Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 724 - Yemen War Mosaic 724

Yemen Press Reader 724: 7. März 2021: USA müssen aufhören, rücksichtslose Klienten im Nahen Osten zu "beruhigen" –Wie Europa und die USA auf Frieden im Jemen drängen können – Der taktische ...
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

... Der taktische Rückzug der VAE aus einem strategischen Engagement im Jemen – WFP ruft zur Lösung der Treibstoffknappheit im Jemen auf-– Dokumentarfilm über Krebspatienten im Jemen – Elektronische Spionage durch die Houthis – Schöner Jemen – Schlacht um Marib tobt – und mehr

March 7, 2021: US must stop ‘reassuring’ reckless clients In the Middle East – Yemen in the Biden era: How Europe and the US can press for peace – The UAE’s Tactical Withdrawal from a strategic engagement in Yemen – WFP appeals for solution to Yemen fuel shortages – Documentary film about cancer patients in Yemen – Electronic Espionage by the Houthis – Beautiful Yemen – Marib battle rages – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12b Sudan

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

(** B K)

Film: Yemen’s misery is absolute – how it came to this

‘Hunger Ward’ Director Skye Fitzgerald Narrates Harrowing Scene From Powerful MTV Documentary Films’ Oscar Contender — Video

In this exclusive scene from the film, Fitzgerald narrates a chilling moment capturing what happened when three missiles destroyed a building where a large crowd had gathered for a memorial service.

“I really wanted to include sort of a distilled illustration of what the bombing campaign has wreaked in Yemen in the course of the war that has contributed to the famine,” Fitzgerald explains. “I wanted it to serve as a sort of catalyst for empathy. It’s one thing to hear about a bombing. It’s another thing to sort of be there.”

Fitzgerald filmed the ruins of the building targeted in the attack. A man who survived the devastating assault says in anguished tones, “The world needs to know the depth of the Yemeni people’s suffering.”

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B P)

Stop ‘Reassuring’ Reckless Clients In The Middle East

The U.S. can afford to end support of clients who behave abhorrently and use the weapons we provided to commit atrocities.

The Biden administration is at risk of repeating one of the most significant mistakes of Obama’s presidency by seeking to “reassure” reckless clients of continued U.S. support. In the last few weeks, Biden has tiptoed around reentering the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with Iran to avoid antagonizing the Israelis and Saudis; he has been careful to stress U.S. support for protecting Saudi Arabia, and has fallen far short of treating the Saudi kingdom as a “pariah.” Even last week’s illegal airstrike on Iraqi militias in Syria seems to have been ordered in part to signal to regional clients that the U.S. is not that eager to negotiate with Iran.

It appears that “America is back” to subordinating its own interests to those of its clients. Catering to these clients’ wishes did not prevent them from trying to derail the nuclear deal in 2015, and “reassuring” Saudi Arabia and the UAE led to the disastrous decision to support the war on Yemen. Indulging them further now will not make diplomacy with Iran any easier, and it will hamstring everything else Biden wants to do in the region.

While the president has taken some encouraging and welcome actions, including the announcement of the end of U.S. support for Saudi coalition “offensive operations” in Yemen and the release of the declassified report that identifies Mohammed bin Salman as the one responsible for approving Jamal Khashoggi’s murder, there is so far no sign that Biden intends to make major changes to U.S. relationships with its clients in the Middle East. As Secretary of State Antony Blinken put it, the U.S. is not looking to “rupture” the relationship with the Saudis, but only to “recalibrate” it. It seems that the recalibration will be minor. It seems as if the other relationships won’t even be recalibrated.

One of the key problems with U.S.-client relationships is that American leaders convince themselves our government must go out of its way to keep clients happy or it risks losing them. Because these states are routinely and wrongly identified as “allies” in D.C. foreign policy debates, they are afforded a level of respect and deference that they don’t deserve and that make no sense given their relatively limited utility to the United States. This puts the U.S. in the absurd position of taking only those actions that clients support while putting the U.S. on the hook for bailing the clients out whenever they engage in reckless behavior. These clients have been allowed to wield remarkable influence in our foreign policy debates when their importance to U.S. security is minimal, and the result is that our government often acts as if the U.S. is the client and the clients are the senior partners in the relationship.

The decision not to penalize the Saudi crown prince for the assassination our government believes he ordered illustrates what is wrong with this approach.

Instead of holding Mohammed bin Salman accountable for something horrible we all know he did, we pretend that the Saudi relationship is so incredibly important that protecting it overrides other considerations. If our government is unwilling to impose penalties on just one high-ranking member of the government, what are the odds that it will ever cut off support to the government as a whole? Following the illegal airstrike in Syria, the president said that the U.S. was telling Iran that it can’t act with impunity. The message Biden has sent to the Saudis is that they can.

One flaw with this thinking is that the Saudi relationship is not that important anymore. Our leaders treat these relationships as ends in themselves instead of means of advancing U.S. interests, and the result is that the clients assume they can get away with anything and never have to fear losing U.S. backing.

Saudi Arabia has increasingly become a liability for the United States. Our enabling of their reckless behavior has been a disaster for Yemen and the rest of the region, and Mohammed bin Salman has been the driving force behind that behavior

The Biden administration also seems to be letting its concern for regional clients’ preferences get in the way of salvaging the nuclear deal with Iran. It is common knowledge that Israel and Saudi Arabia do not want the U.S. to rejoin the agreement. The disturbing thing is that the Biden administration seems to be trying to placate them before taking any meaningful action to fulfill U.S. commitments. News reports have been full of references to the Biden administration’s efforts to “assuage” the Israeli government’s concerns, as if a government led by Netanyahu will ever be satisfied by anything besides relentless hostility towards Iran. Biden’s long history of supporting the U.S.-Israel relationship should make it easier for him to break with Israel on this issue, but in practice it has meant that he and his officials have been more attentive to their bad faith complaints.

Leverage that is never used is no longer really leverage. The U.S. could withhold all military assistance and weapons from these clients to pressure them into making different policy choices more in line with U.S. interests, but there is tremendous resistance in Washington even to threatening to do this because of the fear that the U.S. will then lose influence.

One of the consequences of this upside-down dynamic is that the client governments have an enormous sense of entitlement that U.S. policies are supposed to serve their interests, and they react furiously when their preferences are opposed.

America’s Middle East clients are not that valuable to us, and our government’s support for them has little or nothing to do with keeping America secure. The U.S. can afford to reduce or end that support when clients behave abhorrently and use the weapons Washington has provided them to commit atrocities. If the U.S. is going to end its militarized role in the region, it needs to start by reassessing and downgrading these client relationships – by Daniel Larison

(** B K P)

Yemen in the Biden era: How Europe and the US can press for peace

Europe and the United States have an opportunity to mount a major diplomatic effort that could halt the fighting and lead the way to political talks

But the internationally recognised government’s regional backers, such as the United Arab Emirates, know that the fall of Marib would be fatal to the government. It is therefore also deploying anti-Houthi fighters who are backed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and are based on the west coast of Yemen. Saudi Arabia is also reportedly conducting intensified air strikes against the Houthi advance. The bottom line is that the Saudi-led coalition will not allow Marib to fall and a prolonged and deadly battle is to be expected. This will come with devastating humanitarian costs.

Against this backdrop it is critical that international actors, led by the US and Europe, urgently step up their efforts. Their aims should be to secure a ceasefire by finding ways to pressure and incentivise the Houthis to stop their advance and return to talks.

At the moment, the Houthis appear unprepared to let up, but their likely inability to take Marib is already causing some tensions in their ranks. Those leading the assault are taking a harder line than factions based in Sanaa.

These divisions could prove useful in persuading the group to retreat from the current offensive.

Europeans and the Biden administration can also look to press the Houthis via Tehran. While the Houthis are not Iranian puppets, Iran clearly wields some influence over the movement.

Here, the prospect of renewed US diplomacy with Iran on the nuclear deal could create space for wider accompanying talks on Yemen, though the aim should not be to directly tie these talks together. Such a linkage would complicate both tracks. But talks with Iran could also draw in Omani support, given their open lines of communication with the Houthis.

As part of this diplomatic effort, the US and Europe will need to urge Saudi Arabia to offer the Houthis some concessions, such as lifting the blockade and reopening Sanaa airport, which the Saudis control. This does not need to be an immediate step but can come later if the Houthis take part in a ceasefire.

Riyadh appears to want to quit the conflict; if so, it will need to now accept the need to publicly negotiate with the Houthis, rather than privately as they already do. They will also have to move away from their longstanding desire to impose a military defeat on the group. The Houthis’ dominant position across the north of Yemen, and their willingness to keep fighting, means that the Saudis will inevitably have to make military concessions. Similarly, Europeans and the US can make clear to the Houthis that if they do not respond there is little prospect of international legitimisation of their position, something they continue to aspire to, nor of Saudi Arabia stepping back from military operations or loosening the blockade.

This approach should be accompanied by an immediate humanitarian surge.

If an initial ceasefire and humanitarian opening can be established, international players can then explore wider confidence-building measures that could help set the ground for much-needed UN-led political negotiationsBut achieving this will require intensified international mobilisation and support, namely an immediate commitment to pressing all parties towards a ceasefire in Marib and subsequent wider negotiations – by Raiman Al-Hamdani

My comment: The US still is warring party in Yemen, and its Iran politics actually is a blockade of the Nuclear Deal.

(** B K P)

The UAE’s Tactical Withdrawal from a strategic engagement in Yemen

The UAE’s drawdown from its Assab military base in Eritrea comes as the new Biden administration is re-evaluating America’s commitment to the War in Yemen.

However, as much as the UAE’s retreat from Yemen in 2019 was nominal in character, the dismantling of the Assab base in Eritrea should be considered a tactical withdrawal from a strategic engagement of the Emirates in the Horn of Africa. That is to say, for the most part Abu Dhabi’s withdrawal is an exercise of signalling to Washington rather than a true retreat from the area.

In conducting expeditionary operations in Libya, the Horn of Africa and Yemen, the UAE has found ways to operate below the threshold of war, delegating warfighting and disruptive operations to a broad network of surrogates.

As a master of deception, the UAE maintains its strong foothold and influence in Yemen via the Southern Transitional Council (STC), mercenaries and other militia groups who provide Abu Dhabi with discrete means of achieving strategic objectives with plausible deniability.

Thereby, Abu Dhabi has masterfully used Saudi Arabia as a shield to hide behind amid global criticism over grave human rights violations and war crimes committed by the infamously framed ‘Saudi-led coalition’.

Looking at the coverage of the conflict over the past six years, the Emirates have widely been described as a junior partner supporting its senior partner Saudi Arabia in their war against the Houthis. In reality, however, the alleged junior partner was able to deflect criticism over torture camps, disappearances and war crimes as global public opinion was predominately preoccupied with the role of Saudi Arabia in this conflict. Meanwhile, the UAE was able to secure its objectives in Yemen often at the expense of Riyadh. Abu Dhabi’s strategy in the region has effectively been a zero-sum game with Saudi Arabia: any objective secured by the UAE is an objective lost by Saudi Arabia.

In 2019, there was an outcry over an apparent UAE abandonment of Saudi Arabia in Yemen. Almost two years on, however, it has become clear that the UAE’s shift from direct to indirect surrogate warfare has come at great cost to Saudi.

The reputational and human costs for the Emirati military were no longer in proportion to the benefits the campaign yielded to the UAE. In reality, Abu Dhabi had long achieved its primary objectives in the country: securing access to maritime chokepoints around the Bab al Mandeb Strait. The Houthis who by the time had been confined to the north of Yemen along the Saudi border did not feature in the UAE’s neo-mercantilist grand strategy nor did they touch upon any serious Emirati national security considerations.

Just like the British until 1967, the UAE are not interested in the inaccessible hinterland of Yemen’s strategically important coastline. Securing a foothold in Aden and maintaining control of Yemen’s coastal waters in the south was something Abu Dhabi was able and willing to delegate to a network of surrogates of which the STC became the most important one.

Training, equipping, and bankrolling a vast network of over 90,000 fighters in Yemen’s South, Abu Dhabi has learned from its lessons in Libya, that warfare by delegation might provide strategic depth overseas with limited or no reputational, human or political costs. As Saudi Arabia still continues to receive the brunt of international criticism over the humanitarian catastrophe it helped bring about, Abu Dhabi has effectively outsourced the reputational costs of this war to Riyadh.

Working through its surrogate network in Yemen, however, Abu Dhabi has all but withdrawn from the conflict. Removing its military from Yemen’s mainland was a tactical withdrawal at best, signaling to the international community that it did not want to be associated any more with the atrocities it had committed, and its surrogate network continues to commit. The STC in particular has been instrumental in the UAE’s counterterrorism’ operations, relying on 27 detention sites where political rivals and Islamists of all colours have been subjected to extrajudicial torture and execution. At the same time, Abu Dhabi could tap into its Israeli and American mercenaries to hunt and kill political rivals in Yemen. The UAE effectively outsourced war crimes and human rights abuses to its surrogates in Yemen.

In so doing, Abu Dhabi has managed to purge the strategically important parts of southern Yemen from any opposition to its neo-mercantilist project. The STC and other UAE surrogates have been installed as viceroys who although bankrolled by Abu Dhabi are allowed to rule with considerable autonomy. So much so, that the STC becomes an increasingly unhinged network of uncontrollable surrogates, actively undermining Saudi objectives in the country – by Andreas Krieg

(** B H P)

WFP appeals for solution to Yemen fuel shortages that threaten to worsen widespread food insecurity

This is a summary of what was said by WFP spokesperson Tomson Phiri – to whom quoted text may be attributed – at today's press briefing at the Palais des Nations in Geneva, Switzerland.

The United Nations World Food Programme warns that a crippling fuel shortage in Yemen is making an already catastrophic food security situation far worse and appeals for an urgent solution to this man-made crisis.

No fuel vessels have been allowed to berth at Yemen’s Al Hodeidah port since 3 January. Thirteen fuel vessels carrying over 350,000 metric tons of commercial fuel are currently being held off Yemen’s coast.

A lack of fuel has left the population struggling to reach markets, access health facilities and other vital services. Meanwhile, people are queuing for up to three days to refuel their cars or forced to turn to the parallel market where prices are 180 percent higher.

These acute fuel shortages threaten the availability of clean water and electricity supply. Health facilities that rely on fuel for generators are without power. Higher fuel prices also mean higher food prices at a time when over 16 million food insecure Yemenis are already struggling to afford basic foods, all coming together and culminating in another shock that will further heighten the fragility of those most vulnerable.

The humanitarian community and commercial actors’ small reserves are also at unprecedented lows. WFP’s ability to deliver lifeline food assistance after March is hanging in the balance.

Food security projections for 2021 warn that nearly 50,000 people are facing famine-like conditions with 5 million people just a step away. A further 11 million people are struggling to each day to feed themselves and their families. But these forecasts do not factor in the economic and humanitarian impact of a fuel crisis meaning they risk underestimating the scale of suffering right now in Yemen.

WFP issues an urgent appeal for all parties to reach an agreement that allows entry and distribution of fuel for civilians and the commercial sector through Al Hodeidah port, echoing similar and repeated calls by the UN Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen, Martin Griffiths.

The fuel shortages are yet another threat to a population already on the brink. The spectre of famine grows by the day and the cycle of hunger and conflict continues. Action must be taken to protect the lives and livelihoods of Yemeni civilians.

(** B H)

Film: America is besieging the Yemeni people, Ansar Allah Movie (Death at Siege Time)

A documentary film about cancer patients and the impact of the US-Saudi aggression and blockade on them. (englih subs)

(** B P)

Electronic Espionage, an “unknown soldier” that turns the balance in Sanaa

If the (Houthi) militia, were to one day suggest a symbol for the “unknown soldier” in their control of power in Sana’a, then that soldier would most likely be the “mobile SIM cards” which played a very vital role in the brutal war pitting them against the Internationally recognized legitimate government. That’s because the mobile phones, were the most lethal method within most of the group’s military arsenal, to entrap opponents and recruit neutral Yemeni citizens, who are divided willy nilly between the two parties to the conflict in the land of Yemen which was once described as “Al-Saeedah” or ” the happy land”.

Although Yemeni parties are accustomed to exchanging accusations_ in which one party monopolizes state institutions usually based in the capitals, the Yemeni telecommunications file has remained the thorniest file and is one of the tools that provide militias financially, as well as providing intelligence and media support that help keep them together.

So, what is the story? This was the mission of ” Independent Arabia”, which investigated the case through its various corridors, between the testimonies of the victims, the documents of the parties___ from the men of the Yemeni President Abd Rabbu Mansour Hadi, and the soldiers of the militia leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi.

Ground of control

The (Houthi) imposition of control over Sanaa on September 21, 2014, was the beginning of the countdown in the steps of dominating the joints of the state. However, the share of telecommunications started with a signal from the first man in the group, Abdul Malik, who the sources say decided to form a committee to “organize spying on Yemenis “in 2016. It was made up of the Yemeni National Security Agency, which he established and in the presence of personal representatives of the Houthi in person due to the sensitivity of the issue; namely Dhaifallah Zabara and Abadi Al-Awairi. All of them agreed to appoint 7 leaders to head the Ministry of Communications, including 3 officers, two colonels, and a major. “The newspaper keeps their names secret.”

Once the committee was formed, it set up units of experts who were trained in Iran, Iraq, and Lebanon. Their tasks were distributed to cover all telecommunications sectors. After that, the main committee worked _according to two security sources who spoke to Independent Arabia_ in the context of “a joint operations room between the Ministries of Defense and Interior in Sana’a, whose mission was to search and investigate about all leaders and officers of the (legitimate) Hadi government, and find out their phone numbers that were not registered with their names, as well as to monitor the phone numbers of people opposed to the group, including educators, tribal sheikhs, and influential people, using the records of the secret telecommunications of Yemeni companies, such as “Yemen Mobile”, “Sabafon” and “MTN”. Then” they started monitoring the activities of those targeted. “

One of the teams that emerged from the espionage committee was assigned with the task of hacking accounts on social media platforms, most notably Facebook, WhatsApp and Telegram, some of which are actively used by both officers and leaders of the Yemeni republican regime, as well as hacking those who were supporting the legitimate government or who adhered to neutrality and stayed in their homes.

The testimonies of the two security sources, whose names are kept undisclosed by Independent Arabia, confirmed that the (Houthi)group’s members did what they could to control accounts and spy on mobile SIM cards as much as possible, and developed a technology thanks to which they were able to monitor all the movements required to be monitored by continuously tracking the “card” as long as it remained connected to the power battery.

According to the information we got from the two security sources, the year 2018 saw a remarkable development when the elements who were trained in Iran, Lebanon and Iraq began to link the devices in their possession with more sophisticated modern listening devices directly related to the war room, missiles and drones in order to target the leadership of The army and the legitimate resistance members.

They explained that among the new devices that have been connected to the communications and military operations room, were devices that monitor the movement of coalition aircraft. These devices have their own radars, which have been distributed in various areas under the group’s control. This – according to the two sources – may be one of the reasons why some air strikes failed to hit targets. The Arab Coalition Forces have their targets, and the Houthis receive reports of the attack about ten minutes before the targeting operations take place – by Hisham Al-Shubaily =

(** -)

Photos: Beautiful Yemen


A window to see the Yemen And get to know it

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(* A H)

33 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 2,444 in total

(* A H)

36 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 2,411 in total

(A H)

12 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 2,375 in total

(A H)

21 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 2,363 in total

(* B H)

Cholera situation in Yemen, September 2020

In September 2020, the Ministry of Public Health and Population of Yemen reported a total 14 093 suspected cholera cases including 4 related deaths (case fatality rate: 0.03%) from 18 governorates.

The cumulative number of suspected cholera cases reported in Yemen from October 2016 to September 2020 is 2 477 240 including 3 958 related deaths with a case fatality ratio of 0.16%. During the second wave of this outbreak that started on 27 April 2017, the total number of suspected cholera cases were 2 451 413 including 3 829 related deaths with a case fatality ratio of 0.16%.

During year 2020, a total of 1 219 stool specimens were tested. Out of these, 126 were laboratory confirmed for Vibrio cholerae.

The 5 governorates with the highest cumulative attack rate per 10 000 were Amran (1 764.82), Sana’a (1 694.23), Al Mahwit (1 646.47), Al Bayda (1 481.38) and Al Hudaydah (1 155.85). The national attack rate is 870.30 per 10 000. The governorates with a high number of deaths are Hajjah (584), Ibb (514), Al Hudaydah (406) and Taizz (337).

cp2 Allgemein / General

(* A K P)

Interactive Map of Yemen War

(* A K)

Yemen War Map Updates

March 6:

March 3:

(B P)

Women in Yemen’s Political Transition

Women played a big role in the January 27 uprising in 2011, and during the national dialogue that followed. In the period after this, the role of women was neglected and therefore left them behind. They are not allowed to express their views, as Yemen lacks a governing system that protects women and persecutes them if they speak up against any party.

Women in Yemen are forgotten. They have no domestic, national, or regional power to influence policy to empower their political, economic, and social role. The peace talks and negotiations have not been successful. They lack broad public support because they are organized by the male-dominated political scene which represent elite interests and shut out women, who represent national and communal interests. Based on the agreement between the Southern Transitional Council (STC) and the legitimate government, a newly appointed government was formed on December 18th, 2020, but unfortunately, not a single woman was nominated. A feasible political transition will not take place unless women are playing a vital role at different levels of power – starting from the political parties that have declared their intention to empower women candidates in order to enable them to play a national and political role.

Women’s voices in political negotiations should be enhanced and their views heard on establishing common ground between the parties of the conflict.

(* B H K P)

Film: Biden Continuing the Siege of Yemen- The Struggle

Despite announcing U.S. will no longer help Saudi offensive operations, US ships preventing 10 ships from delivering fuel to Yemen, photos/video Ahmad Algohbary

(* B H P)

Audio: Anarchie und Katastrophe im Schatten Saudi-Arabiens – Arzt wirft Staatengemeinschaft Desinteresse am Jemen vor

Der Arzt und Schriftsteller Marwan Al-Ghafory hat die aktuelle Lage im Jemen als unbeschreiblich bezeichnet.

Jeder Zweite habe keinen Zugang zu medizinischer Versorgung, sagte der gebürtige Jemenit im Deutschlandfunk. Als Beispiel verwies er auf seine Heimatstadt Taizz mit 3,5 Millionen Einwohnerinnen und Einwohnern. Dort würden die Menschen nur noch durch zwei Krankenhäuser mit insgesamt bloß 20 Beatmungsgeräten versorgt. Statistisch gesehen dürften bis zu 500.000 Kinder unter fünf Jahren ohne internationale Hilfe innerhalb von zwölf Monaten sterben. Das Land sei politisch gespalten, es herrsche ein Hybridkrieg mit mehreren kleinen Kriegen, Konflikten und Aufständen, führte Al-Ghafory aus. Das sei einfach Anarchie und eine Katastrophe. Aber davon höre man hierzulande eben nicht viel, weil der Jemen im Schatten Saudi-Arabiens liege. Die internationale Gemeinschaft habe den Krieg dort einfach vergessen und betrachte ihn irgendwie als saudisches Problem.

(* B K P)

Film: An End To Yemen War - IN NEWS

In today's video, we've covered the end of Yemen war. The ongoing war in Yemen is prolonged and many have withdrew out of the proxy war. We have also discussed about the impacts on India.

(* A P)

Houthis Give UN Permits to Travel to Safer Oil Tanker, Timeline Still Unclear, Spokesman Says

The rebel Houthi movement gave the United Nations technical mission permission to travel to assess the decaying Safer oil tanker in Yemen, yet, the organization is still unable to provide dates for the mission's deployment on the vessel, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric told reporters on Thursday.

The mission to examine the tanker anchored in the Red Sea with 1.1 million barrels of oil was planned to start in March, after running into several delays due to a series of requests from the rebel Houthis in Yemen.

"We continue to discuss several pending logistical issues for the mission with the Houthis. These issues are a major reason why we've had to delay the planned deployment that was supposed to happen this month," Dujarric said.

"The discussions, however, have been proceeding: we recently got travel permits for mission's personnel, but so far, we don't have any concrete solutions for some of the other pending issues. Until those other issues are resolved, we're not in a position to spend more donor money to rent a vessel or estimate a new timeline for the mission," Dujarric said.


(A P)

Houthis blackmail int'l community for political gains: Yemeni [Hadi] gov't

The Houthi group uses Safer FSO file to blackmail the international community for political and material gains, information minister in the Yemeni UN-recognized government tweeted on Friday

(* B P)

Pathways Toward Peace in Yemen: National Reconciliation or a 'Phased' Approach?

As we described in a recently published RAND report, there are two primary pathways toward ending the war in Yemen.

If Marib falls, the Yemeni government will not only suffer significant military losses—having to redeploy forces to the south and losing a critical supply line with its coalition ally Saudi Arabia—but it also could represent a major blow to the government's bargaining position in peace talks. Houthi control of Marib may preclude the possibility of national reconciliation efforts (the first pathway), as the Houthis would likely be unwilling to participate in a transitional government or power-sharing agreement unless guaranteed a dominant position.

Ending the fighting in Marib is an imperative, as Secretary Blinken and many others have highlighted.

However, getting the Houthis to end their offensive and return to the peace process will likely require considering alternatives to national reconciliation. Given their momentum on the ground, the Houthis have little reason to accept peace and return to the status quo ante as a marginalized political group contained in the north.

The phased approach that we described in our research, in which international state building efforts are refocused in the near-term on Yemen's southern and eastern governorates, may offer a more viable alternative to ending the violence. Under this pathway, the international community could focus on securing a durable ceasefire and then begin building institutions and structures to achieve inclusive growth, governance, and security in the south. At the same time, the international community must continue to provide essential humanitarian relief in the northern controlled Houthi areas. This pathway would require security commitments from the international community to ensure the integrity of the regions and contain competition within the fractious coalition, as well as a willingness to accept a divided Yemen over at least the near term.

While this phased approach may be preferable to continuing the conflict, it is not without costs and risks for the Yemeni people. Any potential pathway to an enduring peace could take decades to recover from the economic, political, and social costs of this civil war. Our phased approach could require patience from the Yemeni people and a robust and enduring commitment from the international community. But war has brought Yemen to this point, and there are few remaining options.

(* B P)

Despite Biden’s Major Policy Shift in Yemen, Peace is Still Uncertain

Despite many open questions, Daniel Silverman, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Institute for Politics and Strategy at Carnegie Mellon University, believes the underlying intention and motivation of the Biden administration’s recent move has both moral and strategic logic. Morally, he explained, the administration objects to the serious human rights violations caused by the campaign, with thousands of Yemeni civilians killed and numerous alleged atrocities amid a relatively indiscriminate use of airpower in the country.

“Figures such as Secretary of State Antony Blinken and National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, who have both long cared about human rights issues and America’s reputation on them, likely have a strong desire to curb these activities and distance America from them,” Silverman told Inside Arabia.

As for the strategic part, Silverman reads Biden’s announcement as an olive branch to Iran, showing the administration hopes to re-engage Tehran diplomatically in a significant way, as key pillar of its broader foreign policy in the region. A withdrawal in Yemen may well be an effort to quickly signal to Iran the new administration’s aim to move on from their predecessor’s aggressive approach toward the country and restore the Obama-era status quo.

However, Asher Orkaby, Fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center, sees the announcement as ill-timed and ineffective. In the short-term, he noted, the announced withdrawal of US support for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen will have little effect on the outcome of the war.

In the long-term, “the US will be giving up an influential role in the Arabian Gulf and will be replaced by other countries that have fewer moral standards,” he told Inside Arabia. In Orkaby’s view, the Biden administration has symbolically demonstrated to the entire Saudi coalition that it supports Iranian regional dominance.

Though Biden’s newly adopted approach is largely seen as a U-turn in American foreign policy towards Yemen, many analysts also remain skeptical as to whether the arms sales restrictions would be a sufficient measure to stop the suffering of Yemenis. The conflict is far too complex to be solved with a single step and any further diplomatic attempt, which would ignore Yemen’s complex domestic dynamics and the reality on the ground, is likely to fail. Hence, finding an equilibrium between numerous political and military factions in the country and curbing the disruptive role of foreign actors would be a much greater challenge.

In a brief statement given to Inside Arabia, Helen Lackner, Visiting Fellow at the European Council for Foreign Relations, believes that “while President Biden genuinely wants to end the war, he overestimates the US’ influence in doing so.”

Moreover, Orkaby estimates that Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies will be alarmed by Biden’s decision to withdraw support from the campaign in Yemen and will ultimately look elsewhere for military and diplomatic support. He believes that this decision will have dangerous ramifications for the entire region, as maintaining US involvement in the Saudi campaign might have allowed the Biden administration to pressure Saudi Arabia into finding alternative solutions to the conflict. “That leverage is now lost, to the detriment of the Yemeni people,” he added.

Although Biden’s major policy shift towards Yemen offers a rare glimpse of hope for a country that faces the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, there is undoubtedly a long way to go. However, in Silverman’s view, while many details in the US effort to produce stability in Yemen still need to be worked out, “the general thrust to no longer support any actions that would cause substantial civilian harm in Yemen, and/or meaningfully antagonize the Iranians, are fairly clear.” – by Stasa Salacanin

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Film: FO° Live: What are the paths towards peace in Yemen?

Fair Observer, in association with Diwan podcast, hosts a conversation about Yemen's six year conflict and the possible paths towards peace. Panelists include Khaled Hussein Al-Yamani, former foreign minister of Yemen, Sama'a Al-Hamdani, Yemeni analyst and media commentator, Nawal Al-Maghafi, BBC special correspondent and filmmaker, and Munir Saeed, retired Yemeni businessman and political activist.

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Audio: Episode 25: A Dangerous New Turn in Yemen’s War

This week on Hold Your Fire!, Naz Modirzadeh and Richard Atwood speak with Peter Salisbury, Crisis Group’s Senior Analyst for Yemen, about Yemen’s multilayered conflict, which enters its seventh year this month. They look at the state of play in Marib, where an offensive by Huthi forces could worsen what the UN already calls the world’s worst humanitarian disaster. Peter unpacks the complex alliances and rivalries among the conflict parties. They discuss how Yemen fits into U.S. President Joe Biden’s still evolving Gulf policy, including U.S. relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia.

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Yemen war: Between utter despair and the human spirit

But you hardly hear about this conflict in the Malaysian media. Somehow, the Malaysian media prefer to focus on the Palestinian conflict. How many Malaysians really know the extent of the suffering in Yemen? Several people I spoke to could only say they knew that “some fighting was going on there” but were surprised when I told them how bad it was.

You don’t hear our politicians speaking up for the suffering Yemenis as they do for the Palestinians. Suffering is suffering – whether it is in Yemen or Palestine or Singapore or Malaysia or Iceland.

Every time I see pictures of devastation, of man killing man, whether in Yemen or Syria or elsewhere, I feel dispirited. Questions that can’t easily be answered will tumble over each other: Why?

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Audio: Krieg im Jemen - warum schauen wir weg?

Seit sechs Jahren herrscht Krieg im Jemen. Über 230.000 Menschen sind tot, 24 Millionen sind auf Hilfe angewiesen. Warum kümmert es uns im Westen so wenig? Zu weit weg, zu kompliziert oder zu traurig? Wir sprechen darüber.,podcast-episode-83458.html =

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Following the disappointing result of the UN pledging conference for #Yemen, I have been reflecting on what can be done now even during the conflict. I offer 5 thoughts in a thread.

we need achieve macro-economic stability to control the exchange rate and inflation. The looming famine is man-made and income-based. International technical support embedded in the CBY and replenishment foreign reserves are critical in this regard.

90% of #Yemen 's food is imported leaving it extremely vulnerable to global shocks & dependent on foreign reserves. Increased local agricultural production (incl. coffee) & fisheries are essential to decrease this dependency & diversify the economy and earn foreign reserves.

Yemen is one of the most water stressed countries in the world. Water availability in Yemen is 150 cubic metres (m3) per person per year (the Middle East has an average of 1,250m3). Sustainable water management is crucial for agriculture and water supply to population.

Electricity: Yemen is one of the world’s most energy insecure countries. But it has vast untapped potential of renewable energy sources. In particular, solar, wind, and geothermal energy sources exist in abundance in Yemen and can be harnessed now. E.g. windmill park Mocha

Critical infrastructure: the Aden and Mukalla sea ports need to be fixed to facilitate trade and bring down the cost of imported goods, especially food commodities. A USD 50M investment in the ports will bring down the cost by more than USD 250M, a great ROI in any business.

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Infographic: FSO Safer Oil Spill and Its Potential Economic Damages

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[Sanaa gov.] Military Expert: US Claims About Peace in Yemen Only Propaganda

Yemeni military expert, Brigadier General Abed Al-Thawr confirmed that the United States claims about peace in Yemen are only propaganda.

“The US left everything in Yemen, and talked only about Marib,” Al-Thawr said, mocking the American request to stop the progress of the Yemeni Armed Forces and appeal to peace.

“If the US administration is sincere in its claims about peace, it should start with what was agreed upon in Stockholm, then comes the talk about Marib,” he added.

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Ending the war in Yemen

Finding a solution to such a vexed, multipolar conflict will not be easy. But that shouldn’t prevent the international community from taking steps. Their immediate focus should be on tackling the humanitarian situation in Yemen.

The last six years of war prove that the Saudi strategy of blockade and bombing was a failure. The Houthis continued to amass weapons, even technologically advanced drones which they use to attack Saudi targets across the border, despite the blockade, while the Yemeni people continue to suffer.

The Saudis should ask themselves whether they should continue with a failed strategy while the situation in Yemen keeps worsening.

The Houthis are also under pressure. If they want international legitimacy, they should stop fighting and start talking with other stakeholders. A ceasefire is in everybody’s interest but the question is who will blink first. The Biden administration should use its leverage to pressure Riyadh to lift the blockade, a key Houthi demand, as a confidence-building measure and push for talks for a lasting ceasefire. Once a ceasefire between the two main rival blocs is achieved, the U.S. and its regional allies could call for a multilateral conference involving all stakeholders to discuss Yemen’s future. Yemen can find a way out of the current crisis provided the war is brought to an immediate end and the country is given diplomatic assistance.

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The missing piece in Yemen

The Biden administration, however, will have to face some brutal realities in Yemen. The Houthis responded to Biden’s policy openings by sending nearly daily drone strikes into Saudi Arabia and broadening its attacks on Marib, the natural resource-rich city 90 kilometers west of Yemen’s capital, Sana’a.

The humanitarian situation may worsen as the Houthis begin to expand its war effort.

The Biden administration’s approach misses the most important way forward — an economic strategy to improve household purchasing power.

Specifically, the Biden administration could help improve the purchasing power by: (i) increasing supply and lowering costs of basic commodities, fuel and medicines; and (ii) stabilizing the currency and increasing household income through monetary and fiscal policy reforms. While humanitarian assistance does save lives, it does not change the economic and political calculus of the combatants. In short, the underlying incentives of the war economy must change.

Step One: Increase supply and lower costs of basic commodities

The Saudi-led coalition in concert with the Hadi Government must open all land and air crossings as well as all seaports as expansively and efficiently as practicable. The Yemeni government can facilitate the ease of movement and imports, particularly of imported fuel derivatives, by breaking oligarchical and monopolistic interests and open competitive import markets and facilitate transit from the port to markets.

Step Two: Stabilize the currency through monetary and fiscal reform

Since the outbreak of conflict, the Yemeni Riyal has lost more than half its value against the U.S. dollar. A weak currency exacerbates food insecurity and the ability of the public to afford basic commodities.

To prop up the Riyal the Central Bank of Yemen urgently needs an infusion of capital to shore up its depleted hard currency reserves from its primary financial backers in the Gulf. To encourage much needed external financial assistance, the Central Bank and the Ministry of Finance should accelerate reforms and improve governance. Transparent, credible budgets and accounting systems would be a confidence boost to the U.N. and donors. Additionally, donors must press the Houthis to stop their diversion of public funds and aid in areas under their control. Finally, Yemen’s fractured Central Bank, with competing offices in Aden and Sana’a, must begin working together to ensure a nationally cohesive and functioning financial sector for the benefit of the entire country.

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Yemen Diplomacy Intensifies Yet Tensions Still Escalate

With an increasingly complex war in Yemen, can the Biden administration’s diplomatic efforts help resolve the conflict?

With its recent moves, the Biden administration appears serious about fulfilling the pledge the president made on the campaign trail that he would end the war in Yemen. However, the moves also raise the question of whether the United States is developing a policy that is focused sufficiently on Yemen. For a long time, the United States has not had a Yemen policy, and its stance on the tiny Arabian Peninsula country has had more to do with Saudi Arabia and the region. In fact, over recent decades, there have only been only a few instances when Washington was not on the same side as Saudi Arabia regarding matters involving Yemen.

Moreover, when the war in Yemen erupted and Saudi Arabia led a coalition launching a military intervention in March 2015, the administration of former President Barack Obama backed Riyadh

Today, Marib is the government’s last stronghold in northern Yemen. If it falls to the Houthis, it would deal a heavy blow to Hadi’s government. First, the Houthis would be able to increasingly assert themselves as the de facto rulers of the north; this would not only constitute a territorial loss for the Hadi government but would also weaken its position politically. Second, Marib is known for an abundance of gas and oil fields.

This could open the door to increased tensions between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and the United Arab Emirates-backed Southern Transitional Council.

While there are intensified diplomatic efforts to end the war that has caused Yemen to become what is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, tensions among the key actors on the ground are also escalating, ensuring that resolution of the conflict is not going to be straightforward. Optimally, for peace to prevail in Yemen, the warring parties should have the determination to put the future of their country first and prioritize the peace process. The more likely scenario is that diplomatic efforts will face tough challenges along the way, as stakeholders with competing interests jockey for advantage and attempt to shape the diplomatic outcome. Under such conditions, success is possible but will almost certainly be exceedingly difficult.

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The Human Cost of War in Yemen and Ethiopia

In his introduction to this month’s CrisisWatch, Crisis Group's Interim President Richard Atwood weighs what's needed to avert even greater humanitarian disasters in the ongoing wars in Yemen and Ethiopia's Tigray region.

As our statement last week outlined, it will probably require a nationwide ceasefire, which in turn likely entails the Hadi government and its external backers, most prominently Saudi Arabia, making concessions to the Huthis. These might include the lifting of restrictions on goods entering the Huthi-held port of Hodeida and resuming some commercial flights to the capital Sanaa’s airport, which Riyadh has prevented for four years. Neither Hadi nor the Saudis will be pleased, but the alternative is that the government loses its last toehold in northern Yemen. Ideally, a ceasefire would reinvigorate efforts to bring the parties back to talks.

Since coming to office, U.S. President Joe Biden’s administration has taken positive steps.

Washington’s success in Yemen is, however, linked to its wider Gulf policy and relations with Iran – the Huthis receive support from Tehran, which hosts their ambassador as Yemen’s official representative – and Saudi Arabia, which backs Hadi. That policy is, to put it politely, still taking shape.

For now, relations with both Tehran and Riyadh are fraught.

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Film: What are the paths to peace in Yemen?

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How conflict is threatening war-torn Yemen during the 'world's worst humanitarian crisis'

Over the last year, the Houthis have increased their bombings and strikes on Marib, with authorities reporting hundreds of fighters from both sides were killed just last week.

University of Sydney International Relations expert Sarah Phillips said Marib is the coalition’s last stronghold in Yemen.

“The fight for Marib is extremely important for the future of the country, it’s the last place where the internationally recognised government has any meaningful presence,” she said.

UN authorities say the fight in Marib could prove to be a threat to their current attempts to settle the conflict in Yemen and end the war.

“Capturing that (Marib) for the Houthis will help them tilt the talks in their favour because of its geographical significance in terms of where it is due to oil fields and also because by grabbing as much land and resources as they can they increase their power,” Professor Phillips said.

University of Western Australia expert Amin Saikal said US President Joe Biden’s recent decision to halt US support of the Saudi-supported Yemen government could be what’s driving the Houthi offences.

Just three weeks ago, the director for the Internally Displaced Persons Camp Management Unit told Reuters that four camps in Marib were hit by Houthi rebels, two of which had to be completely evacuated.

“Should hostilities move towards the city and surrounding areas, it could displace another 385,000 people,” the report said.

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Saudi calls on UNSC to stop Houthi threats, hold group accountable

Saudi Arabia calls on the UN Security Council to bear its responsibility in stopping the Houthi threats and holding the group accountable, the Saudi representative told the powerful body in a letter on Wednesday.
Among the Iranian-backed Houthi "hostile acts against civilians and civilian objects are some debris that scattered from a ballistic missile and left material damages to one house in Riyadh on 27 February 2021," Ambassador Abdullah al-Mualimi added, according to SPA

My comment: LOL, LOL, LOL.

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At HRC: Euro-Med Monitor Calls UN To Combat Child Recruitment In Yemen

The Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor and Geo Expertise delivered a speech at the United Nations Human Rights Council 46th session (held virtually due to the limitations related to the COVID-19 pandemic), responding to the wide-spread child recruitment in Yemen by the warring parties. Delivered by Euro-Med Monitor researcher Taim Alyousef, the speech is as follows:

“For the fifth year in a row, the warring parties in Yemen have been widely recruiting children into their ranks, forcing them into hostilities without any regard for their childhood or the international agreements that prohibit child recruitment no matter what the circumstances.”

“Last month, Euro-Med Monitor and SAM for Rights and Liberties released a report documenting the Houthis’ recruitment of more than 10,000 children aged between 10-17 years in the areas of their control.”

“The Houthis use complex strategies to recruit children, most dangerously ideological mobilization where children’s simple minds are fed with violent and extremist ideas.”

“During recruitment periods, children are subjected to many violations, including food deprivation, imprisonment, physical and sexual assault, and death threats.”

“Likewise, the Saudi-led Arab coalition also involves child recruitment. Several reports documented the kingdom's recruitment of thousands of children from Sudan and transporting them to Yemen to fight on the front lines.”

“Many of these children recruited by both sides were killed in the fighting while many others injured or went missing.”

“We, Euro-Med Monitor and Geo-Expertise, believe that child recruitment in Yemen should be at the top of the United Nations' priorities. The UN must compel the two sides to immediately stop this dangerous practice, which may amount to a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.”

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Anarchy worsens in Yemen since outbreak of civil war

6 sides receiving external support fight for control in Yemen

Since the outbreak of the war in Yemen in 2014, six armed forces have been fighting for control in the Arab country.

The warring sides, who are in form of government forces, rebel groups, and terrorist organizations, receive external support.

Government and pro-government forces

Houthi rebels

UAE-backed forces

While the UAE's intervention in Yemen initially came within the Saudi-led coalition to support Hadi’s government, the oil-rich Gulf country began establishing forces in the southern provinces loyal to it in mid-2016 to serve its own interests despite repeated condemnations from Yemeni officials.

The UAE financed and trained around 200,000 Yemeni fighters drafted in various groups like the Security Belt Forces, the Shabwani and Hadrami Elite Forces, Abu al-Abbas Brigade, and West Coast Forces.

These militia groups work independently from the legitimate government and even challenge it.

These forces, which operate in the provinces of Lahj, Al-Dali, Abyan, and Hadhramaut, have declared their allegiance to the separatist STC.

In accordance with the terms of the Riyadh Agreement, which was partially implemented in late 2020, the STC allowed the government to return to Aden but did not give up its control of Aden, Abyan, and Lahj.

Combined forces

The UAE also supports the National Resistance forces led by Tariq Saleh -- the nephew of late president Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was killed by Houthis in 2017.

Saleh, who does not recognize the legitimacy of Hadi and his government, has sought control of the country’s western coast.

The forces, estimated at around 50,000, currently control parts of Taiz and Hodeidah provinces on the western coast of Yemen and frequently clash with Houthi militias.

Strategically located along the Red Sea, Al-Hudaydah Port is of crucial importance for Yemen as 90% of food products and 80% of humanitarian aid enter the country through it.

Al-Qaeda and ISIS

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Audio: Building A Lasting Peace? Power Sharing And Sectarian Identities In Yemen

On Tuesday 2nd March 2021, the Foreign Policy Centre and the SEPAD project hosted an event entitled: ‘Building a lasting peace? Power sharing and sectarian identities in Yemen’. With speakers: Professor Simon Mabon (Director of the SEPAD project); Nadwa Al-Dawsari (Non-resident Scholar at the Middle East Institute); Maysaa Shuja Al-deen (Non-resident Fellow at the Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies); and Kate Nevens (Non-resident Consultant with the Yemen Policy Center). The event was chaired by Wayne David MP (Shadow Minister for the Middle East and North Africa).

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Jemen vor zehn Jahren: "A peaceful end to the current regime and all its symbols"

Kaum erinnert sich noch wer, dass vor zehn Jahren der Jemen kein von Hunger, Cholera und Flüchtlingselend geprägtes Katastrophengebiet war, sondern dort die Menschen, wie in so vielen anderen arabischen Ländern auch sich mutig dem Regime entgegenstellten und für mehr Freiheit und Partizipation demonstrierten.

Die Forderungen der demokratischen Demonstranten im Jemen (via armies of Liberation):

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

Siehe / Look at cp1

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YOC: Y.R 19 b fines for detaining fuel vessels in early 2021

The Yemeni Oil Company (YOC) has confirmed the fines for detaining oil ships by the US-Saudi aggression in early 2021 reached $32 million, equivalent to Y.R 19 billion.

The company’s spokesman, Essam al-Mutawakel, stated the Yemeni people also incurred fines for detaining fuel ships last year, which amounted to $ 91 million, equivalent to Y.R 54 billion.

Al-Mutawakel's statement came in a protest stand by the YOC employees held on Friday in front of the United Nations office in the capital Sana'a.

He said the situation in Yemen has become catastrophic as a result of the continued detentio

and also

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Oncology Center Holds UN Responsible for Death of Cancer Patients

National Oncology Center in Sana'a has warned of stopping its services and medicines due to the depletion of fuel, due to the continued detention of fuel tankers by the US-Saudi aggression.

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[Sanaa gov.] Health Minister Warns of Health Sectors Cessation due to Siege

Minister of Health Dr Taha Al-Mutawakel indicated that the blockade of fuel tankers proves that the American statements regarding Yemen are a new cycle of lying and deceiving the world.

He pointed out that the United Nations tampered with about $ 1.7 billion of aid money to Yemen under the pretext of the Corona pandemic, but Yemen did not get any.

Minister Al-Mutawakel called on the United Nations to fulfill its minimum duty by bring fuel tankers for the health sector.

"We have put an emergency plan to manage the fuel needs of hospitals and health facilities, in light of the US-Saudi siege and detaining fuel tankers," he said.

and also

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Yemen: Dengue Fever Outbreak (DREF n° MDRYE008) - Final Report, 05 March 2021

Description of the disaster

Since the onset of the outbreak in Yemen and during the operation timeframe, dengue suspected cases continued to increase during 2020 comparing with 2019. The suspected cases by the end of 2020 reached seven times the cases in 2019, and six times the reported numbers in 2018, according to the Yemen Health Cluster (table on the right).

With the interventions implemented by actors including YRCS, focused on key vulnerable locations with the highest number of cases reported, the national overview indicates a decrease in 2021 in the first three weeks compared to 2020.

The number of cases during the last quarter of 2020 showed huge decrease comparing to the beginning of the year and further decrease in cases with associated deaths reported during the first three weeks of 2021. (see table below)

Since the beginning of the outbreak, the YRCS has been coordinating with MoPHP at national level through Health Cluster Coordination meetings and closely checked the reports with information from branches. MoPHP requested support from humanitarian health actors in the country, including YRCS, to respond to the dengue outbreak.

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

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„Jetzt haben wir Raum zum Sprechen. Aber wir haben noch einen langen Weg vor uns.“

Früher als Flüchtling in Burundi aufgewachsen, heute als Mitarbeiterin für den UNHCR für geflüchtete Frauen auf der ganzen Welt im Einsatz - wir sprechen mit Juliette über ihre Geschichte und ihre Arbeit

In Sana'a war ich als Sozialarbeiterin tätig und habe hauptsächlich mit somalischen Flüchtlingen und ihrer Gastgemeinde gearbeitet. Die Flüchtlinge lebten in der Stadt und nicht in einem Flüchtlingslager, was es schwieriger machte, sie zu erreichen und zu unterstützen. Wir richteten ein Programm für Sozialarbeiter ein und sorgten dafür, dass Frauen einbezogen wurden.
Es war sehr wichtig, dass so viele Frauen wie möglich dort arbeiten, denn sonst würde man da nur Männer in leitenden Positionen sehen. Bald waren Männer und Frauen Hand in Hand aktiv. Das ist eine der Errungenschaften, auf die ich sehr stolz bin, denn da konnte man die Veränderung tatsächlich sehen.

Zuerst haben wir Frauen- und Jugendverbände gegründet. Wir haben viele Schulungen über sexuelle und geschlechtsspezifische Gewalt (SGBV) mit Frauen und Mädchen durchgeführt, aber ich war davon überzeugt, dass wir auch mit denjenigen arbeiten müssen, die diese Art von Gewalt ausüben, vor allem Männer. Wir begannen Schulungen mit dem Jugendverband und den Betreuern, wo junge Männer und Frauen bereits zusammenarbeiteten.

Als ich im Jemen war, traf ich mehrere Frauen, die es wirklich schwer hatten oder die wegen der weiblichen Genitalverstümmelung eine Krankheit bekommen haben. Mein Team und ich hatten uns regelmäßig beim Tee mit Frauen und Jugendlichen getroffen. Die meisten waren gegen dieses Verfahren, meinten aber, sie könnten es nicht verhindern. Einige sagten uns sogar: "Oh, ich habe meine Tochter bei der Großmutter gelassen und kam zurück, und sie war beschnitten. Ich dachte: "Was?!"

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Trefft die Ärztin, die mit Klischees in Jemen bricht

Dr. Bushra zog von ihrem Elternhaus in eine ländliche Gegend in Jemen, wo sie heute acht IRC und ECHO finanzierte mobile medizinische Einheiten leitet. Ihre Teams versorgen Schwangere und Babys in einigen der gefährlichsten Regionen in Jemen, wo es sonst keinen Zugang zur Gesundheitsversorgung gäbe – auch während der Pandemie.

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Film: Meet a female doctor breaking stereotypes in Yemen

Dr. Bushra Al-Aghbari, an IRC reproductive health officer and a fearless leader defying the odds in war-torn Yemen. "Being a woman is not just to be strong and stand up for myself, but to stand up for everybody else who needs me.”

Dr. Bushra moved away from her family home to a rural area of Yemen where she now manages eight IRC, @EU Civil Protection & Humanitarian Aid​ funded mobile medical units. Her teams provide care to pregnant women and babies in some of the toughest-to-reach parts of Yemen where they wouldn’t otherwise have access to healthcare—including during the pandemic.


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Yemeni doctor fights for women’s health

It’s no small feat to be a woman in Yemen living without your family. Helping mothers give birth during a pandemic, in the most remote regions of a war-torn country, make this 27-year-old a courageous role model.

“Other doctors told me, ‘Bushra, you are freshly graduated, you can’t cope with all this,’” she says, explaining her decision to move away from her family home in the city of Aden to a rural area where basic necessities are scant. “But all this talk was just encouragement. It motivated me to challenge myself, because I have a goal to help the women in these areas.”

Bushra has been a reproductive health officer with the International Rescue Committee since 2019. Today, she manages EU-funded mobile medical units. Her team of health care workers drive into the mountains to visit remote camps, settlements and villages. There, they provide pregnant women and babies vital support otherwise unavailable.

“Our traditions and customs have prevented women from going to male doctors,” she says. “So even when they’re in need, they just suffer at home. Women tend to be depressed because of the unstable situation and fear what’s coming next.”

With her fellow midwives and doctors, Bushra created a WhatsApp group to keep in contact with patients using their mobile phones. The medical team can follow up with patients, arrange individual consultations, and keep them current on hospital capacity, offering them a vital portal to seek help during a particularly turbulent time. “I consider each day as a new chance for life,” says Bushra about the daily challenges she confronts.

Bushra’s journey as a humanitarian began in 2018 at her local hospital in Aden, where as an intern she gained valuable experience working alongside experienced doctors, nurses and midwives. After she graduated from medical school, she decided to move to a rural village in Al-Dhale’e, located in southwestern Yemen.

(B H)

Film: Bürgerkrieg: Mädchen im Jemen angeschossen

Im Jemen herrscht nach wie vor ein blutiger Stellvertreter- und Bürgerkrieg. Am meisten leiden Kinder und Familien. Jungs und Mädchen werden mitten am Tag erschossen. Ruweida hat überlebt – dank ihres tapferen Bruders.

(B H)

Yemen WASH Needs Tracking System (WANTS) Al Taizia District, Ta'iz Governorate - January-February 2021 [EN/AR]

The WANTS comprises a set of harmonized monitoring tools which, through partner data collection, provide updated information and analysis on WASH access and needs throughout Yemen.

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Film: Ärzte der Welt zu Jemen-Geberkonferenz

Film: Doctors of the World to Yemen Donors Confrence

Was finanzielle Unterstützung wie die des Auswärtigen Amts für die Menschen im #Jemen​ bedeutet und bewirkt, hat unsere Koordinatorin Wafa'a Al Saidy anlässlich der #UN​-Geberkonferenz in einer Videobotschaft beschrieben.

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Korean Government Announces Plan to Provide more than 19 Million U.S. Dollars in Humanitarian Assistance amid Worsening Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen

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Canada announces new funding in continued response to humanitarian crisis in Yemen

Today, the Honourable Karina Gould, Minister of International Development, at the Virtual High-Level Pledging Event for the Humanitarian Situation in Yemen, convened by the UN, Sweden and Switzerland, announced $69.9 million in funding in continued response to the humanitarian needs of conflict-affected people in Yemen in 2021.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

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Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 5 March 2021

UNHCR is appealing to donors to prioritize their funding now more than ever to respond to the urgent needs in Yemen, following the High-Level Pledging Event for Yemen that took place on 1 March. Between March – December 2021,
UNHCR requires USD 230 million to continue critical humanitarian and protection programmes. Without this support, UNHCR will not be able to provide life-saving protection and assistance to millions of displaced Yemenis and 137,000 refugees and asylum-seekers across the country, leaving them at extremely heightened risk.

Amid intensified clashes in Marib governorate, UNHCR is calling for safe passage for fleeing civilians.

During the reporting period, UNHCR and partners distributed family tents and core relief items to more than 2,300 individuals, and delivered protection and cash assistance to over 1,550 newly displaced families in Sirwah district.

Between February and March 2021, UNHCR will distribute cash assistance to over 48,000 vulnerable displaced families (288,000 individuals). So far, close to 70 per cent of the targeted beneficiaries have already received this assistance, which remains a critical lifeline for most families. UNHCR’s latest post-distribution monitoring findings reveal that up to 97 per cent of families spend all or part of the assistance on food.

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Schmuggler werfen Migranten über Bord – mindestens 20 Tote

Um dem Bürgerkrieg im Jemen zu entkommen, flüchten Tausende jährlich ins nahgelegene Dschibuti. Auf der Überfahrt haben Schmuggler die Migranten am Mittwoch über Bord geworfen. Mindestens 20 von ihnen sind ertrunken.

Schmuggler haben am Mittwoch 80 Migranten zwischen dem Horn von Afrika und der Arabischen Halbinsel ins Meer geworfen – mindestens 20 von ihnen sind vermutlich ertrunken. Mohammed Abdiker, der Direktor der regionalen UN-Organisation, schrieb auf Twitter, dass die Menschen am Mittwoch vor der Küste von Obock, einer kleinen Hafenstadt in Dschibuti, ins Meer geworfen wurden

Die Schmuggler hatten etwa 200 Migranten – darunter auch Kinder – in Dschibuti auf ein Boot gelockt, das in Richtung Jemen unterwegs war und die schmale Mündung des Roten Meeres überquerte, so eine regionale Sprecherin der Internationalen Organisation für Migration (IOM), einer UN-Agentur.

Nach etwa einer halben Stunde auf See riefen die Schmuggler, dass zu viele Menschen auf dem Boot seien, und warfen Dutzende von ihnen über Bord, sagte sie. Mindestens fünf Leichen seien bis Mittwochabend aus dem Wasser gezogen worden. Die Überlebenden werden in einem IOM-Zentrum in Dschibuti behandelt, berichtet die Sprecherin.

und auch

(* A H)

At Least 20 Dead After Smugglers Force Migrants into the Sea Off Djibouti

At least 20 people have drowned after smugglers threw dozens of migrants overboard early Wednesday morning during their journey from Djibouti to Yemen, the third such incident on the Gulf of Aden in six months.

Survivors receiving medical treatment at the International Organization for Migration (IOM) Migrant Response Centre in Obock said at least 200 migrants, including children, were crowded aboard the vessel when it departed. Thirty minutes into the journey the smugglers forced roughly 80 people into the sea. Five bodies were recovered yesterday.

“We work closely with the authorities in Djibouti to assist migrants, but Wednesday’s tragedy is further proof that criminals continue to exploit people desperate to improve their lives for profit regardless of the consequences,” said IOM Djibouti Chief of Mission, Stephanie Daviot.

“Smugglers and human traffickers must be prosecuted for their crimes, and new migration pathways established to allow people to pursue work opportunities abroad in a safe, legal and dignified manner.”

Two similar incidents in October claimed the lives of at least 50 migrants.

and also

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

Siehe / Look at cp1

(A P)

To demonstrate animosity towards the #USA and show off their strong ties with #Iran & #Hezbollah, #Houthis place posters of Hassan Nasrallah, #Khomeini, & other leaders in the entrance lobby of Faculty of Education, Sana’a University, while painting the American flag on the floor (Photo)

(A P)

Raymah Governor receives 14 captives in prisoners swap

(A P)

Minister of Information: Marib Is Integral Part of Yemen

Minister of Information, Dhaifallah Al-Shami, said that Marib is an integral part of Yemen and its liberation is a national religious and moral duty.

Al-Shami stressed that there is no place for the invaders, nor for their criminal mercenaries, and the battle is comprehensive. "Liberating the land is a sacred duty that cannot be waived or postponed", he added.

My comment: Nobody would doubt that “Marib Is Integral Part of Yemen”. But that does not mean that it must be controlled by a certain Yemeni government. And it’s quite odd to justify any military offensive with religion. Do not mix things which do not have anything to do with each other.

(A P)

Mohammed al-Houthi sends invitation to Russian Foreign Minister to visit Yemen

Member of the Supreme Political Council, Mohammed Ali Al-Houthi, has on Thursday invited Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, who will visit the region during this month, to visit Sana’a and reopen the Russian embassy.

“We invite the Russian Foreign Minister, who intends to visit the region from March 8 to 12, to visit Sana’a to see our security and stability, and to reopen the Russian embassy at its headquarters in Sana’a,” al-Houthi said in a tweet on Twitter.


(* A H P)

Yemen: Houthis raise bread price 25%

Yemen's Houthis have approved a new price increase for wheat flour across the country's capital Sanaa and neighbouring governorates under the group's control.

Local media quoted public workers as saying that a bag of flour had risen from 13,000 riyals ($51.93) to more than 15,000 ($59.92), noting the flour supply had "shrunk remarkably".

They also warned that the disappearance of flour from markets would lead to a "continuous price increase and the creation of a new black market for this basic food commodity."

"The recent developments have led to an increase in the price of a loaf of bread from 20 riyals ($0.08) to 25 riyals ($0.1)," the workers added, pointing out that the loaf size was also smaller, going from "27 grammes (0.06 pounds) to only 20 grammes (0.04 pounds)."

The price increase has led to a rise in bread production cost, forcing some of local outlets out of business.

(A P)

Ansarullah Political Bureau Describes US Sanctions as 'Absurd'

In a statement, the Bureau said that, "There is nothing new that USA brings by its alleged sanctions, except that they contradict what it claims as a desire for peace and it is against peace and with the continuation of aggression and siege.

He added, "the sanctions have no real value, we condemn and reject them, and USA is practicing aggression against Yemen, with sanctions."

The statement pointed out that Washington's positions protect the US-Saudi aggressors against Yemen to continue targeting the Yemeni People.

and also

(A K P)

Taiz receives 11 deceived soldiers [defectors from anti-Houthi forces]

(A P)

Ansarullah fordert Eröffnung der russischen Botschaft in Sanaa

Das Mitglied des Obersten Revolutionsrates im Jemen, Mohammed Ali al-Huthi, der zu den mächtigsten Führern der Huthi-Bewegung gehört, lud kürzlich den russischen Außenminister Sergei Lawrow nach Sanaa ein. Dort solle die russische Botschaft eröffnet werden und Lawrow sich "anstelle eines Riad-Besuchs" ein Bild von der katastrophalen humanitären Lage machen, die durch die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Militärkoalition und dessen westlichen Verbündeten verursacht worden sei.

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

(* A P)

Yemen STC hints at Islah involvement in attempted assassinations

The Southern Transitional Council (STC) on Thursday vowed to hold accountable those who engineered the attempted assassination against its military leaders in Aden.
"The plotters and implementers of this criminal act won't escape severe and deterrent punishment," the Emirati-backed STC said in a statement.
The statement highlighted need for security forces in the interim capital to swiftly and effectively punish the attackers and their supporters, and to step up security campaigns against terrorist groups.
Earlier on Thursday, Brigadier General Muhsin al-Walli, commander of the STC support and supply forces, along with his chief of staff, Nabil al-Mashoushi, escaped an assassination attempt with an explosive device that placed in garbage container.
By this act, the terrorist forces and their supporters sought to spread terror in Aden, the statement said.
"Powers of evil and terrorism and supporters" try to apply their criminal projects against the south, its cause and its people's options, it added.
These powers declare that their battle is not with the Houthis, but against the south and its security and military forces, the STC said hinting at the Islah Party.

(A P)

Appointing new director of seaport deepens crisis in Socotra, governor

The governor of Socotra province Ramzi Mahrous on Friday said that appointing a member of the southern transitional council as a director of the Socotra seaport will deepen the crisis in the archipelago located in the Indian Ocean.

The forces of the UAE-backed council took over Socotra after battles with the forces of the internationally recognised government last year.

In a letter to Prime Minister Maeen Abdulmalik, Mahrous denied that he had nominated or discussed the nomination of anyone for the position.


(A P)

STC dismiss Socotra port director following UAE arms ship reveal

Yemeni Minister of Transport Abdul-Salam Hamid has dismissed Director of Socotra Port Riyad Suleiman days after he uncovered the unloading of the United Arab Emirates (UAE)'s ship of military equipment, The New Khalij reported on Friday.

Hamid, a UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) leader, announced his decision on his ministry's Facebook page on Thursday. He nominated Mohammad Salem Mohammad as the new director of the port.

Officials from Socotra told Anadolu Agency that Suleiman was sacked over his repeated rejection to allow the unlawful entry of UAE ships to the port, the last of which was the Takreem ship, which claimed that it carried humanitarian assistance for Yemenis, but it instead unloaded military vehicles.

Sources have alleged that the sacked director is waiting for the presidency's stance on the issue, noting that the new director is known for his loyalty to the UAE and the STC.

(A K P)

PM makes rare call for military operation to break Taiz siege

Yemen’s Prime Minister has made a rare call to the armed forces in Taiz to continue a military operation that started two days ago to break the Houthi strangling six year siege around Taiz city.

(A P)

Military court holds 11 hearing prosecuting Houthi leaders on coup

The third Military Court held Wednesday publically its 11 hearing headed by Aqil Tajuddin, the Head of the Court with presence of the Military Prosecutor Judge Faisal al-Humaidi regarding the criminal case No. 4 for 2020, accusing Abdulmalik al-Houthi and 74 others of carrying out military coup against the republican system, the legal authority and spaying for foreign country (Iran) and on committing military and war crimes.

The session was held for hearing from defendants’ lawyers regarding answer on claims made by civil lawyer.

My comment: Once aggain one of these fake in-absentia-trials, as both sides hold them.

(A K P)

Saudi occupation increasing military presence near Oman border

Saudi Arabia has continued to control Mahrah province’s Shehn border crossing with the Sultanate of Oman.

In a series of tweets on Thursday, Hamid Zabnout head of the Mahrah sit-in protest committee, said that a Saudi group composed of intelligence officers affiliated with the so-called General Program for Reconstruction has arrived at the Shehn Land port to see the military innovations carried out by the Saudi occupation forces inside the port.

Zabnout pointed out that the Saudis seek to build military developments in and near the border crossing with Oman as a step aimed at tightening control over the port in particular and the entire province in general.

(* A T)

Yemen's military convoy attacked by explosion in Aden

Explosive devices ripped through a military convoy of the newly-recruited forces in Yemen's southern port city of Aden on Thursday, a security official told Xinhua.

The explosive devices went off when the convoy carrying key military commanders was passing through a main road in Buraigah district of Aden, the local security source said on condition of anonymity.

Two high-ranking military commanders of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) survived the explosion, while four soldiers were killed and around eight others were injured, according to the official.

No one has claimed responsibility for the device explosion.


(* A T)

Car bomb hits UAE-backed forces in Yemen's Aden

A car bomb killed or injured a number of fighters travelling in a convoy of vehicles belonging to Yemen's main southern separatist forces in the city of Aden today, Reuters reported the militia saying.

The Southern Transitional Council (STC) forces tweeted that the casualties were part of a convoy including Brigadier-General Mohsen Al-Wali, but gave no figures.

In a separate post, they said Al-Wali and another general had survived "an assassination operation using a rigged car".

Video footage shared by STC activists on Facebook showed a white four-wheel-drive vehicle with extensive damage.

and also (with photo)



(A P)

UAE-backed forces vow painful response after deadly explosion in south Yemen

(A P)

9 governors urge Hadi to cancel Stockholm agreement

Governors of nine Yemeni provinces on Wednesday urged the internationally recognised president Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi to make crucial decisions, including cancelling the Stockholm agreement on Hodeidah, in order to protect the legitimacy.

A fourth year is about to enter since the agreement was signed and, still, there has been no progress in implementing it on the ground, the governors of Sanaa, Hodeidah, Mahwit, Dhamar, Ibb, Raymah, Amran and Saada said in a letter to Hadi.

The agreement was signed by the internationally recognised government and the Houthi group at UN-sponsored peace talks in Sweden in late 2018.

The Houthis are obstructing its implementation with complicity from the UN envoy, the governors said in their letter, pointing out that the agreement has provided the Houthis with a cover to continue their crimes and absurd war against the Yemeni people.

Moreover, they called on the national defence council to convene and take necessary decisions, including paying the salaries of the army, declaring national mobilisation and providing necessary equipment to liberate Hodeidah, Sanaa and other regions from the Houthis.

and letter (in Arabic):

(A P)

Yemeni Cabinet Praises Saudi Arabia's Role in Thwarting Iranian Project, Its Generous Support at Donors' Conference

and also

(A P)

Yemeni gov't hails Washington sanctions on two Houthi officials and

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

(* A P)

U.S officials have met Yemen's Houthis as Washington seeks end to war - sources

Senior U.S. officials have held a first direct meeting with officials from the Iran-aligned Houthi movement that controls Yemen’s capital, two sources familiar with the matter said, as the new U.S. administration pushes to end a six-year war.

The discussions, which have not been officially made public by either side, took place in the Omani capital Muscat on Feb. 26 between U.S. Yemen envoy Timothy Lenderking and the Houthis’ chief negotiator Mohammed Abdusalam, the sources said.

The Saudis and Houthis have been negotiating for more than a year towards a truce, directly and under the auspices of the United Nations.

State Department spokesman Ned Price in a briefing on Wednesday declined to confirm or deny whether Lenderking met with the Houthis but said he was now back in Riyadh for further consultations with Saudi officials.

The Muscat meeting, one of the sources said, was part of a new “carrot and stick” approach by U.S. President Joe Biden

Lenderking met Abdusalam in Muscat after meeting with Saudi and U.N. officials in Riyadh. He also visited the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Qatar during his regional tour.

The sources said Lenderking had pressed the Houthis to halt the Marib offensive and encouraged the movement to engage actively with Riyadh in virtual talks on a ceasefire.

A U.S. State Department spokesperson said Lenderking has been meeting with regional senior government officials and has met with U.N. special envoy Martin Griffiths during his trip.

and also

My comment: A “carrot and stick” approach would mean the US is unwilling to make any concessions, just demanding concessions by the other side.


(* A P)

Houthi Movement Refutes Reports on Its Direct Talks With US in Oman

Yemen's Houthi rebels have not engaged in direct negotiations with the US, with all contacts between the sides held through Oman's mediation, Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdessalam told Sputnik on Wednesday.

"The contact was only through our Omani brothers. There was no direct contact. We have informed them [Omanis] of our position regarding the settlement of the conflict in Yemen. In case of an attack and blockade, we will respond to this with full force. Therefore, if they [the US] want to settle the conflict, they should stop violence and lift the blockade," Abdessalam said, stressing that the US "was at the head of aggression against Yemen."

The spokesman added that the Houthi movement demanded that the war was stopped throughout Yemen, not only in some regions of the country, and the air, naval and land blockade on Yemen was lifted.

(A P)

Mohammed al-Houthi: Saudi talk of peace plan is a lie

Member of the Supreme Political Council Mohammad Ali al-Houthi, has said “no serious peace initiative has been put forward in Yemen, and all initiatives presented by our movement to bring peace to the country have been rejected.”

“All what you are observing is only propaganda in media, but there is no peace plan. There is nothing,” Mohammed Ali al-Houthi said in an exclusive interview with Sputnik News.

“We have not found any peace plan at all so far, they have not accepted the peace initiatives we have presented in a clear and stated manner. They have not been able to present real peace plans to ensure security and stability for the Yemeni people and to stop the aggression and the blockade,” he added.

(A P)

Zarif, UN chief call for peace talks on Yemen to end Saudi aggression

Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and United Nations Secretary General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday called for the start of peace talks in Yemen in order to put an end to the protracted Saudi-led war and siege on the country.

In a phone conversation, Zarif and Guterres discussed the latest steps taken by the United Nations to end the war and restore peace in Yemen as well as efforts to start dialogue among all political parties in the country.

The UN chief called for the continuation of the prominent efforts of Iran in helping to establish peace in the war-ravaged Yemen, according to Press TV.

Zarif expressed Tehran’s support for UN efforts to restore peace in Yemen, stressing the need for an end to the Saudi war of aggression, lifting the blockade and providing humanitarian assistance to the Yemeni people.

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

(* B P)

Not getting away with murder: How Europeans can shape US-Saudi diplomacy

Europeans should resist the temptation to exploit the strain in the US-Saudi relationship for short-term, narrow, and self-interested gains

Shortly after US President Joe Biden’s inauguration, his administration vowed to conduct a strategic review of the United States’ relations with Saudi Arabia. The administration aims to shift US foreign policy away from the transactionalism of Donald Trump and towards a new emphasis on values and human rights. Nonetheless, the recent release of the CIA’s declassified report on the murder of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi was a rather anti-climatic event.

After weeks of anticipation, the general feeling is that the document – or rather its executive summary, the only part that was released – generates more heat than light. It does not include new information, conclusive evidence, or compelling language, instead “assessing” that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS) “approved an operation … to capture or kill” Khashoggi. The Biden administration then announced that it was working on a “Khashoggi ban” to restrict visas for anyone found to have participated in state-sponsored extraterritorial operations against dissidents or journalists, including 76 Saudis. Critically, however, the crown prince is not among them.

The US seems rather focused on recalibrating its relationship with Saudi Arabia to change the behaviour of MBS – in a way that certainly hints at an end to the love-in under Trump. Indeed, like other Middle Eastern states, Saudi Arabia has already shifted its domestic and regional policies closer to the vision of the new US administration.

Europeans can encourage more of this pragmatism in Riyadh. They should now look to work alongside the US to elicit other positive steps from the Saudis.

But Europeans should resist the temptation to exploit the strain in the US-Saudi relationship for short-term, narrow, and self-interested gains. In the past, Europeans have not been shy about reaping the strategic and economic rewards that can come with stepping in for the US or the US defence industry. The United Kingdom’s decision not to follow the US lead in stopping the sale of offensive arms to Saudi Arabia, along with French President Emmanuel Macron’s mooted upcoming visit to Riyadh, suggests that some Europeans sense such an opportunity again.

Instead, Europeans should closely coordinate among themselves and with the US to make the most of the post-Trump shift in Saudi foreign policy.

(A E P)

'I'll believe it when I see it' - Saudi Arabia doubts oil recovery and keeps taps tight

(* A P)

Saudi Arabia must reform 'unacceptably broad' counter-terrorism law – UN rights expert

Saudi Arabia must stop using its anti-terror law to violate the right to free speech of its people, and end the use of torture terrorist suspects during investigations, a United Nations human rights expert urged at the end of his mission to the country.

“I am concerned about the unacceptably broad definition of terrorism and the use of Saudi Arabia's 2014 counter-terrorism law and other national security provisions against human rights defenders, writers, bloggers, journalists and other peaceful critics,” Ben Emmerson, the Special Rapporteur on human rights and counter-terrorism, said in a statement summing up his five-day mission .

Arguing the legislation failing to comply with international human rights norms, Mr. Emmerson called on the Government to timely review the definition of terrorism.

Also expressing serious concern over allegations of torture made by terrorism suspects, lawyers and human rights defenders not resulting in thorough investigations, the human rights expert stressed the importance of establishing an independent mechanism immediately to review all current cases, especially regarding the use of the death penalty following the proceedings.

“The lack of effective guarantees against ill-treatment during investigation offers the potential for torture and other forms of abuse of power,” said Mr. Emmerson, adding that “I have handed the Government a list of priority cases for urgent review.”

The special rapporteur also voiced concerns about Saudi Arabia's extra-territorial counter-terrorism involvement in Yemen and Syria, urging for greater transparency on civilian casualties in such operations and recalling the Government's commitment to halt all terrorist financing.

Despite such observations and warnings, Mr. Emmerson noted many positive efforts made by the Government. Among others were assisting victims of terrorism through comprehensive financial, housing and psycho-social support and detaining terrorist suspects with care and medical and recreational facilities.

(A P)

After 3 years without charges, Abdul was heard in a secret trial at the Special Criminal Court. Vague & trumped-up charges based on peaceful social media use. My father wasn’t allowed to attend, but he met Abdul after the hearing, 1st time in 3 years! Next hearing is in 10 days

(A P)

Saudi Arabia commutes three death sentences, UN experts call for charges to be dropped

Independent UN human rights experts welcomed on Wednesday Saudi Arabia’s decision to commute the death sentences of three men for crimes they had allegedly committed when they were minors, and urged the Kingdom to overturn their convictions and release them.

Five UN rights experts called Saudi Arabia’ decision to re-sentence to 10 years, the imprisonment of Ali al-Nimr, Dawood al-Marhoon and Abdullah al-Zaher “an important step towards compliance with the country’s international human rights obligations”, particularly under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which prohibits executions for crimes committed by persons under the age of 18.

They highlighted that the sentencing commutations were based on the March 2020 Royal Order, which provides that any individual who received a death sentence for crimes committed as a minor would no longer face execution but instead, receive a prison sentence of no longer than 10 years in a juvenile facility.

“Serious concerns remain in relation to the young men’s convictions and continued detention that must now be resolved urgently”, the experts said.

and also

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

(* B P)

Film: The Day: Justice not done

Despite releasing an intelligence report that concluded that Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammed bin Salman, approved the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, the US imposed no sanctions on the Prince.

(* B P)

Film: Why has the US President Backtracked on Holding the Kingdom to Account?

Many expected that damning US intelligence report into the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi to be followed by serious punitive action. Instead, eerily reminiscent of the former Trump administration, the Biden White House says it's being pragmatic and doesn't want to rupture its 'important' relationship with Riyadh. But what's the real cost of sparing the crown prince? Guests: Baroness Helena Kennedy, Member of the UN Team Investigating Khashoggi's Murder; Annelle Sheline, Research Fellow with the Middle East Program at the Quincy Institute; Ali al Ahmed, Director of the Institute for Gulf Affairs; Giorgio Cafiero, Founder and CEO of Gulf State Analytics.

We agreed that the dysfunction in the US-Saudi relationship goes far deeper than MBS & requires a fundamental shift

(* B P)

Film: "[Khashoggi] was lied to by the Saudi embassy here...he was taken by a group of assassins, cut to pieces, and parts of his body were flown back.” @stevegrubershow & @AliAlAhmed_en discuss the heartbreaking murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

(A P)

Khashoggi's fiancee criticises lack of action against Saudi crown prince

The fiancee of slain Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi said on Thursday that world leaders should not maintain relations with a “murderer”, after a U.S. intelligence report implicated Saudi Arabia’s de facto ruler in his killing.

Hatice Cengiz, Khashoggi’s Turkish fiancee who was waiting outside the consulate when he entered to retrieve documents for their upcoming marriage, said the report was “a very huge and important step” in the path to justice, but must be acted on.

“That it was said there would be no sanctions against the person who gave the order for the crime to be committed created a strange dilemma in everyone’s minds. But this could change in the coming days,” she told Reuters in an interview.

“The process of seeking justice is a long process, sometimes it is not easy.”

Cengiz was speaking after a court session of the trial in absentia of 26 Saudi officials over Khashoggi’s killing, in which lawyer Ali Ceylan asked that the U.S. report be added to the case file.

The judge said Ceylan should file the request through the prosecutor and Cengiz, who is named as a complainant in the case, said they would apply for Prince Mohammed to be added as a defendant.

The court heard Edip Yilmaz, a driver for the Saudi consulate, say that on the day of the killing he was told by the head of security that for 20 minutes he should not leave a consulate basement room where he usually spent his time.

(* B P)

Saudi sovereign wealth fund planes transported Khashoggi kill team

In spring 2018, Silicon Valley, Hollywood, Wall Street, and major universities rolled out a red carpet for nearly three weeks to welcome Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to the United States.

But while MBS was the face of that effort, an enormous sovereign wealth fund — the Public Investment Fund of Saudi Arabia, or PIF — with about $400 billion in assets and expected to grow to $2 trillion, was the real draw for many of the tech, finance, and entertainment elites seeking photos and meetings with the 32-year-old heir to the Saudi throne.

Six months later, two planes owned by the Saudi sovereign wealth fund flew a team of assassins from Riyadh to Istanbul, where they murdered Washington Post columnist and Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi consulate. The planes then flew the kill team back to Saudi Arabia.

At least one of those planes was operating inside the US as recently as October.

The role of PIF assets in the murder was made public in court documents filed in Canada as part of an embezzlement lawsuit brought by a number of Saudi-state owned companies against Saad Aljabri, a former top Saudi Intelligence official, who is currently in exile and previously claimed in a lawsuit filed in DC District Court that MBS attempted to send a kill team to murder him shortly after Khashoggi’s assassination.

Canadian court filings, first reported by CNN and later acquired and reviewed by Responsible Statecraft and Insider, reveal that Sky Prime Aviation was transferred to PIF on December 22, 2017. Two Gulfstream jets owned by Sky Prime Aviation shuttled Khashoggi’s assassins in and out of Istanbul less than one year after the transfer of Sky Prime Aviation to PIF.

PIF’s status as a heavily courted investor no doubt generates considerable incentives for authorities to keep discussion about the fund’s role in the killing as quiet as possible. Funds like PIF can purchase stock in any publicly traded company, and two weeks ago, PIF increased its investment in US stock to nearly $12.8 billion.


(* A P)

Khashoggi murder: Twitter suspends thousands of pro-Saudi accounts following report release

Huge uptick in spam activity as US publicly accuses Mohammed bin Salman of being behind journalist's assassination

Twitter has announced the removal and investigation of thousands of accounts that it said were involved in spam activity, following the release of the US intelligence report into the killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi.

Sarah Harte, a Twitter spokesperson, said the company had suspended around 3,500 accounts.

“Our internal teams have investigated and suspended any accounts engaged in platform manipulation and spammy activity in relation to this report, and we will continue to monitor this activity,” she said.

According to Marc Owen Jones, a social media analyst and professor of Middle East Studies at Doha's Hamad bin Khalifa University, a number of hashtags were used to dilute criticism of the crown prince on the day the report was released.

(A P)

US Should Sanction Saudi Crown Prince

Overwhelming Evidence of Role in Khashoggi Murder, Other Abuses

Human Rights Watch and 41 other organizations are calling on President Joe Biden to impose sanctions available under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act on officials at the highest levels of Saudi leadership, including MBS.

The Magnitsky Act and related powers allow US authorities to sanction foreign individuals who have committed human rights abuses or been involved in significant corruption

President Biden should demonstrate that respect for human rights is central to his foreign policy. Imposing sanctions and travel bans on MBS and other Saudi officials should be the minimum response. The recent temporary freeze on US arms sales to Saudi Arabia should also be extended until authorities stop committing abuses in Yemen and hold officials who have committed or overseen war crimes to account.

(* B P)

Opinion: Saudi crown prince has blood on his hands

Washington has made a U-turn in its relations with Saudi Arabia after a CIA report made it very clear what role the crown prince played in journalist Jamal Khashoggi's murder in 2018, says DW's Rainer Sollich.

It was not the work of a hit squad that lost control without the knowledge and consent of those at the top, as the Saudi royal family would still like the world and its own citizens to believe.

It is now plain that MBS, as the crown prince is known, bears full responsibility for one of the cruelest political crimes in recent decades

Mohammed bin Salman has another side, which is much more serious in moral terms. There is literally blood on his hands — not only that of Khashoggi, but also that of the many innocent people killed by Saudi airstrikes on schools or apartment buildings in the ongoing war in neighboring Yemen.

But Biden has so far shied away from direct sanctions against MBS, whom many EU states have long treated as a persona non grata. There is a clear danger: With MBS at its helm, Saudi Arabia risks a permanent fate as a pariah state and thus a weakening of its own interests.

with video: Hanan El Atr Khashoggi speaks to DW

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp9 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-723 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-723: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

07:39 07.03.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
Dietrich Klose