terrible war grinds on, despite a COVID-19 epidemic that has deepened what was already the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Stopping the fighting is urgent. Diplomats should adopt an inclusive, multiparty framework for talks to replace today’s flawed model.

Executive Summary

After five years of war, the parties to the Yemen conflict face a stark choice: accept a ceasefire and an imperfect political settlement, particularly in light of fears of a growing COVID-19 outbreak, or continue a war that will produce more human suffering but no clear nationwide military victory for any group. A political settlement between the internationally recognised government and the Huthis – the de facto authorities in Sanaa – might once have been able to end the war and return the country to a political transition. But subsequent shifts in the military balance, political and territorial fragmentation, and heavy-handed regional intervention have changed peacemaking requirements. A more inclusive UN-brokered, multiparty settlement is needed, along with interim governance arrangements that avoid rapid recentralisation of power in Sanaa to the benefit of just one or two groups.

One of the biggest barriers to a settlement is an outdated international approach to ending the war. The government of President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi holds that any deal must build on the foundations of an April 2015 UN Security Council Resolution (2216) that it interprets as a form of legal summons for the Huthis to surrender, hand over heavy weapons and allow the government to return to rule Yemen from Sanaa. UN-brokered talks in Kuwait in 2016 produced a draft agreement built around Resolution 2216 that has become the framework for subsequent negotiations. The agreement would have led to a power-sharing arrangement that included a minority Huthi role in government and opened a pathway to national elections.

Much has changed since 2016. The Huthis have consolidated their control over the north west and are threatening the government’s last stronghold in the north – in Marib. They have become increasingly confident of their hold on power in Sanaa and now want a deal that bypasses the Hadi government and recognises de facto realities on the ground, which they believe favour their rule. Aware of its territorial weakness, the government has clung to its legal status and become increasingly resistant to any agreement that might provide its rivals with legitimacy.

Other shifts on the ground have further complicated matters. Yemen is now roughly divided into five cantons of political and military control: the Huthi-controlled northern highlands; government-aligned areas in Marib, al-Jawf, northern Hadramawt, al-Mahra, Shebwa, Abyan and Taiz city; the pro-separatist Southern Transition Council-dominated territories in Aden and its hinterland; districts along the Red Sea coast where the Joint Resistance Forces are the chief power; and coastal Hadramawt, where local authorities prevail.

A successful political process will require two things. First, the parties will need to be persuaded that it is in their own interest to abandon maximalist demands. The military balance favours the Huthis, but not to the extent that the group might think. They appear to believe they can broker a deal to end the war directly with Riyadh, but they are fighting an array of adversaries who are unlikely to accept a settlement that does not protect their core interests or to honour one simply because Riyadh demands it.

An outright military victory for any party, including the Huthis, is highly unlikely. Moreover, the Hadi government, however weak, is still Yemen’s internationally recognised authority. For these reasons, the Huthis should accept that a UN-brokered deal will not simply transfer authority to them and convert territorial realities into international recognition of their rule. In turn, the government should accept that its demands for a return to power in Sanaa through an effective Huthi surrender are wholly unrealistic. For its part, Saudi Arabia will not be able to declare victory in Yemen as leaders in Riyadh may hope. Its demand that the Huthis decouple from Tehran may have to be a longer-term goal rather than a condition of a political settlement.

Secondly, Yemen’s political and territorial fragmentation demands a rethink of the negotiation framework and the substance of an achievable agreement. There is growing international and Yemeni consensus that the two-party settlement the UN has attempted to broker over the course of the war is unlikely to translate into lasting peace. It is increasingly clear that the UN must open talks up, at a minimum to ensure the buy-in of powerful groups such as the secessionist Southern Transitional Council (STC), which are capable of upending any settlement. The current approach also leaves out tribal groups, local authorities and a range of political parties, women’s and youth groups and other civil society actors whose support will be invaluable in sustaining an agreement.

The content of an agreement will need to address new realities and acknowledge past mistakes. Local groups prize autonomy won over the course of the war and will resist a rush to recentralise the state in Sanaa. Failure to address the social and economic grievances that sparked Yemen’s 2011 popular uprising, and contributed to the Huthis’ rise, would invite future instability and war.

At one time or another over the course of this war, each side has overestimated its ability to achieve maximalist aims, only to suffer major setbacks. Finding a mutually acceptable deal today will not lead to any party’s preferred settlement, but will almost certainly be better than what may be available after years more of conflict.

Appendix A: Maps of Yemen National Divisions and Key Front Lines

(** B K P)

Political transitions in southern Yemen.. From dream of unity to fragmentation

The research deals with the most important political transformations in southern Yemen in the period of (1990-2020). In its preface, this research addresses the south in the period prior to unity with the north, the period that followed the liberation of the south from the British colonialism and the declaration of its independence on 30th of November 1967, until the declaration of unity in 1990. It deals with circumstances and challenges that affected the political, economic, cultural, and social path of the southern state.

The preface includes the topic of relationship between south and north Yemen before achieving the unity, and the conditions that prevailed during that period. The relationship between north and south witnessed many changes and it was strained so that conflict broke out between the two parts twice and then the situation developed positively into internal and external deals that led to the establishment of the Yemeni unity.

The research sheds the light on the most prominent factors of change in Yemen in general and in the south in particular, negatively or positively, with reference to the political forces that contributed, in one way or another, to that change - not to ignore the circumstances, consequences and repercussions during the period targeted in this research. The transformations include the Yemeni unity, the war that followed, the most important stages of political conflict and wars, the popular revolution - the Yemeni version of the Arab Spring that led to the power transition and the holding of the National Dialogue Conference, and then the coup, led by the Houthis and its allies , which led to a comprehensive war that has not yet ended, despite the fact that five years have passed since its outbreak.

The importance of this topic comes in the context of transformations that Yemen experienced in general and studying all its aspects in order to get a knowledge of the situation that can dismantle the structures that have been semi-closed for a long period of time, and to clearly read the current reality and the local, regional and international circumstances, as well as the consequences.

To achieve the desired goals, the researcher used the historical method to track historical changes and events, as well as the descriptive and analytical approach being the closest and most useful in dealing with the topic and presenting its contents through description and analysis.

Riyadh agreement and future scenarios:

The Riyadh Agreement has become the most prominent determinant of relationship between the two main parties in southern Yemen, which are the internationally recognized legitimate government that enjoys the support and patronage of Saudi Arabia, and the transitional council, supported by the Emirates. In light of the agreement, many circumstances in the south became clear, and the future situation can be easily predicted. As long as the terms of the agreement are not translated into reality, several scenarios are expected:


Whatever the scenario that is likely to happen in a complex situation like Yemen, particularly the southern Yemen that witnessed armed and bloody conflicts with mainly regional dimension, in addition to political and ideological conflict that has deepened with the presence of regional and international polarizations, a secure and safe separation through the Transitional Council is unlikely to happen. The transitional is only part of the Southern Movement and it does not represent all entities of the south. It does not enjoy momentum in some southern governorates, including Abyan, Shabwa, Hadramawt, al-Mahrah and Socotra, which means that any separation now will develop into a cycle of internal conflict that may divide the south into small states, and a battlefield for regional and international powers.

(** B H P)

Performative Humanitarianism: Saudi’s Aid Diplomacy in Yemen

Saudi Aid as a Soft Power

Through these aid efforts, Saudi Arabia aims to present the international community with a more positive image of itself. Riyadh has faced pressure from Washington and European capitals regarding its role in Yemen, particularly after its offensive on the Hodeida governorate in June 2018. Many countries including Norway, Germany, Belgium, and Denmark even suspended weapons sales to Saudi Arabia following reports that the Saudi-led coalition was hitting civilian areas. The UN also repeatedly the country for its actions in Yemen’s war.

Given this context, humanitarian organizations, therefore, criticized the fundraiser conference as “throwing money” at Yemen without pushing for a peace solution and ending the war. Yet international policymakers, including those attending the conference, were receptive towards Riyadh’s gestures. Saudi Prince Faisal bin Farhan al Saud said he “supports the UN efforts to reach a political solution in Yemen to alleviate the suffering and support humanitarian, economic and developmental aspects”.

Meanwhile, the state-owned Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program for Yemen (SDRPY), which has carried out various projects across the country throughout the last two years, has been a useful tool for Saudi Arabia to further bolster its international humanitarian credentials. On May 14, the organization attended a virtual meeting hosted by the World Bank, which reviewed the efforts of international institutions involved in Yemen’s aid and reconstruction while discussing ways to mitigate the pandemic’s impact in the country.

The World Bank’s praise of the SDRPY legitimizes its actions on an international scale. Meanwhile, it has also worked with other international agencies like the Islamic Development Bank, the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Food Programme (WFP). Rather than solving Yemen’s humanitarian crisis, the SDPRY helps Saudi Arabia secure greater political and economic influence over Yemen.

Last October SDPRY announced 70 new projects for “building and restoring critical infrastructure, increasing job opportunities, improving standards of living, empowering Yemenis, and ultimately paving the way toward peace and prosperity in Yemen.”

Unable to defeat Iran-backed Houthis militarily, Saudi Arabia now aims to isolate the faction which controls much of northern Yemen, mostly focusing its projects on areas beyond Houthi control. As the Houthis control the Hodeida port, through which around 80% of Yemen’s aid and imports pass, Saudi Arabia previously tried to redirect aid towards southern ports under nominal Hadi control like Aden, Mukalla and Mokha. The International Rescue Committee described this move as a “war tactic”. Saudi Arabia still has not fully lifted its blockade on Hodeida, which restricts essential supplies from entering the country, despite highlighting its humanitarian efforts.

Contrasting Aid Strategies with the UAE

Meanwhile, Riyadh’s coalition ally, the United Arab Emirates, donated nothing to Yemen in the fundraising conference, despite its heavy involvement in the conflict and its backing of a Yemeni political party. It seeks control over Yemen’s southern ports in order to bring the country into its sphere of influence and establish itself as a maritime trade powerhouse across the Indian Ocean, while also pursuing control over the strategic Bab el Mandeb at the mouth of the Red Sea. Securing a friendly independent southern state would facilitate these goals.

What is certain, however, is that, unlike Saudi Arabia, the UAE has not relied on aid for its strategy in Yemen. Rather, it has prioritized its pretext of counter-terrorism to justify exerting its influence. Moreover, as a younger actor in the country, it has focused more on acquiring Yemen’s ports, contrasting with Saudi Arabia’s traditional ideological motives and desires to influence its southern neighbour. As the UAE still retains influence in the south via separatist forces, it will likely seek to continue its goals despite both these recent upsets and various misleading claims that it plans to withdraw.

Yet the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe grants Saudi Arabia a pretext to offer humanitarian hand and consolidate its influence over the country, which Riyadh’s strong relations with Western capitals and international organizations facilitate. However, as Saudi Arabia has previously not delivered on its humanitarian aid pledges, and with its purchasing of more military equipment in June, it is evident that its priorities are not genuinely aimed at improving Yemen’s crisis. It will require more than performative gestures of humanitarianism in order to support Yemen – by Jonathan Fenton-Harvey

(** B K P)

Criminals-turned-Saudi mercenaries terrorise Yemen's Taiz province

Returning from battles rich with riyals, Yemenis have set up private militias and looted property and land

Out of work and armed to the teeth, former mercenaries who have abandoned the Saudi-Houthi frontline are now roaming Taiz province, terrorising the city's residents and looting whenever they see fit.

Fares* is one of them. In 2014, he was found guilty of murdering a man and robbing his home, and was sent to Taiz city's central prison to await his execution.

But Houthi forces backed by troops loyal to Ali Abdullah Saleh, the country's former president, swept into Taiz on 22 March 2015, capturing the military airport and other key parts of the city.

Fighting eventually reached Fares' prison in June of that year and hundreds of prisoners, including Fares, were able to flee the jail amid the clashes.

Many of the fugitive prisoners did not return to their homes but instead took part in the fighting in Taiz.

Fares joined and fought alongside the Saudi-backed pro-government forces in Taiz for around two years.

Despite ceasefires and prisoner swaps, the battle for the city continues to this day.

Fares then joined the fighting for another two years as a mercenary on the Saudi border to help protect the kingdom from the Houthis. He then returned to his village near Taiz in 2019, portraying himself as a military leader.

Remembering his criminal past, none of his village's residents dared to challenge him.

After a few months, Fares, now in his 40s, used his money to gather several armed men around him and impose himself as a sheik of his hometown and the surrounding villages.

Some of Fares' friends, who had also who returned from fighting on the Saudi border, started to do the same in their areas nearby.

With a monthly wage of 6,000 Yemeni rials ($800), mercenaries fighting on the border can easily outspend conventional Yemeni soldiers, who earn a tenth of that. Recruiting fighters for their entourage is easily done.

The returnees also support each other and have built good relationship with the security offices in their areas, as they have friends there.

And so a network of former mercenaries was set up, imposing a number of militias on Taiz's war-weary people.

'They were going to kill me'

At first, Fares recruited around 10 armed guards, less than a normal Yemeni sheik would have. He then looked for land owned by vulnerable people who did not have any men to help protect it.

“I’ve been farming my land since I was a child as I inherited it from my father. And now the so-called sheik, with his gang members, have taken it,” Ahmed*, a resident of Taiz in his 60s, told Middle East Eye.

“I tried to prevent them but they shot at me and they were going to kill me. As you can see, I’m an old man and my sons are educated men, so they can’t face armed men.”

Ahmed told MEE that he prays Allah will take revenge on Fares and his men, as he has no one who can help him.

Armed men can be seen everywhere in Taiz, and since the militias are stronger than the local army units, no one can prevent what is happening.

“I went to our sheik to complain but he told me that he isn’t the sheik anymore, and he wants to live in peace as my enemy [Fares] is a savage man,” said Ahmed.

His village is far from where Fares lives, but he commandeered his land nonetheless, as it is located near the village's main street and is valuable.

“I went to the thief himself and told him that’s my land and that he doesn't even belong to the village so how he could he now own my land,” said Ahmed.

“He told me that he bought this land from a friend on the Saudi border. It is a ridiculous pretext.”

Ahmed decided to complain to the local security office the next day but was shocked to find that Fares’ friend was in charge there as he was a “revolutionist”, a term for someone who has fought against the Houthis.

“We used to think that the security office supported oppressed people, or at least looked at their complaints. But when I told the officer that I was complaining against Fares, he immediately said ‘this sheik doesn’t loot lands’,” he recalled.

As Ahmed left the office, he met dozens of people outside who had similar issues against Fares or other gang leaders who had taken their lands and houses but had no one to help them.

“It is strange that thugs now control Taiz under the pretext of defending Taiz from the Houthis,” said Ahmed.

However, hundreds of killers, thieves and other criminals joined the fighting but then returned home to resume their crimes, this time with increased violence.

Those who have fought against the Houthis consider themselves liberators of Taiz, and their stature intimidates anyone who wishes they could be confronted.

The government and army's toothlessness in the face of such flagrant abuses and theft has left the people of Taiz angry and exasperated. Some are even hoping the Houthis retake Taiz and end this lawlessness.

“The Houthis are in charge in their bits of the country and there is security, a judiciary and courts, and no one dares to loot the property of people in this savage way,” Amin said.

“Those thugs say they are liberators but in fact they are thieves, so I hope that the Houthis take over Taiz and liberate us from them.”

Ahmed, who lost his land to Fares, also hopes that the Houthis take over Taiz.

“We don’t hear about such gangs in the Houthi-controlled areas and no one will take revenge for us but the Houthis," he said.

“I pray Allah will free us from those thugs and support the Houthis to take over Taiz."

(** B K P)

Revealed: Hundreds of Saudi and Gulf military personnel trained in Britain as Yemen war continues

New data shows Britain’s Royal Air Force trained Saudi personnel in 2019 on fighter jets used to bomb civilians in Yemen – a country on the brink of famine – while UK soldiers coached other forces in the Saudi-led coalition at nearly a dozen army bases in Britain.

Hundreds of Saudi military personnel received training at Royal Air Force (RAF) bases in the UK in 2019 – the same year a court banned new exports of British-made weapons to Saudi Arabia over human rights concerns in the Yemen war.

Data obtained by Declassified UK from the Ministry of Defence (MOD) shows that 310 Saudis trained at six RAF sites in England and Wales last year. Some training for Saudi pilots is still under way, with courses lasting up to four years.

The data shows that 90 Saudis received “Typhoon training” at RAF Coningsby air base in Lincolnshire, eastern England, during 2019. The MOD refused to clarify how many of the 90 were pilots or ground crew.

Saudi Arabia’s fleet of 72 Typhoon fighter jets – made by British arms giant BAE Systems in a deal worth £20-billion – have played the central role in aerial bombardments in Yemen which have involved repeated attacks on food supplies.

The MOD refused to specify which courses the Saudis received at Cosford, but it is known that they have previously attended aerosystems engineering courses for the Tornado fighter jet, which Saudi pilots also use to bomb Yemen.

Courses for Saudi students at Cosford have continued despite two Saudi cadets being arrested in 2016 over an alleged rape near the base.

In July 2019, Wing Commander Jim Thorley stood down as head of Technical Training at Cosford in order to “take up a post in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia”, according to a post by the RAF on Facebook.

Declassified has also found that 10 junior Saudi pilots were put through “elementary flying training” at RAF Cranwell and RAF Barkston Heath in Lincolnshire and RAF Wittering in Cambridgeshire, north of London, during 2019.

Meanwhile, another 30 Saudi pilots learned how to fly fast jets at RAF Valley in Anglesey, North Wales, last year. BAE Hawk aircraft of the type used by both the UK and Saudi militaries are used for training purposes at Valley, where BAE employs 78 people – a sign of the close relationship between the arms company and the militaries it supplies.

Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) spokesman Andrew Smith said the findings exposed “the extent of the collusion” between London and Riyadh.

Civilian airfields in Britain are also being used by Saudi pilots to “practice visual approaches and departures”, the MOD previously confirmed, including at several sites near to RAF Valley such as Ronaldsway Airport on the Isle of Man.

Although the MOD has told the UK parliament there is “negligible potential security risk to North Wales associated with training Saudi pilots at RAF Valley”, the US had to suspend a similar training scheme last December after a Saudi air force officer shot 11 people in Florida. The FBI found the pilot was part of Al Qaeda, raising concerns about vetting.

Out of 21 countries that the RAF trained in Britain last year, the majority of the up to 600 foreign students were from militaries in repressive regimes that are major customers of British arms. Several of them support Saudi Arabia in the war in Yemen, such as Jordan and Kuwait.

Military training courses have continued to be offered to coalition members. At some point last year, Kuwaiti pilots received flying lessons at RAF Valley while more than 20 Jordanian personnel attended courses at Cosford and Cranwell.

‘Keep us popular within the press’

Declassified has also found that 11 British army bases in England and Wales were used last year to train members of the Saudi-led coalition whose ground troops have fought against the Houthis.

Places were awarded to junior officers at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst and to higher-ranking officers at the Advanced Command & Staff College in Shrivenham, in southern England, where courses can last for up to 12 months.

Shorter and more bespoke training courses were also provided at lower-profile army bases. Saudi forces were trained in “logistics support in the operational battlespace” by British soldiers at Deepcut in Surrey, west of London.

Other Saudi troops attended a “tactical targeting” course at the Royal School of Artillery in Larkhill, in the southern county of Wiltshire, where they were taught how to use Twitter and Facebook for “gaining information” about targeting.

The 10-day course also included sessions on “understanding humanitarian law… to keep us popular within the press and not allowing countries/media to exploit potential wrongdoing”, according to a sales brochure the British army published to advertise the course.

Kuwait, Bahrain and Qatar

The information acquired by Declassified provides some details of UK military training of other close allies in the Gulf last year – by Phil Miller

and also

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and Epidemics

(A H)

Yemen reports 17 new Covid-19 cases

and also

My remark: Southern Yemen only; the Houthis hide the figures.

(A H P)

Yemen streamlines repatriation of stranded citizens abroad

Yemen’s committee on coronavirus has made it easier to repatriate nationals who were stranded due the coronavirus pandemic, state news agency Saba reported.

The Coronavirus National Committee has amended its protocol on repatriation, which previously required polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests on returning citizens.

The test will be replaced by thermal screening at airports, according to the provision announced in a virtual session on Saturday.

(* B H)

ICRC: COVID-19: Our response in Yemen

Besides our regular activities focused on alleviating the suffering of people affected by the conflict, we have been conducting - and hope to increase - public awareness COVID-19 campaigns and training on proper hygiene, including in detention centres, as well as the distribution of cleaning and personal hygiene items to ICRC-supported hospitals and primary health care centres, detention facilities and people who are in quarantine or displaced. We also disseminate information about preventative measures through social media, call centre and audio spots.

In Quarantine facilities: (facilities that have been set up by the authorities to put in quarantine people crossing borders for the needed period of time to detect if they have caught COVID-19 or they can move freely)

The ICRC is working with the Yemen Red Crescent to improve the conditions of people in quarantine places through:

Improving access to health care with the donation of medicines and medical equipment such as gloves, compresses, bandages, etc. for 3,000 people under quarantine in Radaa and Affar in Al-Bayda governorate.

Improving hygiene by providing personal hygiene items for 4,000 people in 7 quarantine facilities.

Improving general living conditions by providing more than 5,000 sets of waste management items and over 400 sets of hygiene materials (bags, buckets, shovels, disinfectant, etc) and almost 9,500 sets of house items as blankets, sleeping bags, mosquito nets and cooking items in 18 quarantine facilities

(A H)

8 new cases of coronavirus reported, 1,248 in total

My remark: Southern Yemen only: the Houthis hide the figures.

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Film: Impact of coronavirus on Yemen

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Film by TRT: Volunteer groups provide aid to Yemen's Covid-19 patients

The pandemic has almost destroyed Yemen's already-limited medical facilities. The country's UAE-backed government has said there's nothing more it can do. So Yemeni citizen-backed initiatives are taking their place. Shoaib Hasan explains.

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Health care workers face a double battle – COVID-19 in a conflict zone

Dr Sami Al Hajj is a young doctor working at Science and Technology Hospital in Sana’ where he lives with his pregnant wife. Every day, he puts himself at high risk at his job.

“COVID-19 has left Yemen and health care workers on the frontlines under severe pressure. We put our lives at risk to save the lives of our people. I have seen many doctors fall sick and be admitted to be put on ventilators and monitors, or worse, die. This has been the hardest thing to witness,” he says.

Yet Dr Sami shows no sign of giving up.

“The sensitive health situation in Yemen has made me grow. It made me aware of the magnitude of the needs in Yemen, and of my role to play as a health care worker,” he adds.

We are in this together

As the COVID-19 pandemic emerged in Yemen, Dr Sami received calls and messages from many people on social media worried about the virus and what it meant to them and their families. This made him think of the people working on the streets who don’t have phones or internet and who need medical guidance.

So he decided to start a unique initiative. He printed a poster offering people in the community to stop him for a free consultation if they needed to and placed it at the back of his car.

“People are scared. Many are unable to stay quarantined due to their financial situation. So they go out to their jobs knowing they are at high risk of infection. I wanted to be closer to them – easier to reach – whenever needed, to discuss a medical issue,” he said.

“I was quite surprised at how people reacted to the poster. It made me happy. In the more disadvantaged areas, I would have 30 people stop me in one day.” He adds. “Of course, I am not providing medical services, all I am doing is providing medical consultation services and referring them to the medical facilities where they can access medical support.”

This initiative reminded Dr Sami of the importance of the role health care workers play in the community, especially during a pandemic.

“I understand the fear of health care workers. It is a justified fear given the deteriorating health situation. But our people need us and our experience. I urge myself and fellow doctors to work this out together and to support each other during this challenging time to survive the pandemic.”

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Islamic Relief: Islamic Relief ramps up support in Yemen as Covid-19 spreads

Following requests to support the Ministry of Health in the Covid-19 response, Islamic Relief has been working tirelessly to implement measures to ensure that an already dire situation is not made even worse. So far we have extended our support to almost 130,000 families by raising awareness on how to stay safe and delivering food and other humanitarian aid.

Other measures we have taken include providing Covid-19 training to healthcare workers and working with other humanitarian organizations to support those in quarantine centres by providing ready-to-eat meals, hygiene and dignity kits, blankets and mattresses.

In the coming weeks, Islamic Relief plans to continue providing emergency food assistance as well as deliver prevention supplies such as handwashing facilities, surface cleaner and water containers to almost 500 food distribution points. We will also be supporting isolation centres and health facilities in Sanaa and Hodeida, Taiz and Dhammar with training, incentives, medical equipment and PPE.

We urgently need your support to continue delivering aid to some of the world’s most vulnerable people and help to contain the virus in a country which is on the brink of collapse: please donate now.

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19 new cases of coronavirus reported, 1,240 in total

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65 new cases of coronavirus reported, 1,221 in total

My remark: Southern Yemen only.

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19 health workers resigned in the isolation center in Ibn Sina hospital in Al-Mukalla city, including 6 doctors, 7 resident doctors and 6 workers, after the authority refused to respond to their requests and pay their overdue salaries.

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Film: Yemen Battles COVID-19 During Ongoing Civil War

Yemen has been dealing with a humanitarian crisis for years as civil war continues but now the country is also dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic with little resources. NBC News' Keir Simmons reports. =

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Film: Gravitas: Yemen collapses under pandemic strain

The COVID-19 death rate in Yemen is five times the global average. One out of five infected persons in the country is dying. WION's Palki Sharma tells you more about one of the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

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Yemen: Response to COVID-19

Between 10 April, when the first case of the coronavirus was confirmed in Yemen, and 1 July, authorities have announced 1,122 confirmed cases of COVID-19, including 303 deaths.

The fatality rate is alarmingly high, at around 25 per cent

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Raising Awareness of COVID-19: RDP COVID-19 Activity Report June 2020

Owing to the generous support of Sign of Hope e.V, Relief and Development Peer Foundation (RDP) was able to reach 50,983 individuals through awareness sessions and train 141 community health volunteers (CHVs) on the preventive measures of COVID-19 in 7 districts of Ibb and Taizz governorates. RDP has also provided essential Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) to 236 supported FDPs and 9 health facilities in the targeted districts. Besides, 800 packs of masks and gloves were being distributed while raising awareness for the public

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Islamic Relief: Cholera-Projekt Jemen: Medikamente für über 4000 Menschen

2019 ist die Cholera im Jemen ausgebrochen, die Durchfallerkrankung ist für Erwachsene und Kinder tödlich. Und wie bei COVID-19 gilt auch für Cholera: In jeder Krise sind Menschen, die ohnehin geschwächt sind, einem noch höheren Risiko ausgesetzt.

Trotz schwierigen Voraussetzungen konnten Helfende von Islamic Relief seit Februar 2020 im Distrikt Taiz spezifische Medikamente und Geräte für 4320 Menschen bereitstellen. Der Anstieg der Cholera-Verdachtsfälle lag hier Anfang des Jahres bei 34 Prozent. Taiz gehört zu einem Konfliktgebiet, indem viele Leichen in den Bergen und auf den Straßen liegen.

Zusätzlich hatten starke Regenfälle und Überschwemmungen den Abfall über das Gouvernement Taiz hinweggefegt und wesentlich zur Verschärfung des Problems und zur Übertragung der Cholera beigetragen: Denn menschliche Fäkalien sind die Hauptinfektionsquelle für diese Krankheit. Auch das Fehlen der Gehälter der einzelnen Gesundheitseinrichtungen hat das Sterberisiko der betroffenen Menschen weiterhin erhöht.

Doch die Behandlung der Menschen mit Medikamenten rettet Leben: Bei fehlenden Medikamenten könnte die Todesrate um bis zu 50 % steigen, aber durch die Bereitstellung von Medikamenten kann die Rate auf 1 % gesenkt

Das Projekt zur Bekämpfung der Cholera, wurde durch das Engagement von Ehrenamtlichen ermöglicht. Sie veranstalteten 2019 eine Benefiz-Gala in Krefeld mit 700 Teilnehmern. Unter dem Motto „Eine Spenden-Aktion für notleidende Kinder im Jemen“ kamen an dem Abend insgesamt 53.832 Euro zusammen.

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

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What did the [Southern] Yemeni Press Say Today?

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Film: Always remember, the crisis in Yemen is 100% man made. #Saudi is only the attack dog - the UK & US are the dogs master. Yemeni blood is on all UK/US/Saudi/UAE hands.

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Marib tribes beat drums of war

Pro-Houthi tribes in Yemen's Marib province have given the tribes of Abidah three days to hand over those responsible for the killing of a tribal elder along with his brothers and sons last week.
"Elders of the tribes of Mathhaj, Himyar, Bakil and Hashid sent a letter to the Abidah tribes after their meeting today in Jawf province calling on the Abidah tribes to act in accordance with the legal and tribal custom and bring the killers to justice," the Houthi-run Almasirah TV reported on Sunday.
If the Abidah tribes fail to respond or take the right action in three days, Yemeni tribes will do their duty and fight them, the TV quoted the letter as saying. "Yemeni tribes will call for tribal Nakaf and declare war on the Abidah tribes because the crime was a black shame on all the tribes in Marib in general and the Abidah in particular".
Last week, pro-government forces backed by tribal fighters engaged in battles against a tribal elder and a group of his fans in the province. Seven persons were killed in the battles.
At the time, the Houthi Group said Al-Qaeda and Daesh armed with tanks and military vehicles attacked the area of Al-Khashah, shelled houses and killed seven civilians including sheikh Mohsen Subayian in the Abidah Valley.
From their side, the government forces accused the sheikh of forming a ring spying for the Houthis, planting landmines and explosive devices on supply routes, mostly in the area of Al-Alam along the border with Jawf province, as well as smuggling spare parts of drones for the Houthis through the desert.
Large military equipment, Houthi documents and materials to produce drones were found at the ring's site, they said.
The developments come amid continued military escalation between the government and Houthi forces on the outskirts of Marib.

and also

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Audio: Save the malnourished children in Yemen

Five years of illegal war on Yemen has had its toll on civilian infrastructure as well, including schools, hospitals and markets, thanks largely to the indiscriminate airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition, backed by the United States and NATO partners.

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Children under the gun in Yemen

Every year, UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres releases his “name and shame” list of countries that are complicit in attacks on or mistreatment of children during times of conflict. The latest report covers the period of January 2019 to December 2019.

Atrocities perpetrated against children were attributed to a number of combatants, including Houthis/Ansar Allah rebels, the Yemeni armed forces, al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, ISIS and others.

The secretary general reveals that 20 schools and 15 hospitals were attacked during the reporting period. And the UN verified that 35 schools were also used by combatants for military purposes.

The plight of Yemen’s civilian population is being compounded by the inability of humanitarian non-governmental organizations to access certain regions

“Oxfam has consistently spoken out to call for transparent investigations into alleged violations of International Humanitarian Law and accountability for those who are found responsible for such violations,” Brittany Lambert, who serves as Oxfam Canada’s women’s rights policy and advocacy specialist, said. “All parties to the conflict, including the Saudi- and Emirati-led coalition, need to be held accountable and the UN should be taking steps to do so.”

“We are extremely concerned about the fate of Yemen’s children,” Bill Chambers, president and CEO of Save the Children Canada, told the Whig-Standard in an email. “Children are dying not only from bombs but from preventable causes like starvation, illnesses and disease outbreaks.”

“Children in Yemen are injured and die in the war in airstrikes, shelling, shootings and because they stand on mines,” Caroline Seguin, Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières operations manager for Yemen, explained in an email.

“Children are paying a high price for the Yemen conflict,” Chambers said. “When the conflict entered its fifth year in March 2020, at least 2,047 children were killed in the violence since December 2017.”

According to CARE, 689 children lost their lives to the conflict in 2019.

“Killing, or in any way targeting children, is completely unjustified under any circumstance, and humanitarian organizations will continue to advocate for their protection and their rights as a matter of top priority,” Tomovcik said.

What impact does the death of a Yemeni child have on the family?

“A child is a child everywhere in the world, and this horrific loss is felt the same way by a family anywhere,” Tomovcik answered. “It is a nightmare for any parent to lose their child

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Blaming Houthis for targeting journalists, coalition faces same charg

While the Arab coalition and Yemeni UN-recognized government have repeatedly accused the Houthi group of intimidating and torturing Yemeni reporters and sentencing its opponents to death at illegal trials, the Yemeni journalists' union wrote a report on "horrible" violations committed by the coalition against media people and outlets.
The Saudi-led coalition was behind the death of 90 journalists who documented its "crimes" in the fifth year of war, says the report. The 5-year war has so far left 335 reporters killed and 25 others injured.
According to the report, the coalition has damaged 23 media institutions and 30 broadcasting towers.
The recently-developed report accuses the coalition of reduplicating 6 channels and websites, stopping the broadcasting of 8 TVs, jamming 7 other satellites, hacking 3 websites, and making two official papers stop.
The coalition in the fifth year of war denied 143 international reporters entry to Yemen and stopped tens of accounts on Facebook, Twitter and U-tube, the report read.
The fourth estate staff in Yemen remain victimized by all warring parties (the official government and the Houthis), who may have forgotten the various Yemeni activists and journalists forcibly disappeared inside Saudi Arabia, with the government lifting no finger.

The Yemeni journalist Marwan al-Muraisi is a victim of the forced disappearances in Saudi prisons. He has been detained for two years with no charge or trial.
Following the Houthi overthrow of Sana'a, activists fled Houthi detention to Saudi Arabia where they have suffered arbitrary practices by security authorities, in violation of human rights.

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Time for US to Pull Out of Yemen

Whatever this is, it’s time for Washington to end its criminal involvement in Yemen war, but, crucially, the United Nations should also step in to have a say in all this, because the House resolution or bill is nonbinding; it is only a small step forward, and the shift in US foreign policy is not going to happen overnight.

That means the US will likely continue to assist Saudi Arabia by refuelling its planes and providing intelligence in Riyadh’s brutal air war against the defenceless population of Yemen. The US will also continue to sell weapons to Riyadh worth billions and accuse Others of supporting the Ansarullah movement in order to hide its complicity in Saudi war crimes and defuse international criticism.

As maintained by many US officials and Pentagon commanders, the US-backed Saudi-led war on Yemen is unwinnable – despite the attempts by Riyadh to escalate the war even further. Five years into this unnecessary bloodshed should be more than enough for the War Party to reach conclusion that what it has on its hands is yet another endless war that like the one in Afghanistan is unwinnable.

Under the prevailing environment, the United Nations Security Council must hold Saudi Arabia and the United States responsible for their repeated and blatant violations of International Law and International Humanitarian Law in Yemen.

The world body should force the Saudis to accept a non-military solution to the war. There is no other way to advance long-term stability in Yemen and end the suffering of its unfortunate people.

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Yemen is experiencing the biggest humanitarian crisis in the world: here’s what to know

What is happening in Yemen?

Although social media has turned its attention to Yemen in the past month, the country’s plight is nothing new.

My comment: Overview, letting aside Saudi war crimes and western intervention.

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100 Violations Against Yemeni Journalists in the First Half of This Year

The Yemeni Media Freedom Observatory documented 100 violations committed against Yemeni journalists during the first 6 months of 2020. The violations include killing, injury, abduction, attack, threat and targeting media foundations.

The report confirmed that the Houthi group tops the list of violations committed against journalists with 61 cases of violations. Groups loyal to the government committed 28 violations, groups loyal to STC committed two cases of violations, unknown people committed seven violations, and influential people committed two violations.

and also


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YJS documents 66 violations against press freedom

Yemeni Journalist Syndicate (YJS) said on Sunday that it reported 66 cases of violations targeted journalists, photojournalists and media outlets during the past six months of this year.

The YJS said that it documented two murder cases, 20 cases of abduction and detention, pursuing and harassment.

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Violations of Human Rights in Yemen and the Continuation of Saudi Crimes

As the initiator of the aggression against the territorial sovereignty of Yemen, Saudi Arabia is the main cause of the dire humanitarian situation in this country. The war crimes committed by Saudi Arabia and its allies against the Yemeni people are not only unforgivable, but it is an undeniable necessity for the continued efforts of international human rights organizations, as well as UN agencies, to immediately stop Saudi Arabia’s inhumane acts. The war-mongering and inhumane actions of the Saudi regime and its belligerent allies in recent years, and the continuation of the belligerent and interventionist approach of the Saudi leaders, have exacerbated the plight of the oppressed people and put the oppressed Yemeni people in more trouble.

Twenty-four European countries, expressed concern on Monday, September ,2019, about the torture, illegal detention and unfair trial of critics, including women activists in Saudi Arabia. The other focus of the Western statement is concerns about reports of torture, arbitrary detention, forced disappearances, unfair trials and harassment of human rights activists in Saudi Arabia. In fact, the recent publication of 24 Western countries is a sign of a vague policy towards the Saudi regime.Major European countries such as Germany, France and Britain have apparently condemned the Saudi regime for human rights abuses, while having extensive military and weapons ties with Riyadh. Therefore, it can be said that these countries, despite their claims about special attention to human rights, have turned a blind eye to the human rights situation in Saudi Arabia and the Saudi regime’s illegal and inhumane actions.

Saudi Arabia, along with its warring allies with its inhumane crimes against the oppressed people of Yemen, not only ignores the current unfavorable situation and the increase in casualties in the country, but also continues its anti-human rights actions. While everyone is waiting for the Western governments to work to prevent these inhumane acts in Yemen, it seems that these countries are not taking any effective action to stop the inhumane actions of the Saudis and their Emirati partners in Yemen because of their material interests, and especially the interests of the major arms companies. Accordingly, it is not only Saudi Arabia that violates human rights in Yemen, but other seemingly pro-human rights governments, including France and Germany which continue to sell their weapons, violate human rights as much as Saudis do.

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Iran zu saudischer Koalition im Jemen: Ehre und Ansehen sind nicht kaufbar

Die iranische Botschaft in Frankreich hat die Verbrechen der von Saudi-Arabien geführte Kriegskoalition im Jemen kritisiert.

Ehre, Prestige und das Ansehen werden in der heutigen Welt können nicht mehr gekauft, hieß es in einem Tweet, das die iranischen Botschaft in Paris gestern veröffentlichte.

Die iranische Botschaft veröffentlichte zudem einige Bilder von der Lage des jemenitischen Volkes und der durch die Angriffe der saudischen Koalition verursachten Schäden und betonte: "Die Ära, in der Sicherheit nur durch militärische Macht garantiert und definiert werden konnte, ist vorbei".

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No Crisis is an Island: How the GCC Crisis Shapes the War in Yemen

The GCC crisis was born in June 2017 when Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt, and Bahrain cut ties with Doha and imposed a multifaceted blockade. Several other countries such as Jordan, Djibouti, and the Maldives followed suit, while some like Somalia resisted pressure to support the blockade of Qatar. Yemen geared toward cutting ties and withdrew its diplomatic mission from Doha; the Yemeni government seems like it had little room to maneuver, as its undetailed condemnation of Qatari practices suggests.

The Gulf crisis marked a turning point for the Arab Coalition, both in terms of its member states and intra-coalition dynamics. The suspension of Qatar from the coalition was followed by the withdrawals of Malaysia and Morocco in 2018 and 2019 respectively. These developments debilitated the coalition’s international image and legitimacy. More importantly, Sudan’s considerable drawdown from nearly 30,000 to 657 personnel by January 2020 – after the UAE, which played a major operational role on the battlefield, started pursuing gradual withdrawal in mid-2019 – curtailed the coalition’s power. Combined, this led to further isolation and an increasing burden for Saudi Arabia

Greater UAE Leverage in a ‘Managed Chaos’

The downsizing of the coalition offered greater opportunity for the UAE to pursue its strategic interests. Before announcing its gradual drawdown in 2019, which represented a shift from direct to indirect engagement, the UAE trained, financed, armed, and organized Yemeni armed groups in the country’s eastern, southern, and western regions. These command and control structures are not controlled by the Yemeni government, which meant that even though the UAE withdrew, it retains tangible control over local proxies and partners thought to exceed 90,000 personnel, which have the power to shape conflict and peace trajectories.

With this complicated political landscape, the Riyadh deal and its stalled implementation exemplify Saudi’s dilemma. Caught in the middle of its ally’s managed chaos, the Kingdom faced new hurdles

Qatar’s Shift in Alliance

Conscious of its ample resources and geopolitical ambitions, Qatar has attempted to project its power even if that means pursuing contradictory policies. When the coalition suspended its involvement, Doha adopted an anti-coalition agenda in an effort to remain engaged and influential. In accordance with this agenda, the Qatari funded news agency Al Jazeera portrayed the coalition as the “Saudi coalition” and the “Saudi-UAE coalition”, a change from its earlier depiction from when Qatar was a member.

The Crisis does not Exist in Isolation

The Gulf crisis and its aftermath have significantly shaped the war in Yemen, deepened polarization, and fueled conflict dynamics. Revoking Qatar’s membership from the coalition diversified UAE options in Yemen at the expense of Saudi Arabia and made defection a possibility. The ensuing dramatic shifts in Doha’s Yemen policy illustrate how intra-GCC cracks played out in favor of Yemeni rebel groups and Iran rather than to the benefit of the Yemeni government and overall Gulf security.

Continuation of competition between the GCC states in Yemen will only exacerbate the war in the country and pose greater challenges not only for Yemen, but also for Saudi Arabia and the broader Gulf region. Three years from the conflict’s inception, a genuine intra-GCC rapprochement seems improbable but necessary – by Ibrahim Jalal, a Yemeni security, conflict and defense researcher based in the UK, an Erasmus Scholar, and a co-founding member of the Security Distillery Think Tank and a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute.

My remark: the author is a pro-Saudi propagandist / writer.

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US, France support Saudi Arabia’s positive role in Yemen

The ambassadors of the United States and France to Yemen extended their countries' support for the positive role Saudi Arabia is playing for Yemen’s unity, security and stability, and for efforts the Kingdom is making to implement the Riyadh Agreement.
The appreciation of the Saudi contributions by envoys of the two countries was made during two separate meetings that the Speaker of the Yemeni Parliament, Sultan Al-Barakani, had with them in Riyadh on Thursday, Saudi Press Agency reported.
The Yemeni official and US Ambassador Christopher Hensel valued Saudi Arabia’s contributions toward Yemen in a manner that preserves its unity, security, stability and territorial integrity and ends the suffering of its people.
Meanwhile, French Ambassador Christian Testu affirmed his country's support for the Saudi role in preserving the security, unity, and territorial integrity of Yemen and the Kingdom’s efforts to bring peace in the war-hit country through the implementation of the Riyadh Agreement.

My comment: ????????????????????????????????????????????????????

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Dansereau: Lets talk about Yemen

Yes, it is difficult to adjust to the new normal that COVID-19 has forced us into. But as Canadians we have access to food, clean drinking water and a highly developed medical care system. We just celebrated 153 years of Canada for Canada day; we sang our anthem, we wore our country’s colours and we felt proud to be from a nation where we are safe and free from war.

If Canada was in the middle of a humanitarian crisis, other nations would pay attention. Yemen is suffering and nobody is paying attention.

June has been a month of sweeping change across the world, of recognizing who and what we need to stand up for. We need to keep checking our privilege—it’s easy to forget just how lucky we are.

We were sad there were no fireworks and big celebrations this month, Yemenis are terrified that their families won’t wake up in the morning.

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Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen and The Role of the United Nations

While Yemen appears to be careening towards the precipice, there still remain opportunities to end the war and prevent the humanitarian crisis from worsening. Initiatives for serious negotiations have to come from within as international players can only broker a peace deal. Oman is strongly seen as a potential mediator as it has maintained positive relations with all key sides—internal and external—in Yemen’s ongoing conflict.

United Nations Human Rights Commission formed a group of eminent experts (GEE) on the region of Yemen to look into possible crimes at the hands of rebel forces, the state and Saudi Arabia. The report states that all stakeholders and affiliated popular committees have enjoyed a “pervasive lack of accountability” for violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. The fighting has left over 1500 civilians dead, according to the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates.

Mr. Kamel Jendoubi, chairperson of the Group of Experts on Yemen says that there has been a lack of international action to hold all parties to the conflict equally accountable. UK, USA and France may have been calling for a halt on armed aggression. However, they continue to supplying weapons to middle eastern countries which feeds the never-ending cycle of violence. The United Nations Security Council has extended the arms embargo against the Rebel Forces. The one-sided Embargo was criticised as it in a way legitimised airstrike on Yemen. Which goes against the collective responsibility that all parties have for the humanitarian crisis. The Stockholm agreement has achieved only moderate success in the city of Hodaydah till now. It itself cannot be expected to cease military offence with Rebels. The violence continues, so does the humanitarian crisis.

Brokering an End to The World’s Worst Crisis

The people, especially children, women and the youth of Yemen have seen the worst of humanitarian crisis and apathy of international organisations and foreign countries. For the humanitarian crisis to end, attempts to restore peace must be made. Peace would ensure ideal conditions for humanitarian, legal and economic structures to prosper. These are an essential prerequisite for ensuring justice, freedom and transparency in the country. For peace to exist in Yemen, it should not be used as a proxy for any other regional reasons by any regional power. To show that, they need to keep their connection with Yemen exclusive to the state. The involvement of Iran and Saudi Arabia in Yemen’s domestic conflict only adds a sectarian flavour to the conflict making it more intractable.

A peaceful society can only be built from the ground by engaging, locals, tribal groups, civil societies and activist. Houthis have been marginalised in the internal politics of the country for a very long time. they surely enjoy significant support of the common public. Therefore, an attempt to restore peace cannot be made without bringing their demands to the table. The grass root level needs of tribal groups must be given their due share in governance. Yemeni authority and International players have so far failed to distinguish between terrorism and insurgency. The current instability then ends up being exploited by malicious groups like Al-Qaida, Al Nusra, Boko Haram, among others.

The humanitarian crisis shows us that those who suffer the most in a war are the unarmed, non-combatant civilians. The repercussions are more painful than the war itself because they leave a long-term impact on society and its people. UNSC and other agencies must look beyond sanctions. The humanitarian aid is only temporary and the long-term solution would come from the positive political engagement between the Yemeni authority and the various tribal groups along with the Houthis. The dialogue must be on equal terms and free from foreign interventions – by Nishtha Gupta

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Coalition: we will cut off hands trying to target Saudi Arabia

The Saudi-led Arab military coalition has threatened to cut off any hands that try to target Saudi Arabia in response to threats by the Houthi Group on Wednesday.
The Houthi Group, also known as Ansar Allah, threatened to launch harshest military operations against Saudi Arabia following around 64 Saudi-led airstrikes in regions under its control, including 25 airstrikes in the capital Sanaa.
Spokesperson for the coalition, Turki Al-Maliki, said in a press conference on Thursday: "We have launched a qualitative offensive in response to Houthi missile and drone attacks on Saudi Arabia".

"Targeting civil facilities is a red line that will never allow to be crossed. We will cut the hands that try to target Saudi regions.
We will take strict measures against the Houthi militia if it tries to target populated areas in the kingdom," he said, according to Alarabiya TV.

and also

Comment: #Saudi 2015 vs today. They want to brutally attack #Yemen for 6 yrs & they get angry when #Yemen retaliate, hitting them bk painfully lol. They r not just BIG losers, they r absurdly arrogant

My comment: What a propaganda BS: "Targeting civil facilities is a red line that will never allow to be crossed”: What’s the Saudis are doing since more than 5 years in Yemen? The Houthis’ targets are Saudi air force bases, air ports and the Ministry of War at Riyadh.

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Saudi-led coalition ‘to target Houthis leadership’ as it launches major operation against Yemen rebels

The Saudi-led military coalition on Thursday confirmed it has launched a major operation against Yemen’s Houthis. The military warned it will target the rebel leadership following missile and drone attacks on the kingdom.

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Yemen on the brink: COVID-19. Starvation. War.

COVID-19 is surging across war-torn Yemen, even as an ongoing cholera outbreak worsens, food and water shortages increase, and civilians continue to be hit by bombs dropped in the conflict between Saudi-led forces, the Houthis and others.

To make matters worse, humanitarian funding has dwindled to an alarming degree. Two-thirds of the country’s 30 million people rely on food assistance. The number of malnourished children in Yemen could increase by 20 percent.

The International Rescue Committee (IRC) is working around the clock to stop the spread of the novel coronavirus. We are providing essential protective gear, clean water and sanitation services, and lifesaving information about COVID-19’s symptoms and prevention practices.

Here are eight facts about the situation on the ground in Yemen:

COVID-19 is ripping through Yemen

The world is turning its back on Yemen

Child starvation rates are rising

The next few months are pivotal

Civilians are being bombed

The world’s richest countries have contributed to this catastrophe

Global and regional powers, including the United States, the United Kingdom and France, are supplying weapons to warring parties, which continues to kill innocent people and devastate health facilities and schools. It is vital that these countries use their influence and resources to resolve the conflict, not fuel it—and that those responsible for violations of international law in Yemen are held to account.

The world must act—now.

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Al-Houthi: Saudi-led Aggression’s Escalation A US Decision Announced on Tuesday

Member of the Supreme Political Council Muhammad Ali Al-Houthi confirmed that the escalation of raids on the capital, Sana’a, by the Saudi-led aggression is a US decision announced on Tuesday from Riyadh, that proves its participation and support for the continuation of the aggression against Yemen.

“Brian Hook (US Special Representative for Iran) announced support and assistance to Saudi Arabia from there (Riyadh) yesterday,” Al-Houthi wrote in a post published on his Twitter page on Wednesday.

Referring to the US-Saudi intensive raids on Sana’a and Sa’adah, he said, “What is happening now is a result of the US decision rejecting peace.”

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UAE commits war crimes in Yemen, says Turkey's UNSC envoy

Turkey has accused the United Arab Emirates of committing war crimes in Yemen and threatening regional and international security in the Middle East and North Africa.
The United Arab Emirates has killed a large number of people and is using starvation as a weapon in Yemen, Turkish representative to the UNSC, Feridun Sinirlioğlu, said in a letter to the United Nations Security Council and the United Nations Secretary General.
"What the UAE is doing in Yemen is a war crime," said Sinirlioğlu


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Turkey: UNSC must remind UAE of duty to international law

The UN Security Council must remind the United Arab Emirates (UAE) it is bound by international law against “destructive and malicious policies” in the Middle East and North Africa, Turkey told the international body, Anadolu Agency reports.

Turkey’s ambassador to UN Feridun Sinirliogu accused the UAE on Wednesday of embarking on a campaign to stifle democratic movements in the region, citing Abu Dabi’s “excessive ambition” to dominate the wider region “resulted in nothing but human suffering.”


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Turkey: 'UAE uses famine as weapon to impose sovereignty'

Turkey’s Ambassador to the United Nations (UN) Feridun Sinirlioglu announced on Wednesday that the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is carrying out a campaign to dominate the region, accusing it of committing war crimes to achieve this.

In a letter sent to the UN Security Council and the UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, Sinirlioglu asserted: “UAE’s actions amounted to war crimes, causing mass civilian casualties and systematic destruction of civilian infrastructure through air strikes.”

The reason for these actions were attributed to Abu Dhabi’s “excessive ambition” to dominate the broader region, stressing that these actions “resulted in nothing but human suffering.”

My comment: There is a strife between Turkey and the UAE about local dominance, reflected by the narrative of UAE’s Yemeni vassals of the separatist STC:

(* B P)

Al-Makhlafi, the Qatari, Turkish arm in Yemen

The International Organization of the Muslim Brotherhood has apparently become part of the army of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
The organization recruits fighters from every part of the world to fight and implement Erdogan's agenda.
Senior Muslim Brotherhood member and terrorist Hamoud Saeed al-Makhlafi has become an important tool for the implementation of the Turkish agenda in the region.

When the Houthis staged their coup against the legitimate Yemeni government in 2015, the Muslim Brotherhood used al-Makhlafi as well, especially in battles in Taiz. He oversaw Muslim Brotherhood camps in the city.
Al-Makhlafi is implicated in the theft of the properties of ordinary Yemenis. He has been overseeing this theft since 2011. He arbitrated disputes between ordinary Yemenis, but at the end stole the properties of the Yemenis.
In 2016, al-Makhlafi left Taiz for Saudi Arabia and then to Turkey. Muslim Brotherhood media said at the time that the Saudi Arabia-led coalition in Yemen forced al-Makhlafi to leave the country in order to undermine battles for its liberation from the control of the legitimate government.
Al-Makhlafi lives now in Turkey and travels to Qatar regularly. In 2019, he unveiled his plan to set up training camps in Taiz to fight the Arab coalition in Yemen.
He believes he and his militias can control the coastal strait which overlooks the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.

My remark: By a pro-separatist news site.

(A P)

Yemeni groups call for Turkish military intervention

The Yemeni government forces on Tuesday strongly criticized the calls for the intervention of regional countries, especially Turkey, in the Gulf nation, describing it as “a great betrayal of the Arab alliance and the Yemeni people.”

The joint forces in the west coast (which includes the Giants Brigade, the Republican Guard and the brigades of the Thami resistance) indicated in a statement issued on Tuesday, that there are “political and media figures and activists from partisan currents hostile to the Arab alliance” calling for the intervention of regional states, especially Turkey, in Yemen along the lines of what is happening in Libya.

The statement described these calls as “dissonant voices”, stressing that they come under the guidance of “international terrorist organizations” in order to prevent the Saudi-led coalition from “achieving the goals for which it was announced.”

They continued: “The campaign to promote Turkish military intervention in Yemen, which started by influential activists, media and politicians who follow hostile party currents during the past few days, whose biggest goal of Turkey’s intervention in Yemen is to implement its agenda and its project supported by regional countries and put it forward on the Yemeni coast, to come to complete its purposeful project To expand their influence in the region. ”

My comment: It’s getting more and more complicated. Turkey would support Islah Party, the main backer of the Hadi government – while this government turns against a Turkish intervention.

(A P)

Amnesty: MBZ Refuses To Reply On Our Messages About Brutal Crimes In Yemen

Amnesty said in a brief statement that it had sent several messages to Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, regarding violations committed by Emirati forces in Yemen, which he did not respond to.

The organization published pictures of messages that were returned to the sender because the message could not be delivered .. it said that this message is one of many messages addressed to Mohamed bin Zayed ..

Amnesty added, “The UAE is a country closed to the public, citizens and foreigners.”

“The UAE has not responded to any of Amnesty International’s official correspondence for years, both those calling for stopping the killing of civilians in Yemen or those requesting an official comment on the findings of our research before publication,” the international organization stressed.

In its statement, the organization concluded, “The refusal to communicate continues. These are not the features of an open country.”

(* A P)

Yemeni Safer FSO facility at UNSC expected session

Germany and Britain are expected to set a date for a UN Security Council session on Monday to discuss Yemen's floating storage and offloading (FSO) facility Safer, at request from the Yemeni official government, Asharq Al-awsat reported.
Asked by the UNSC current president, the German Ambassador Christoph Heusgen, Britain has called for a meeting repeatedly sought to find a solution for the 'time bomb' posed by Safer and avoid grave risks to maritime life in the Red Sea and nearby areas.
The UNSC will likely convene this week to pressure the Houthis into allowing the UN experts to check the derelict supertanker and sparing the wider region an environmental disaster, said diplomats in New York, according to the Saudi paper.
Reservations expressed by South Africa, Indonesia, Russia and China on the meeting have been coped with, the London-based paper added.
The Yemeni government's appeal to UNSC meeting on Safer is absolutely a "political question", the Houthi group commented.


(* A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Fish Wealth Minister: British Move in Security Council Regarding Safer Tanker Political, Indifferent

Fish Wealth Minister Muhammad Al-Zubayri described the British move in the UN Security Council and its invitation to a meeting on Safer floating oil tank as a political move, indifferent of the danger it poses to the Yemeni marine environment.

"The issue of the Safer tanker is being raised for the first time in 5 years. Where were Britain and the Security Council when we were presenting the initiative one after another in this regard without any response?" Al-Zubayri told Almasirah Channel on Saturday.

He explained that the Supreme Political Council presented an initiative by selling the oil in the tank and dividing its revenues between Aden and Sana'a to pay the salaries of the employees.

He pointed out that there are approximately 121 islands and 650 species of fish in the vicinity of the Safer floating oil tank, therefore its explosion will lead to the elimination of these rare types of fish.

Al-Zubayri stressed that the environmental impacts of damage in the tanker will affect hundreds of thousands of families who live on fishing, as well as many countries located on the coasts of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden.

The coalition of aggression is refusing the entry of the technical team entrusted with maintenance work, according to the United Nations, to carry out the maintenance of the tanker, Safer, which has been floating near the port city of Hodeidah since 1989 following. It is at risk of exploding and causing a massive environmental disaster.


(A P)

Yemen [Hadi gov] urges UN Security Council to hold session on floating Safer oil tanker

Yemeni foreign minister Mohammed al-Hadhrami called on the UN Security Council to hold a special session on the Safer floating oil tank following the Iran-backed Houthi militia’s refusal to allow UN experts to conduct their five-year maintenance on the ship.


(* A P)

Yemen Rebels Send Repair Team to Stricken Tanker Risking Leak

Yemen’s Houthi rebels say they’ve sent a maintenance team to repair an aging oil tanker laden with more than 1 million barrels that the United Nations and environmental groups see as a threat to marine life in the Red Sea.

The decaying vessel Safer has been moored off Houthi-controlled Hodiedah province since 1988, and the crude, worth some $40 million at today’s prices, was on board when civil war broke out in Yemen in 2015.

The repair team may fail to prevent the Safer from leaking oil, however, because the Saudi Arabian-led coalition fighting the Houthis has blocked access to necessary equipment, Mohammed Ali Al-Houthi, a member of the Houthi ruling political council, said in a statement. The Houthis, who are backed by Iran, can’t sell the oil; international buyers are wary of dealing with them, and the Saudi-led coalition controls waters near the vessel. =

and also

(* B H K)

Yemen: world’s greatest humanitarian crisis?

Sara Kader, a teenager from London, also shares her thoughts and feelings on the crisis:

“As a Yemeni myself, I feel helpless and heartbroken that my home country is in the midst of such a catastrophic crisis. I have heard from my family, back in Yemen, about the excruciating effects of disease, hunger and destruction on the young especially.

Children are unable to live their lives to the full, instead most live in pain and agony every second of every day. They are dying very young, without ever knowing what it is to communicate physically or verbally.

People are not only suffering from malaria and cholera; a deadlier foe than these diseases or the war, is Covid-19. It’s spreading rapidly amidst the continuing conflict.”

Yemen desperately needs your help. Please sign petitions and email your local MP to raise this crisis in parliament. Thank you.

(* B K P)

Event Recap: After Five Years of War: How Can Yemenis Restore their State and Sovereignty?

On April 20, GIF hosted a panel discussion “After Five Years of War: How Can Yemenis Restore their State and Sovereignty?” GIF was honored to be joined by Samuel Ramani, Dr. Nabeel Khoury, Rasha Jarhum, Professor David Des Roches and event moderator Ambassador Patrick Theros in a conversation addressing the key obstacles preventing a peace agreement in Yemen’s war that has reduced the country to the world’s worst humanitarian crisis and unsettled regional stability. A short-lived ceasefire signaled that warring parties in the conflict are seeking a resolution, however, the panelists claim that deep mistrust, ineffectual international institutions, and strategic considerations are among the factors that continue to prolong fighting. While internal disputes and international patrons give the war a complex appearance, the experts identify the core political issues at stake and what is required for Yemen to recover.

The Perpetual War

Samuel Ramani opened discussion with a presentation on the international dimension to the conflict, arguing that a paradox has emerged whereby the major actors in Yemen exhibit a desire for a peace resolution, yet are locked in a cycle of violence fueled by mistrust and the absence of an effective peace arbitrer. According to Ramani, the credibility and legitimacy of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is bound up in a war campaign he oversaw as defense minister that risks placing Saudi Arabia in a worse position from where it began in 2015. The Houthis and Iran have sensed the Saudi’s growing vulnerability, which has deepened their relationship and offered Iran a strategic foothold on the Bab el-Mandeb strait and a permanent check on Saudi Arabia’s southern border.

Meanwhile, the efforts of the United Nations to reach a resolution are unpopular among Yemeni political leaders and the Yemeni people. There is dissatisfaction with Special Envoy Martin Griffiths, yet no attractive alternative to the UN-led process despite interest from neighboring Gulf states and Europe to see an end to the war. This is in part a consequence of the polarity present today in the international community as well as mixed messaging coming from Yemeni leaders over an acceptable outcome. President Hadi has alluded to a future federal system while also emphasizing national unity, which in Yemen’s fragmented political landscape of tribal politics and sectarianism has encouraged local groups to develop their own visions for Yemen’s future.

The US Role in the Saudi Campaign

Following Samuel Ramani’s analysis of the wider international dimension to Yemen’s war, Professor David Des Roches narrows the focus on the role of the United States in supporting Saudi Arabia’s military operations. Professor Des Roches is clear to indicate that US military support for Saudi Arabia is only one angle to a highly internationalized conflict, although the relationship is a critical aspect to the war. While American assistance to the Saudi campaign initially came from air-to-air refuelling of Saudi jets, the US today is the top provider of munitions used primarily for ground operations and defense system technologies. For Des Roches, the evolution highlights a shift from Saudi Arabia’s ‘shock and awe’ approach to Yemen through airstrikes to a proxy war fought on the frontlines.

The Limits of Peace Processes

While the UN-facilitated Stockholm Agreement in 2018 renewed optimism for a negotiated settlement to Yemen’s war, Rasha Jarhum reflects on the failure of previous peace discussions and their effect on the Yemeni people’s attitudes toward a lasting future peace.

A Broken Coalition?

In examining the status of the Saudi-Emirati coalition that intervened in Yemen with confidence, Dr. Nabeel Khoury concludes that the coalition has failed despite its military superiority. Moreover, the situation in Yemen appears worse as the coalition looks no closer to achieving its aims of restoring legitimacy and establishing security in the region

(B P)

[from 2015] The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) As Its Place in Regional Security Complex and Its Challenges of Two Cases: Bahrain and Yemen

The Gulf Cooperation Council is an active organization in the Arabian Peninsula also in the Persian Gulf which seeks cooperation with the member states. The two examples of Bahrain and Yemen are evaluated in the framework which was suggested by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever, " Regional Security Complex Theory ". In this theory, the regional complexes are seen in the lens of securitization which can be an explanation in order to understand what happens in the Persian Gulf, what is the GCC's and Iran's motivations in these cases and what was the importance of these cases as the GCC states intervened both of these two examples which are to be evaluated. The article first explains the framework that will be dealt with and explain the GCC's aims to achieve. Then the examples of Bahrain and Yemen would be explained in order to understand the theory and also the developments that happen in Persian Gulf.

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

(* A K P)

[Sanaa gov.] Oil Minister: Released Oil Ships Do not Cover Needed Demand

The Minister of Oil and Minerals, Ahmed Dares, said that the oil ships, that were released and allowed to unload in the port of Hodeidah today, do not cover the demand of the market. In a call with Almasirah channel, he asked the United Nations and the world to intervene to prevent the continued detention of oil ships by US-Saudi forces.

He confirmed that the United Nations should put a clear mechanism to prevent the detention of oil ships.

The Oil Minister stated that the Ministry bears fines on a daily basis due to unnecessary delay, as some of the ships have been held more than a hundred days.


(* A K P)

YPC: US-Saudi Aggression Continue to Detain 22 Oil Ships, Only Two Have Arrived

The Executive Director of the Yemeni Petroleum Company, Ammar Al-Adhrae'e, confirmed Saturday, that US-Saudi forces continue to detain 22 oil derivative ships, indicating that only two ships arrived. He told Almasirah TV that the quantities of gasoline and diesel released from by the forces of aggression do not cover more than 5 days.

The Director added that releasing two oil ships by the forces of aggression is only to prevent the embarrassment the United Nations is facing, especially since the detained ships are cleared with international licenses.

"We will remain using our emergency plan because the shipment that was released does not cover the market's needed oil supplies, it may cover 5 days only," noting that "the detained ships are prepaid and money has been deposited to UAEs' banks."

(A K P)

Yemeni rebels say 3 oil tankers arrived in Hudaydah

Three oil tankers have arrived in the rebel-held Al-Hudaydah port in western Yemen, the Houthi rebels said on Saturday.

In a tweet, Yahya Sharaf al-Din, deputy chief of the Red Sea Ports Corporation, said the tanker Syosset loaded with 29,134 tons of gasoline had arrived at the port.

The Sea Heart tanker, which carries 27,000 tons of diesel, and Hafiz tanker loaded with 26,953 tons of diesel, also docked at the port, he said.


(A K P)

3 fuel ships arrive in Hodeidah, 2 tankers due soon

The Houthi Group, also known as Ansar Allah, on Saturday announced the arrival of three fuel ships in Hodeidah seaport in west Yemen, after the internationally recognised government allowed four fuel ships to enter the port to alleviate an acute fuel crisis in Houthi-run regions.

Vice chairman of the Yemen Red Sea Ports Corporation, Yahya Sharaf Al-Din, wrote on Twitter: "Three ships carrying 83.087 tons of petrol, diesel and mazut arrived in Hodeidah seaport this morning".

"Two fuel tankers will arrive in the port later today," he added.

On Thursday, the government said it had allowed four fuel ships to enter Houthi-controlled Hodeidah seaport upon request from the UN envoy, Martin Griffiths.

That was a temporary exception to give the UN envoy's office a chance to arrange for a meeting between the government and the Houthis, the technical office of the government's supreme economic council said in a statement.

(A K P)

YPC Director Confirms Hodeidah Port Didn’t Receive Any Oil Ships

The Executive Director of the Yemeni Petroleum Company, Ammar Al-Adhrae'e, confirmed that the Hodeidah port didn’t receive any detained oil derivatives ship, contradicting the US-Saudi aggression which announced the arrival of oil ships.

Al-Adhrare'e explained that if the four ships arrived at the port, the Yemeni Oil Company would not be able to cover all needed oil derivatives by the market. He pointed out that the daily requirement of gasoline in normal conditions in the governorates under Salvation Government control is much more.

He stated that the Yemeni oil company will be unable to overcome the crisis of oil derivatives because its installations and stations are empty, and there are two thousand stations need oil derivatives, indicating that it requires providing 60 thousand liters per station, equivalent to 120 million liters.

and also

(A H P)

Photo: Yemenis in Sana'a live a suffocating oil derivatives crisis in areas controlled by the #Houthi group. The cars in Sana'a have lined up, waiting for days to fill their cars with petrol or diesel.

(A K P)

The dispute on fuel imports emerged again following looting of YR35 billion ($58 million) by the Houthis from the Public Servants’ account which is supervised by the UN at the Central Bank office in Hodeida.

Consequently, the government suspended permits to the fuel vessels to enter Hodeida port which led to acute fuel shortage in the Houthis-held areas.

Yet, the government said it exceptionally has permitted four fuel vessels to cross into Hodeida port following a promise by Griffiths that the Houthis do not steal the money again.


(A K P)

[Hadi] Yemeni gov't allows fuel vessels to Houthi-run seaport

Approval, based on UN special envoy's request, allows for meeting with Houthi rebels on tax revenues for fuel vessels

Yemen [= Hadi gov.] has agreed to the entry of four fuel vessels to the Houthi rebel-controlled seaport of al-Hudaydah, said an official statement Thursday.

The approval was made "based on a request by the UN Special Envoy, Martin Griffiths... to permit four fuel derivatives as a temporary exception to give a chance for a meeting between the government and Houthi representatives," said the statement by the government’s Economic Council of Yemen.

The meeting will review the violations made by the Houthis along with improving mechanisms to ensure the disbursement of the tax revenues of fuel vessels, it added.

The four vessels carry 92 tons of fuel, including benzene, diesel, and gas, with tax revenues for the vessels estimated at 1.68 billion Yemeni rials ($2.24 million).

Last month, the Houthi-run oil company accused the Arab Coalition of detaining 15 fuel vessels holding nearly 420,000 tons of fuel and fuel derivatives.

My comment: How could the UN ever accept that it’s the Hadi government’s right to decide this??

(A P)

[Hadi gov.] Prime Minister: Houthis created the fuel shortage to escape implementation of the UN mechanism

The Prime Minister, Maeen Abdulmalik, said on Wednesday that the Houthis created the fuel shortage to escape the implementation of the United Nations (UN) mechanism on the fuel imports.

He explained that the Houthis did so to return to the smuggling of Iranian fuel and use the revenues of the fuel sales for financing their war against the Yemeni people.

Abdulmalik said this during his meeting on the same day with the UN Special Envoy to Yemen, Martin Griffiths.

My comment: This explanation really sounds odd. Reality is more simple: Blockade.

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

(A H)

ICRC distributes 17,500 food baskets in Yemen's Sa'ada

The International Committee of Red Cross (ICRC) has delivered food baskets to 17,500 people in the Yemeni northern governorate of Sa'ada, the charity's country office said Sunday on Facebook.

(* B H)

Yemen: Secondary Desk Review on WASH Assessments (May 2020)

One of the driving underlying factors of disease outbreaks and high malnutrition rates is a lack of access to clean and safe water, improved latrines, adequate environmental sanitation, and soap.

In 2019, it was estimated that over half of the population (55%) did not have access to safe and clean water, and that almost half (45%) did not have access to soap due to economic reasons. The 2019 Yemen Humanitarian Needs Overview estimated that over two thirds of Yemenis were in need of Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene (WASH)-related assistance, with 12.6 million of those in acute need of support.

Due to a lack of comprehensive, nationwide WASH needs assessment data, the Yemen WASH Cluster (YWC) initiated this Secondary Desk Review (SDR) to collate existing information related to WASH needs in Yemen. The main objective of the SDR is to better understand the severity of WASH needs across the country, as well as the underlying causes of these needs, in order to inform appropriate response planning and resource mobilization.
Findings will also be used to inform the calculation of the WASH People in Need (PIN) and district severity score figures for 2020. This SDR was conducted jointly by REACH and the YWC in collaboration with ACAPS.

In order to analyse the severity of WASH needs, the following four steps were undertaken. Further details about the Methodology can be found in the Methodology section of this report, as well as in Annex 1.

(B H)

Eleven projects covering all governorates: CSSW efforts and rapid response to combat COVID-19 pandemic in Yemen

As the emergence of the Coronavirus pandemic evolved, CSSW took the initiative to contribute to limiting the evolution in Yemen by 11 projects, undertaken in response and rapid intervention by its branches in all governorates of Yemen in partnership with six local and international organizations. Such response benefited about 2 million people and 84 health facilities.

The response by interventions began in March 2020 and effectively is ongoing. The projects implemented have three main topics: "awareness, health, logistical support, and precautionary measures".

Awareness is the first step to reduce the outbreak of the new Covid-19, according to WHO experts. Hence, CSSW intervened to contribute to creating a community awareness culture to confront this deadly epidemic and limit its spread.

In its humanitarian interventions, CSSW did not neglect health support in a country that all international reports confirm imminent collapse of health system.

(* B H)

UNDP Yemen wins acclaimed international Ashden Awards for Humanitarian Energy

A United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Yemen project that addresses solar power needs and provides solutions and hope for three frontline conflict communities has been announced as the winner of the acclaimed Ashden Awards for Humanitarian Energy. “UNDP Yemen is our first ever winner for energy in a humanitarian setting and we were especially inspired by the empowered role the women have in the ownership of the community microgrids,” says Harriet Lamb, CEO of Ashden.

UNDP Yemen has been recognized as one of the world’s most practical and scalable low carbon innovators and was among 11 winners selected from over 200 global applications in the areas of creating resilience, green growth, and fairer societies.

As part of a UNDP-managed joint project, the Enhanced Rural Resilience in Yemen (ERRY), the initiative addresses two major issues for the communities of Hajjah and Lahj: access to affordable and sustainable energy and providing sustainable income to Yemen's most vulnerable population, women and youth.

Cutting the cost of energy by 65 per cent, UNDP has worked with the women and youth to train, develop and manage micro-grid businesses to help electrify their communities one home and business at a time. “Community-owned solar microgrids are an ideal low carbon energy solution in any circumstance but is even more powerful given the conflict and ongoing hardship in Yemen,” says Harriet Lamb, CEO of Ashden. The project has helped 2,100 people gain access to disposable income and 10,000 people with access to sustainable energy.

In a country where women do not enjoy equal status, especially in the realm of work, this not only provides them with an opportunity to provide their families with food, shelter, medicine and other vital supplies, it allows them to have a voice in community decision making and to gain community respect. Rural women launching their own business is a remarkably rare undertaking in the country. “The project was not easy to get off the ground,” says Project Lead, Eman Hadi. “We went through a lot to establish this project because of the perspective Yemenis have on working women,” she indicated.


(A H)

Austria: Foreign Minister Schallenberg: “Austria is providing urgently needed aid to Yemen”

In the Council of Ministers on 30 June 2020, the Federal Government decided to allocate 1 million euros from the Foreign Disaster Fund (FDF) for Yemen.

(* B H)

Yemen: Humanitarian Access Snapshot (March - April 2020)

Humanitarian partners reported 1,064 access incidents in March and April across 49 districts in 16 governorates in Yemen.

During the reporting period, armed hostilities continued in the border areas of Marib,
Sana’a and Al Jawf governorates. This resulted in civilian casualties with nearly 8,800 families displaced by the end of April. Clashes and associated security concerns constrained the humanitarian response activities in the affected areas and continued to obstruct the south-north crossline movement of humanitarian cargo via Marib.

In March and April, the rapidly spreading COVID-19 severely exacerbated the operational constraints across Yemen. Humanitarian partners faced increased levels of constraints imposed on regular programme deliveries and operations due to various precautionary measures by local authorities to supress the spread of COVID-19. The pre-existing access constraints

Restrictions on the movement of humanitarian organizations, personnel and goods within and into Yemen reached alarming levels, with 775 incidents reported during the reporting period. In northern Yemen, these mainly pertained to a ban on inter-governorate movement and restrictions of crossline movement of humanitarian personnel and goods from southern Yemen. Travel permits such as for the delivery of assistance and services were also denied, despite compliance to appropriate social distancing protocols by aid agencies. These restrictions affected both regular programmes and scale up of COVID-19 response.

Since mid-March, the movement of humanitarian personnel and cargo into the country has also been disrupted by new regulations in Yemen and embarkation countries against COVID-19.

(B H)

Yemeni Development Network for NGOs: Annual Report 2019

Yemeni Development Network for NGOs is a leading non-profit, non-governmental Yemeni organisation that was established in 2003. The substantial purpose for establishing YDN was to create a common conviction of the indispensable need for the establishment of a specialised entity responsible for building the capacities of the social community organisations to ensure their active participation and good practice of their roles. For about a decade, YDN has successfully accomplished its goals in improving local CSOs' abilities and gained broader comprehension and active participation. YDN's excellence is further enhanced by its apparent existence all around the country, having 13 branches in 13 governorates and co-ordinating offices in the rest of the governorates. This apparent existence facilitates a high-level of co-ordination with the authorities and local communities, and immediate recognition, prompt response and easy access to any emerging incident.

(* B H)

UN: Only 40% of Yemen aid pledged has been received

The United Nations announced yesterday that it had received only 40 per cent of all recent international aid pledged for Yemen in the Riyadh conference.

A report issued by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Yemen said that the organisation “received only $558 million, out of $1.35 billion pledged by donors about a month ago to support the humanitarian response in Yemen.”

The report indicated that “the aid operation is on the brink of collapse unless donors fulfill their pledges immediately (…) as nearly 80 percent of the population are still in need of humanitarian assistance and protection.”

Adding that “the tragedy in Yemen unfolds with the growing need for humanitarian assistance and the depletion of funds allocated by relief agencies to provide life-saving aid.”

The UN report emphasised that Yemen needs “more than $3.2 billion in humanitarian aid during the current year 2020.”

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

(* B H)

Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 2 July 2020

A total of 32,000 IDP families will receive a direct distribution of some USD 5 M, starting from next week. The fourth cash distribution for this year in the northern part of Yemen is underway, as well as the third distribution for areas in the south, including verification of family details to receive cash for rent, food and medicine. So far this year, USD 11 M has been distributed to more than 56,000 IDP families. UNHCR continues to increase the number of tellers at banks, double the number of payment points, set up hand-washing stations and implement appropriate spacing at cash collections points to avoid overcrowding.

A worrying trend for mental health and psychosocial support is being observed across Yemen. In Sa’ada, Al Jawf, Hajjah and Hudaydah governorates, most of the calls and psychosocial counselling related to anxiety and fear over COVID-19. Growing socio-economic concerns linked to job losses were also recorded, including suicidal thoughts and uncertainty over securing work.

So far this year, the Protection Cluster led by UNHCR reached 70,000 families through protection assessments, including the provision of civil documentation, legal advice, counselling and representation, and dispute resolutions. The Cluster partners also provided 30,300 families with much-needed cash for protection services, such as psychosocial support and case management.

(* B H)

Film: The internally displaced people in Kedha camp in #Taiz governorate live in endless suffering searching for food, water, and basic health services. About 700 households have fled their homes, escaping from the hell of the war to live in deprivation.

(* A H)

Film: About 600 households flee from areas of confrontation between government forces and armed men of the Southern Transitional Council supported by #UAE in Abyan governorate.

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

(A P)

Houthis Shut Down Yemen Music Radio Station

Houthi rebels, Iran’s proxy in Yemen, have shut down the headquarters of Yemen Music FM radio station and suspended its activities, local sources said.

Daifallah Al Shami, minister of information in the so-called Houthi government, issued an order to lay off 25 employees who work for Yemen Music FM in Sana’a, Dhamar, and Ibb provinces without providing any justification

(A P)

Houthis storm, confiscate residence of Islah Member of Parliament in Sana'a

The Houthis stormed on Sunday residence of the head of the Parliamentary Block of the Islah Party, Member of the Parliament, Abdulrazaq Al-Hajri and seized it.

Sources in Sana'a said that the Houthis militants stormed the house located in Bait Baws Quarter with several military vehicles, took the family forcibly out of the house and abducted the head of the family to an unknown location.

The sources said that the militants seized the house and terrorized residents of the quarter.

Militants of the Houthis stormed the same house four months ago, tampered with its contents and threatened its residents.

and also

(A K P)

Baghdad condemns US for missile test inside its embassy

The Iraqi government has condemned the United States for testing an air defense missile system inside its embassy in Baghdad.

Iraq’s deputy parliament speaker Hassan Karim al-Kaabi on Saturday described the move as provocative and in violation of international law.

Kaabi also called on the Iraqi government to take swift measures to halt such actions.

The Embassy’s move to fire in a residential area in the heart of Baghdad is an unacceptable act and another challenge for the Arab country, adding to the mass of its provocations and illegal actions in Iraq, he noted.

According to Iraqi media, the US tested a patriot missile system inside Baghdad’s heavily fortified Green Zone.

(A P)

FM Expresses Yemen’s Appreciation to New Non-permanent Members of Security Council

Foreign Minister Hisham Sharaf on Saturday expressed the appreciation of the Republic of Yemen to the positions of some countries, which are based on the commitment to respecting the rule of law and pushing for a peaceful resolution of disputes in order to establish sustainable peace all over the world.

Sharaf has sent written letters to the foreign ministers of India, Norway, Ireland, Mexico and Kenya, as their countries were elected as non-permanent members of the Security Council for 2021-2022.

(A P)

Parliament listens to Salvation Govt's financial statement for 2020

(B P)

Reporting continuously hiding Khaleda Al-Asbahi

Notification of the persecution of Khaleda Al-Asbahi The Association of Mothers of the Kidnapped in the governorate of Taiz has received a notification from the forcibly hidden daughter, Khalda Muhammad Ahmad Al-Asbahi, stating that her 57-year-old mother is still under enforced disappearance. Statement details:

and also

(A P)

Senior state leaders discuss government matrix on "Bilal's Grandsons"

The meeting, which included a number of senior state officials, dealt with the mechanism of engaging civil society institutions in the national plan to take care of Bilal's Grandsons (marginalized people with black skin) and integrate them into society.

The meeting touched upon the executive procedures of the government matrix for Bilal's Grandsons, and ways to achieve the desired role of community institutions for this approach

My comment: it seems the main goal is to recruit them as fighters. If they do not want, then this could happen:

(A P)

Houthi supervisor, Abu Ali al-Khawlani, killed 3 Muhamasheen, #Yemen's marginalized black community,& injured another from the same family today in Amran province after they refused to join the frontlines. Women then intervened, killing al-Khawlani and capturing his escorts.

and also


(A P)

Three people from one "marginalized" family were killed in the district of Qaflat Adhar in Amran Governorate, north of the capital, Sanaa. Because they refused to send their children to fight with #Houthis militia.


(A P)

Why are black people favorable fodder for Houthi non-stopping wars

Appealing for more fighters to press ahead in the six year war to defend his dynastical rule, north Yemen's rebel leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi mainly targeted in his June 18 speech the black people. Al-Houthi gave them what he believed is an honorary title, "the ancestors of Bilal." In Islam's history, Bilal was an Abyssinian black companion of prophet Mohammed. The Houthi title was widely met with distrust among black and white activists alike in Yemen and seen as a flattery in the context of his speech and racist recruitment campaigns on the ground.

Among the commenters was the chief of the national Union of the Marginalized People in Yemen Noaman al-Hudheifi.

Al-Hudheifi said: "The day before, the leader of the Houthis pretended he wants to integrate the 'ancestors of Bilal' into the society but now has prodded his men to recruit the black from their crumbling huts [to the warfronts and then] to the Cemetery of the Martyrs, instead of the mansions of the happy elite in Aljiraf in Sana'a."

Although there is no enlistment data about the Houthi guerilla, Yemeni NGOs, activists and army sources continuously talk of black Yemenis and African immigrants being exploited as favorable targets for the Houthi recruiting drive.

My remark: By an anti-Houthi, pro-Islah Party news site.

(A P)

7,109 child soldiers recruited in Houthi-held areas

The Iran-backed Houthi putschist militia has recruited children from schools and used them as soldiers in armed conflicts, well-informed Yemeni sources told the local press on Saturday.
The same sources affirmed that 7,109 child soldiers had been recruited by the Houthis in five provinces under their control.

My comment: They evidently had recruited many. A figure by “well-informed Yemeni sources” anyway is BS.

(A P)

Religious preachers in Sanaa condemn coalition crimes against civilians in Yemen

Religious preachers in mosques in the capital Sanaa strongly condemned the crimes committed by the US-backed Saudi-led aggression coalition and its mercenaries against the Yemeni people.
The preachers considered the crimes would be added to the criminal record of the forces of aggression and mercenaries against citizens in a flagrant violation of customs, charters, international humanitarian and human rights law.
They held the United Nations and human rights organizations responsible for the crimes committed by the aggression coalition and its mercenaries against the Yemeni peop

(A P)

Four Yemeni detained journalists listed among ten most urgent cases

The One Press Coalition listed on Wednesday four Yemeni journalists among ten most urgent cases whose status demand justice.

The four listed journalists are being detained by the Houthis rebels since 2015 and they are at risk of execution any moment after the rebels ruled them to death last April.

(A P)

Yemen: international leaders call on Houthis to release Bahai prisoners

Iran-backed rebels promised to release six Bahai members in March but they remain behind bars

Global figures are calling on Yemen’s Houthi rebels to immediately release members of the Bahai community who are being held in prisons and are at high risk of contracting Covid-19.

The Iran-backed rebels announced in March that they would release Bahai leader Hamed bin Haydara and another five Bahai detainees, but they remain behind bars.

Since then rebels have ignored international calls to release the detained men.

“We join members of the International Religious Freedom Alliance in calling on the Houthis to follow through on their March announcement to release the six Bahai prisoners of conscience in their custody, particularly given the heightened risk posed by the spread of Covid-19,” Sam Brownback, the US Ambassador at Large for International Religious Freedom, said on Twitter.

Mr Brownback’s call was reiterated by Jos Douma, the Netherland’s Special Envoy for religion and belief who said the detainees are at high risk of contracting the disease.

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp6 – cp18

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-663 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-663: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

07:13 06.07.2020
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
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Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose