Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 750 - Yemen War Mosaic 750

Yemen Press Reader 750: 10. Juli 2021: Bidens Status-Quo-Ansatz im Jemen-Krieg – Kostspielig und kritisch: Schlacht um Marib – Sexuelle Gewalt und Folter in Houthi-Gefängnissen – Kindersoldaten.
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

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... Kindersoldaten im Jemen – Provinz Shabwa als Konfliktherd – Großbritannien kann nicht gleichzeitig Waffenhändler und Friedensstifter sein – Britische Truppen „operieren heimlich im Jemen“ – und mehr

July 10, 2021: Biden’s Status Quo Approach to the Yemen War – Costly and critical: Marib battle – Sexual violence and torture in Houthi prisons – Child soldiers in Yemen – Shabwa province as a center of conflict – Britain cannot be both arms dealer and peacemaker – UK troops ‘secretly operating in Yemen’ – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Söldner / Mercenaries

cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp17a Kriegsereignisse: Schlacht um Marib / Theater of War: Marib battle

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B P)

Biden’s Status Quo Approach to the Yemen War

Despite President Joe Biden’s Feb. 4 announcement that he would end support for Saudi Arabia’s offensive military actions in Yemen, U.S. policy has not changed perceptibly over the past five months, according to experts hosted by the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft on June 23.

Bruce Riedel, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, noted that while there has been a shift in public posture, in practice not much has changed since the Trump administration. “I do not see evidence that [U.S.] military assistance to the Saudi war effort has changed in any way,” he said. “Saudi forces continue to bomb targets in Yemen and to impose a ruinous naval and air blockade on the country, which is the primary cause of the terrible problem of malnutrition the Yemeni people are facing.”

Riedel explained that about three-quarters of Saudi Arabia’s military aircraft are U.S.-made. Without American spare parts, expertise, technical upgrades, munitions and tires, those planes cannot operate, he noted. “If you cut off the flow today, you would literally ground most Saudi aircraft tomorrow,” he said.

“It is time to de-link our Yemen policy from Saudi Arabia,” Riedel averred. “Saudi Arabia has been our partner for 75 years....It’s time to tell our Saudi friends to pull over, change drivers and get out of a war that is costing them a fortune.”

Radhya Al-Mutawakel, co-founder of Mwatana, a Yemeni human rights organization, said that since February airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition have decreased, “but we don’t know if this will last or not.” What is really needed, she explained, is an international plan to bring the violence to a definitive halt.

“We have not seen anything clear from the U.S. pushing for accountability, like trying to refer the Yemeni situation to the International Criminal Court,” Al-Mutawakel said. “I hope the U.S. administration will end the war and not just manage it,” she continued. “Peace means a sustainable peace where Yemenis can get their state again, [one] that is based on the rule of law and democracy.”

Holding all parties to the conflict—the Saudis and Houthis alike—accountable is the only way to stop them from targeting civilians, Al-Mutawakel stated. She pointed out that it is not just the Saudi-led coalition, but also the Houthis supported by Iran, that have caused Yemen’s humanitarian crisis. “When we talk about starvation as a weapon of war and we say that…Yemenis are being starved, we cannot talk about only one party to the conflict,” she said.

Since the Houthis presently control over 70 percent of Yemen, they have “zero incentive to come to the negotiating table,” Annelle Sheline, a research fellow at the Quincy Institute, opined. “From their perspective they will get much further continuing to pursue violence.”

Amid the myriad violations committed by all sides, Sheline said the Biden administration needs to take fresh action, such as encouraging the United Nations Security Council to adopt a new resolution that holds all parties to the violence accountable. “The crisis in Yemen continues, nothing has improved there and it is simply unacceptable for the Biden administration to pretend that they have shifted their stance on this when they have not,” she said – by Elaine Pasquini

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Costly and critical: the battle for a key Yemeni city

This is the most active frontline in Yemen’s nearly 7-year-old civil war, where a steady stream of fighters on both sides are killed or wounded every day, even as international pressure to end the war intensifies. Amid another round of peace talks, this time led by Oman, the desert city of Marib remains the crucible of one of the world’s most bogged-down conflicts.

The Houthis have for years attempted to take Marib to complete their control over the northern half of Yemen. But since February, they have waged an intensified offensive from multiple fronts, while hitting the residential city center with missiles and explosive-laden drones, killing and wounding dozens of civilians.

So far, the rebels have made only incremental progress, inching slowly across the desert plain, because of Saudi airstrikes that wreak heavy casualties in their ranks. Government and medical officials in Marib estimate that thousands of fighters have been killed or wounded, mostly rebels, since February. In the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa, mass funerals and death announcements of soldiers, some of them children, indicate how costly the battle has been, though Houthis do not release official death tolls.

The grueling battle over the remote city seems intertwined with the sluggish efforts for peace. The Houthis appear to hope capturing Marib will give them the upper hand in talks. Meanwhile government officials complain that American and international wariness at fueling the interminable war prevents them from getting weapons they need to win in Marib.

“We are at a crossroads,” said Marib’s provincial governor Sheikh Sultan al-Aradah, arguing the weapons are needed to tip the scales at Marib. “The world has some reservations about arming Yemen in the current time.”

An AP crew travelled in recent weeks to the city through Saudi Arabia on a government-organized trip.

The city’s streets are bustling during the day with taxis and 4x4 vehicles belonging to security forces. At night, men frequent restaurants and cafes or gather in homes, chewing leaves of qat for a stimulant effect. There’s little heed paid to the fighting just outside their city.

But the posters of fallen commanders and troops lining the roadways serve as a reminder. The city’s cemetery has been expanded to absorb the surge in fatalities – by Samy Magdy (with many photos)

Photos also at

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Der Krieg im Jemen: „Sexuelle Gewalt und Folter“ in Houthi-Gefängnissen – The Independent

Wir starten eine Tour durch die britischen Zeitungen von The Independent und ein Bericht der Journalistin Charlene Rodrigo wirft den Huthis vor, “sexuelle Gewalt gegen Frauen auszuüben und sie zur Prostitution zu zwingen”.

Al-Kamal bestätigte gegenüber der Zeitung, dass Fälle von Zwangsentführungen, Folter und sexueller Gewalt gegen Frauen “seit 2015 eskalierten” und dass er in zehn Fällen, ähnlich wie im Fall von Al-Hammadi, andere Menschen verteidigt.

In einem Gespräch mit fünf Überlebenden, Anwälten und Menschenrechtsaktivisten sagt The Independent, dass sexuelle Gewalt gegen Frauen „in den von den Huthi geführten Haftanstalten im Jemen allgegenwärtig ist“.

Die Houthis haben bei ihren Bemühungen, abweichende Meinungen zum Schweigen zu bringen, nicht zwischen Frauen im Alter zwischen 13 und 55 Jahren unterschieden”, fügte sie hinzu.

Die Zeitung wies darauf hin, dass die Huthis “Sedika al-Hammadi das Becken brachen und eine andere Frau folterten, bis sie gelähmt war und das Bewusstsein verlor, und sogar einige der Mädchen der Gruppe heirateten”.

Frauen und ihre Kinder wurden in der Obhut der Huthis vergewaltigt”, sagte Al-Jarawi gegenüber The Independent.

Sie fügte hinzu, dass die Houthis Zwang, Erpressung und Einschüchterung anwenden, um Frauen in die Falle zu locken.

Als Sonia Ali Ghobash, 31, sich weigerte, im Geheimdienst zu arbeiten, um Zielpersonen außerhalb von Sanaa zu helfen, insbesondere Mohammed bin Saeed al-Jaber, Saudi-Arabiens Botschafter im Jemen, sperrten die Huthis sie ein, gaben ihr Elektroschocks und kaltes Wasser, und dann habe sie vergewaltigt, berichtete The Independent.

Sie haben mir Nadeln und Nägel in den Rücken implantiert und die Zehennägel meines rechten Fußes entfernt”, sagt Ghobash.

Al-Jarawi erklärte der Zeitung, dass die Huthis “Vergewaltigungen zur Reinigung und als Heirat des Dschihad verwenden – Taktiken, die denen von al-Qaida nicht unähnlich sind”.

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‘It’s for the service of the homeland’: The Houthis’ sexual violence and prostitution rings in Yemen

Houthis are mutilating sex organs of female detainees to deter opposition, claims Noura Al Jerwi, a rights activist working with the survivors

When a delegation of journalists, lawyers, and judiciary members visited Sanaa’s Central Prison last month, al-Hammadi told them she was accused of drug trafficking and prostitution without any evidence. Weeks later, she was threatened with a virginity test, which the authorities later withdrew – by Charlene Rodrigues (subscribers only)

and main points in thread:

#Houthis are mutilating sex organs of female detainees to deter opposition, @Noorajrwi.

Entesar is one among nearly 1200 Yemeni women trapped in a Houthi facility in the last 3 years. Some are released after paying the Houthis huge sums of upto 80,000$ US, others just die, a lawyer said.

@Noorajrwi explained that the #Houthis use rape as purification and Jihad marriage - tactics not dissimilar to those adopted by al-Qaeda - because they believe they are members of the Hashemite dynasty— Prophet Muhammad’s relatives.

"Houthi oppression is a way of subjugating the society, Women are the biggest symbols of honour in Yemeni society. If a woman is raped, it will stigmatise her family for generations to come,"


(** B P)

The war in Yemen: “Sexual violence and torture” in Houthi prisons - The Independent

The Independent quoted the Geneva-based SAM Organization for Rights and Freedoms as saying that Al Hammadi told the visiting delegation that Houthi security officials passed her and other girls into several homes, and "forced them to drink alcohol and sleep with people." When the Houthis were confronted with accusations of prostitution, they replied: "It is okay as long as he is in the service of the country."

Khaled Al-Kamal told the newspaper that the procedures for her arrest "contradict the Yemeni constitution and the law."

The Independent notes that Al Hammadi's case is not unique, as Noura Al-Jarawi, chair of the Women's Coalition for Peace, said that between December 2017 and 2020, around 1,181 women were arrested.

He believes that the actual number of women languishing in Houthi-run prisons is "much higher because there are secret and illegal sites that are often located in hard-to-reach areas."

Al-Kamal confirmed to the newspaper that cases of forced kidnapping, torture and sexual violence against women have "escalated since 2015", and that he is defending other people in ten cases similar to Al-Hammadi's case.

Speaking to five survivors, lawyers and human rights activists, The Independent says it has learned that sexual violence against women is "pervasive in Houthi-run detention sites in Yemen".

"The Houthis did not differentiate between women between the ages of 13 and 55 during their efforts to silence dissent," she added.

The newspaper pointed out that the Houthis "broke the pelvis of Sedika al-Hammadi and tortured another woman until she was paralyzed and lost consciousness, and even married some girls from the group."

"Women and their children were raped in the custody of the Houthis," Al-Jarawi told The Independent.

She added that the Houthis use coercion, blackmail and intimidation to trap women.

When Sonia Ali Ghobash, 31, refused to work in the intelligence to help target figures outside Sanaa, specifically Mohammed bin Saeed al-Jaber, Saudi Arabia's ambassador to Yemen, the Houthis imprisoned her, gave her electric shocks and cold water, and then raped her, The Independent reported.

"They implanted pins and nails in my back and removed the toenails of my right foot," Ghobash says.

Al-Jarawi explained to the newspaper that the Houthis "use rape as a purification and as a marriage of jihad - tactics not unlike those espoused by al-Qaeda."

In February of this year, the United States retracted the designation of the Houthis as a foreign terrorist organization, which had been imposed by the previous administration of President Donald Trump in January.

The US special envoy to Yemen, Timothy Lenderking, said in a webinar last week that the United States recognizes the Houthis as a legitimate actor.

The newspaper says Lenderking's comments infuriated Al-Jarawi and the other survivors. "The Houthis are committing war crimes against Yemenis on a scale that is no different from al-Qaeda, ISIS, the Taliban and others," al-Jarawi said.

Hussein al-Bakhiti, a pro-Houthi political commentator, told The Independent that they do not need to use prostitution to achieve their goals because "they have drones and ballistic missiles to attack all their enemies."

The Houthis are demanding money from the al-Hammadi family, according to the newspaper. Ghobash was released from prison after her family paid the Houthis nearly twenty million Yemeni riyals ($80,000), according to The Independent. Women from poor families died in these sites.

(** B K P)

Als "Märtyrer" missbraucht: Kindersoldaten im Jemen

Im Jemen-Krieg werden regelmäßig Kinder als Soldaten eingesetzt. Zwar scheut keine der Konfliktparteien vor dieser Praxis zurück, doch die weitaus meisten Fälle gehen wohl auf das Konto der Huthi-Rebellen.

Die Rekrutierung von Kindersoldaten ist eine der bedrückendsten Formen von Menschenrechtsverletzungen im jemenitischen Bürgerkrieg. Unter diesen leiden, neben ganzen Familien, auf vielfache Weise natürlich vor allem die Kinder selbst. Die Vereinten Nationen weisen bereits seit Jahren auf das schwere Los der Kindersoldaten unter anderem im Jemen hin. In einem Papier von Ende Juni dokumentieren die UN 211 Fälle der Rekrutierung von Kindern im Zeitraum Januar bis Dezember 2020, die meisten davon bei den Huthis (163). Von diesen waren 134 Jungen, doch auch 29 Mädchen fanden sich unter den Opfern.

Die Huthis wehren sich gegen die Kritik - allerdings nicht mit Sachargumenten. In einer auf Arabisch verfassten Erklärung erklären sie, der UN-Bericht sei von der amerikanischen Regierung und den reichen Öl-Staaten am Golf diktiert worden.

Rekrutierungen auch auf Regierungsseite

Doch auch jemenitische Regierungstruppen schrecken vor dem Einsatz von Kindersoldaten nicht zurück. Der UN-Dokumentation zufolge fanden sich in ihren Reihen 34 Kindersoldaten. Laut einem gemeinsamen Bericht der Organisationen "SAM for Rights and Liberties" und "Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor" versuchen der jemenitischen Regierung nahestehende Gruppen Kinder "in großem Umfang" zu rekrutieren, vor allem in den südlichen Gouvernements Taiz, Lahidsch und Abyan. Militärisch trainiert würden die Kinder dann in Saudi-Arabien, so der Vorwurf.

Die Mobilisierung von Kindersoldaten geschieht dabei laut Beobachtern und Informanten vor Ort sehr unterschiedlich, in vielen Fällen lassen sich Erzählungen und Berichte von Betroffenen, Nachbarn oder Angehörigen dabei kaum unabhängig verifizieren.

Erziehung zu Hass und Gewalt

Informationen von Menschenrechtsorganisationen zufolge rekrutieren die Huthis tatsächlich in ungleich größerem Maß. Laut der Studie von "Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor" und "SAM for Rights and Liberties" haben die Rebellen seit 2014 mehr als 10.000 jemenitische Kinder rekrutiert. In Ausbildungsstätten würden die Kinder zur Gewalt erzogen, der Huthi-Ideologie unterworfen und auf Grundlage eines extremistischen Gedankenguts auf den Kampf vorbereitet.

Nicht minder bedrückende Zahlen nennt ein Sprecher der jemenitischen Kinderrechtsorganisation "Seyaj". Ihm zufolge betreiben die Huthis sogar rund sechstausend Sommercamps. In jedem würden sie mindestens einhundert Kinder ausbilden. Die Minderjährigen erhielten eine taktische Kampfausbildung, so "Seyaj".

"Tickende Zeitbombe"

Das Phänomen der Kinder-Rekrutierung sei eine Art "tickende Zeitbombe, sagt der ehemalige Menschenrechtsminister der international anerkannten Regierung, Muhammad Askar, im Gespräch mit der DW. Auch er erhebt schwere Vorwürfe vor allem gegen die Huthi-Rebellen: In deren Camps würden hunderttausende von Kindern einer Gehirnwäsche unterzogen. "Die Köpfe dieser Kinder sind vollgestopft mit einer Kultur des Hasses und der Losung 'Tod für Amerika'. Wie soll man sie in ein paar Jahren wieder in die Gesellschaft integrieren?!"

Trotz aller Unterschiede entsteht jedoch auf beiden Seiten dasselbe Problem: Im Jemen wächst eine Generation von Kindern heran, die Konfliktlösung mit Waffengewalt von Beginn an als gesellschaftlichen Normalfall kennen lernt – von Ahmed Amran, Emad Hassan =

and English version:

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Underage 'martyrs': Recruiting child soldiers in Yemen

In Yemen, families send their children to so-called summer camps. There, adolescents are given combat training and taught why they should fight for God. Both government forces and Houthi rebels use child soldiers.

The recruitment of child soldiers is without a doubt one of the most upsetting of the many human rights violations that have been documented during Yemen's civil war.

In their annual report on Children and Armed Conflict, published in May this year, United Nations researchers counted 211 cases of children being recruited to fight in Yemen in 2020. Of these, 134 were boys and 29 were girls recruited by the Houthis.

The Houthis defended themselves against the UN report by arguing that it had been prepared by their enemies, the US and the Gulf states.

Both sides involved

But it is not just the Houthis who are using child soldiers. The UN report also noted that Yemeni government troops counted 34 under-age fighters in their ranks too. A further 14 children were recruited by other organizations fighting there.

According to research by two organizations, the SAM for Rights and Liberties and the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, groups close to the Yemeni government have recruited children too, particularly in the southern provinces of Taiz, Lahj and Abyan.

Locals say child soldiers who end up in government forces get there in many different ways. There are plenty of rumors and stories about it, none of which were possible for DW to verify.

One story has it that a soldier sent his son to fight simply because he wanted the child's wages. Another tells of older brothers who apparently encouraged younger siblings to enlist. And in another case, the son of a slain soldier wanted to take his father's place on the frontline and continue to provide for his family.

The relationship a local family has with military recruiters or neighborhood officials also often plays a role. Sometimes there is societal pressure to contribute to the war effort too. But, as locals point out, the recruitment of child soldiers by Yemen government forces cannot necessarily be described as systematic.

Teaching propaganda

This is where the Houthis really differ. The recruitment methods of the two groups are not even comparable, confirmed Tawfik al-Hamidi, who heads the Switzerland-based SAM for Rights and Liberties. Only a few child soldiers actually end up fighting on the side of the Yemeni government, al-Hamidi told DW. Most are given jobs like guard duty, he said.

It is a different story with the Houthis. According to his organization's February 2021 study, Militarizing Childhood, the Houthi rebels may well have recruited over 10,000 Yemeni children since 2014 and the beginnings of the conflict.

"The Houthis deliberately used the education system to incite violence and indoctrinate students with the group's ideologies," the study said. "They did this by giving lectures with sectarian propaganda contents and promoting military victories."

According to the Yemeni children's' rights organization, SEYAJ, the Houthi militias likely run around 6,000 of the so-called summer camps, where this kind of indoctrination takes place. Each camp accommodates at least 100 children at a time. The juveniles are given combat training and often sent to the frontlines.

A lost generation

Recruiting children like this creates a kind of "ticking time bomb," Yemen's former minister of human rights, Mohammed Askar, told DW. In the Houthi-run summer camps, the children are being brainwashed, he said. "Their heads are stuffed full of the culture of hatred and slogans like 'Death to America,'" Askar noted. "How will we ever be able to integrate them back into normal society?" he asked. – by Emad Hassan, Ahmed Imran =

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Shabwa’s Journey to the Center of a Regional Proxy Conflict

During the course of the ongoing conflict, however, Shabwa has become a microcosm of regional proxy conflict in Yemen. The interests, agendas and struggles of outside powers intertwine in Shabwa, including the regional conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia, behind-the-scenes influence operations involving Qatar and Oman, and even the battle for control in Yemen between two supposed allies, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). No future for the South, or Yemen at large, can be conceived without taking into account the influence of Shabwa — and that requires understanding, channeling or even neutralizing when possible, the outside interests.

Non-state actors such as Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, a largely homegrown affiliate of the international organization, have been attracted to its vast spaces with a history of weak governmental oversight as well as its open sea and desert borders. The armed Houthi movement has controlled large parts of Shabwa as well, beginning in 2015 until being forced to withdraw two years later after defeats in battles with local tribes and Saudi- and UAE-backed forces. For the Houthis, controlling all of Shabwa would offer a route toward southern expansion, access to the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Sea, additional avenues for weapons smuggling, and a piece of the Black Triangle — none of which Saudi Arabia or the UAE would be keen to concede.

Local Factors Can Outweigh Saudi, Emirati Interests

Outside players in Shabwa have competed for the loyalties of various tribes, local authorities, and armed factions in the governorate. The struggle between the Saudi-backed Yemeni government and the Emirati-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) — allies turned rivals in the anti-Houthi coalition — has become the main political dividing line in the governorate in recent years. In August 2019, STC forces expelled government troops from the interim capital of Aden, before the STC, seeking to bring all of the former South Yemen under the group’s control, set its eyes on Shabwa. The STC anticipated a quick victory following its successes in Aden and Abyan, but clashes broke out between the Shabwani Elite forces, a group formed by the UAE in 2016 for counterterrorism purposes, and troops loyal to the Yemeni government. The latter had received a green light, and later military and financial support, from Saudi Arabia to defend the governorate. In defiance of expectations, the battle in Shabwa’s capital Ataq ended with a swift victory for the forces loyal to the local authority, led by Governor Mohammad Saleh bin Adio, who hails from the Laqmoush tribe and is a leader in the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (better known as Islah, a Yemeni party ideologically affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhod). Shabwa, instead of proving a decisive step for the STC in its pursuit to reconstitute the former South Yemen, served as the bulwark against the expansion of STC forces eastward into Hadramawt and Al-Mahra governorates.

The Shabwa battle of August 2019 was decided by local factors, with tribal considerations outweighing military ones. This reflects the importance of foreign actors’ abilities to secure tribal alliances. The battle also marked the introduction of a new round of regional proxy conflict in the governorate, especially between Saudi Arabia and the UAE. Saudi Arabia supports bin Adio while the UAE views his party, Islah, to be a branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, the political Islamist group Abu Dhabi has opposed across the Middle East. Bin Adio, unique for a Yemeni governor, has employed fierce and combative rhetoric against the UAE, calling more than once for the full departure of Emirati forces from the governorate, and most importantly, from the Balhaf gas facility. In late 2020, he said he ranks the UAE equal to the Houthis as an enemy.

Throughout the past 12 months, both Bin Adio’s allies and STC forces have been building their weapons stocks in Shabwa, including securing missiles and armed Land Cruisers. And in late June, tension between Yemeni government forces and STC supporters protesting house raids and the arrests of several senior STC officials in the governorate throughout the month prompted the STC to suspend its already weak communication with Saudi officials and other factions of the Yemeni government as well as its engagement in implementing the Riyadh Agreement. This tension and turmoil, along with the infusion of arms, only increases the likelihood of explosive results should regional powers further inflame local rivalries.

Shabwa is the last governorate in southern Yemen where Islah officials retain strong influence

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia has placed its influence fully in support of Bin Adio. The governor considers Riyadh his important ally, and a small contingent of Saudi forces are stationed at Ataq airport, formerly a civilian airport that now serves as a military airbase for Saudi Arabia.

Qatar and Oman: Looking for Opportunities

Other state actors such as Qatar and Oman have begun exploring opportunities in the governorate.

Shabwa finds itself positioned as Yemen’s latest arena for regional proxy wars. Political parties and local tribes have proven themselves capable of mitigating the intensity of regional competition and curtailing the scope of external involvement. Still, despite the relative stability Shabwa has maintained since late 2019, the potential exists for these proxy wars to escalate and spread beyond the governorate’s border – by Farea Al-Muslimi

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Yemen war: Britain cannot be both arms dealer and peacemaker

The international community must send Britain a message: either stop selling weapons to the Saudis, or give up the UN penholder role for Yemen

From the start, these murderous attacks have been sanctioned by the British government. The Cameron government supported King Salman when he declared war in March 2015, with then-foreign secretary Philip Hammond declaring Britain would “support the Saudis in every practical way short of engaging in combat”.

Despite a mountain of evidence of war crimes committed since, Britain has repeatedly asserted that there is no serious evidence the Saudis have breached international humanitarian law in Yemen. Indeed, Britain has been at the forefront of extending diplomatic protection to the Saudis, crucially blocking a Canadian-Dutch initiative for an independent inquiry into war crimes by all sides.

So why has Britain, which consistently boasts about its support for human rights, been ready to sustain such damage to its international credibility by unconditionally supporting Saudi Arabia in this murderous conflict? One powerful reason is arms sales: we now have fresh evidence of how intimately arms dealers are embedded in the British military-diplomatic machine when it comes to Yemen.

Last month, the impressive new website Declassified UK published details of a secret meeting between the director of a major arms company and British defence and foreign ministers in January 2016, during the peak of Saudi Arabia’s Yemen bombardment.

No official record apparently exists of what was discussed at the meeting, attended by then-Defence Procurement Minister Philip Dunne and then-junior foreign minister Tobias Ellwood. According to Declassified, neither minister “declared the session on their departmental transparency logs of external meetings where ministers are required to record contacts with arms dealers”.

We must take ministers at their word that no records of this ministerial meeting exist. Nevertheless, the presence of Paniguian shows how central arms sales are to British policy in the Middle East - and this is disturbing.

There is an inconsistency here. When Britain ratified the Arms Trade Treaty in 2014, it insisted that arms should not be sold to countries in the case of an overriding risk that their use would conflict with international humanitarian law. But there’s abundant evidence of this with the Saudis and Yemen, as the Biden administration’s decision shows - even if Britain will not admit it.

There’s a very troubling contradiction here. Since the start of the Yemen conflict, Britain has played the role of “penholder” for Yemen at the UN Security Council. Middle East Minister James Cleverly recently boasted about this in parliament, saying Britain has used this role “to help move the Yemen peace process forward, working with our partners and allies at the United Nations to ensure that Yemen continues to be a top priority for the international community”.

But Britain has a significant conflict of interest. On one hand, its arms trade benefits from the war and - as the Declassified revelation crucially shows - plays a role in policy construction. On the other hand, as penholder, Britain has a central UN role in advancing the peace process.

If the international community really wants peace in Yemen, it’s time to send Britain a message: either stop selling arms to the Saudis, or give up the penholder role for Yemen. To combine the two is immoral, wrong, and a betrayal of everything Britain claims to stand for on the international stage – by Peter Oborne


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Revealed: The secret Whitehall committee that holds ‘no records’

Declassified has discovered a secret UK government committee that held meetings with an arms dealer, former oil executive and ex-spy — but parliament is told there are ‘no records’ of what was discussed.

A secret ‘Gulf Advisory Group’ existed for at least two years

UK defence and foreign ministers failed to declare meetings to parliament

Body is second clandestine foreign policy forum to be revealed in recent months

Government refuses to provide full information about the secret groups to opposition MPs

A director of one of the world’s largest arms companies had an off-the-record meeting with UK government ministers to advise them on policy towards the Gulf, it can be revealed.

Sir Richard Paniguian, a director of Raytheon, secretly met British defence and foreign ministers in January 2016 at the height of Saudi Arabia’s bombardment of Yemen.

Raytheon is a major supplier of missiles to the regime in Riyadh, whose air force had recently bombed a wedding party in Yemen, killing 130 civilians.

There is no official record of what was discussed at the meeting which was attended by then defence procurement minister Philip Dunne and foreign minister Tobias Ellwood.

Neither of them declared the session on their departmental transparency logs of external meetings where ministers are required to record contacts with arms dealers.

The meeting has only come to light five years later because former UK foreign minister Alan Duncan mentioned in his memoirs that he attended the session as a Conservative MP.

Duncan said the meeting was organised by the Ministry of Defence’s “Gulf Advisory Committee” to discuss oil prices and upcoming visits to Saudi Arabia by then prime minister, David Cameron, and chancellor George Osborne.

Paniguian was a director of Raytheon Systems Limited from 2015 until his death aged 67 in June 2017. He had previously run Whitehall’s arms sales division, the so-called Defence and Security Organisation.

Aside from the reference to a Gulf Advisory Committee in Duncan’s diary, there is no other published record of the Ministry of Defence (MOD) having such a group.

The government has previously been criticised by campaigners for operating a secretive Gulf Strategy Unit to formulate British policy towards the region, however, this appears to be a different body.

When backbench Labour MP Zarah Sultana recently questioned the arrangement in parliament, she was first told: “The Ministry of Defence does not have a Gulf Advisory Committee.”

Three weeks later, in answer to a further question by Sultana, the government admitted it had a “Gulf Advisory Group” to which Paniguian had been invited on 11 January 2016, but said there were “no records” of the meeting’s minutes.

By last week ministers were still not able to tell Sultana when the group was first formed, how often it met, who attended and chaired its meetings, nor why its existence was kept secret.

They said “we have limited information on the Gulf Advisory Group” and were “seeking further information”.

Sultana told Declassified: “These disgraceful revelations expose the Conservative government’s deeply troubling relationship with arms dealers. While Raytheon was selling missiles to the Saudi regime — whose bombs have been used in alleged war crimes in Yemen — government ministers were meeting the company’s director in secret.

“The fact ministers tried to keep this hidden is an acknowledgement that this meeting should never have happened. The public don’t want British weapons to be used in war crimes in Yemen or anywhere else in the world.” – by Phil Miller

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Bericht: Großbritannien trainiert saudische Koalitionstruppen im Jemen

Eine geheime Eliteeinheit der britischen Armee soll die von Saudi-Arabien angeführte Militärkoalition im Jemen vor Ort trainieren und ausbilden. Bislang dementierte Großbritannien die Beteiligung am Krieg der von Saudis geführten Militärkoalition im bettelarmen Jemen.

Berichten zufolge soll eine geheime Eliteeinheit der britischen Armee die saudischen Streitkräfte im Jemen vor Ort trainieren und unterstützen, was die offizielle Haltung der britischen Regierung über deren vorgeblich neutral.

Laut der Website Declassified UK sind seit Monaten rund 30 britische Soldaten am von der saudisch geführten Militärkoalition besetzten Flughafen al-Ghaida in der östlichen Provinz al-Mahra stationiert: "Die ihnen bislang zugewiesenen Aufgaben sind militärische Ausbildung und logistische Unterstützung, entweder für saudische Streitkräfte oder von Saudi-Arabien unterstützte Milizen, nämlich die Akteure des Südübergangsrats", sagte Hameed Zaabnoot, ein Stammesführer, der Proteste (Sitzstreiks) gegen die saudische Besatzung in den Gouvernements al-Mahra und Sokotra organisiert.

Zaabnoot sagte, britische Streitkräfte befänden sich in speziell ausgewiesenen Bereichen des Flughafens, und es seien etwa 20 bis 30 Ausbilder, von denen "zehn fest angestellt sind". Er fügte hinzu, dass die Soldaten an Bord saudischer Militärflugzeuge sitzen und auch nicht an Visakontrollen gebunden sind. Der Stammesführer setzt sich für die Befreiung der von al-Mahra und Sokotra von der Besatzung der saudischen und emiratischen Streitkräfte ein.

"Saudische Streitkräfte führen innerhalb des Flughafens strenge Sicherheitsmaßnahmen gegen ziviles oder militärisches Personal durch", sagte er und fügte hinzu, Mobiltelefone seien verboten, was im Grunde das Fotografieren der britischen Truppen erschwere. Laut Naser Hakem Abdullah Awidh, einem lokalen Journalisten, der bei den saudischen Streitkräften auf dem Flughafen war, handelt es sich nicht um eine "kleine" Einheit, sondern um eine "vollwertige Truppe".

Mehrere Menschenrechtsgruppen haben bereits unter anderem berichtet, dass viele Häftlinge in dem Gefängnis am Flughafen al-Ghaida festgehalten und gefoltert werden.

Mit der Behauptung, dass es eine "nachhaltige politische Lösung" anstrebe, hatte London mehrfach jede aktive Beteiligung an der Kriegsmaschinerie der von den Saudis geführten Militärkoalition bestritten. Der ehemalige Minister of State for the Middle East Alistair Burt hatte dem Parlament im Jahr 2019 gesagt, dass das Land "keine Kriegspartei" (in der Militärkoalition) sei, die versuche, die Regierung von Abed Rabbo Mansur Hadi wieder an die Macht zu bringen – die 2015 durch die Ansarollah (hierzulande besser bekannt als "Huthis") gestürzt worden war.

Im März 2021 hatte der ehemalige Stellvertreter des Gouverneurs al-MahrasScheich Ali Salem al-Huraizi die Darstellung der saudischen Militärkoalition über die mögliche Terrorgefahr in dieser Provinz bestritten und den Abzug aller ausländischen Streitkräfte, einschließlich der britischen und US-Truppen, gefordert.

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Revealed: UK troops ‘secretly operating in Yemen’

Britain has a secret detachment of up to 30 troops in Yemen, where they are training Saudi forces amid the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophe, Declassified has discovered.

The British personnel are said to be based at Al-Ghaydah airport in Mahra province of eastern Yemen, where Human Rights Watch says Saudi forces run a prison camp in which detainees are subject to torture and extraordinary rendition.

British troops are believed to have been based at the airport for months. A local journalist who was embedded with Saudi forces at the airport, Naser Hakem Abdullah Awidh, told Declassified he has seen British troops there this year.

He claimed: “They are a fully-fledged force. We can’t say they are minor.” The British forces allegedly spend their days off conducting tourist trips in civilian clothes to local archaeological sites.

Hameed Zaabnoot, a tribal sheikh who has led sit-in protests against the presence of Saudi forces in Mahra province, told Declassified that staff at Al-Ghaydah airport have seen British troops inside.

Zaabnoot understands that British forces are located in designated parts of the airport. He said: “The tasks assigned to them so far are military training and logistical support, either for Saudi forces or Saudi-backed militia that are elements from the Southern Transitional Council,” a Yemeni separatist group.

“The number of British forces… is between 20 and 30 instructors, 10 of which are permanent,” Zaabnoot relayed, claiming they are flown into the airport on board Saudi military aircraft and bypass normal visa checks.

“Saudi forces carry out strict security measures against civilian or military personnel inside the airport,” he explained, adding that mobile phones are banned, making it hard for anyone to photograph the British troops.

British ambassador ‘fighting terrorism’

In an interview in Arabic broadcast late last month by Yemen’s Al-Mahriah TV channel, Britain’s ambassador Michael Aron was repeatedly questioned over allegations that UK forces have been seen in the east of the country.

Aron did not deny the allegations, saying, “We support efforts of fighting terrorism and smuggling. This is our position for a long time,” adding that “we have good and deep relations with the legitimate government”.

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) reportedly has a presence in Mahra province, with Saudi and Yemeni forces recently killing or capturing several members of the group.


Geneva-based advocacy group, SAM for Rights and Liberties, told Declassified that Yemenis are being tortured by the British-backed Saudi forces at the airport.

The group’s president, Tawfiq Alhamidi, said: “Saudi forces operate the airport’s prison where they receive logistical support and military training by British troops stationed at the airport since the beginning of this year.”

He added: “There are multiple violations, some of which amount to war crimes such as torture, enforced disappearance, [and] forced deportation beyond the borders of the Republic of Yemen.” – by Naseh Shaker, Phil Miller and Mark Curtis

and also

and film:

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

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Pandemic worsens crisis in Yemen's healthcare sector | Money Talks

Frontline workers all over the world are risking their lives to help others during the COVID-19 pandemic. In Yemen, doctors are struggling with the additional burden of a healthcare sector that's collapsed during years of civil war. With a shortage of basic hospital supplies, many medical staff have lost their lives trying to care for others. Obaida Hitto has more.

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Four new cases of COVID-19 reported, 6,940 in total

The committee also reported the recovery of nine coronavirus patients, in addition to the death of one patient.
1,633 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

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Three new cases of COVID-19 reported, 6,934 in total

The committee also reported the recovery of six coronavirus patients, in addition to the death of one patient.
1,091 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

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Health Workers Abandoned in Yemen’s Covid-19 Fight

Houthi Authorities Still Hinder Vaccination of Medical Staff

Health workers in Houthi-controlled areas in Yemen have recently reported that they face significant barriers to obtaining vaccines, and existing vaccines may expire before they are used. By failing to take all available measures to address the Covid-19 pandemic, Houthi authorities are subjecting the country's medical workers to unnecessary risk, which could further devastate the country's healthcare system.

Human Rights Watch and others have previously criticized Houthi authorities' disinformation about the pandemic and their undermining international efforts to distribute vaccines. On June 1 the World Health Organization (WHO) announced that a vaccination campaign would finally begin in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen, starting with 10,000 doses for healthcare workers. This was a welcome step for desperate health workers battling the deadly coronavirus with little to no assistance from the authorities. But in the past month, even this small distribution has proved elusive.

Most of the barriers to vaccination are directly tied to the Houthi authorities' apparent unwillingness to take the pandemic seriously. They have not advertised vaccination center locations or encouraged health workers to take the vaccines. They have also prevented any information about the campaign to appear on the Houthi health ministry's website, and mandated that health workers give blood before they can receive a vaccine.

At least 150 doctors in Yemen have died from Covid-19, according to the Yemeni Doctors Living Abroad Association. Last year, most of the 97 health workers who died from Covid-19 were in Yemen's Houthi-controlled capital, Sanaa. The death of health workers has serious consequences in a country with a healthcare system decimated by years of war, a shortage of medical professionals, and what the United Nations has called the world's worst humanitarian crisis. It is estimated that only half of Yemen's healthcare system is functioning and is heavily reliant on support from international donors, whose aid has decreased in recent years.

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Two new cases of COVID-19 reported, 6,931 in total

The committee also reported the recovery of three coronavirus patients in Hadramout (2) and Taiz (1), in addition to the death of one patient in Taiz.
1,798 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

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Community-based surveillance in internally displaced people’s camps and urban settings during a complex emergency in Yemen in 2020


The need for early identification of coronavirus disease (COVID-19) cases in communities was high in Yemen during the first wave of the COVID-19 epidemic because most cases presenting to health facilities were severe. Early detection of cases would allow early interventions to interrupt the transmission chains. This study aimed to describe the implementation of community-based surveillance (CBS) in in internally displaced people (IDP) camps and urban settings in Yemen from 15 April 2020 to 30 September 2020.


Following the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidance for evaluation of surveillance systems, we assessed the usefulness and acceptability of CBS. For acceptability, we calculated the proportion of trained volunteers who reported disease alerts. To assess the usefulness, we compared the alerts reported through the electronic diseases early warning system (eDEWS) with the alerts reported through CBS and described the response activities implemented.


In Al-Mukalla City, 18% (14/78) of the volunteers reported at least one alert. In IDP camps, 58% (18/31) of volunteers reported at least one alert. In Al-Mukalla City, CBS detected 49 alerts of influenza-like illness, whereas health facilities detected 561 cases of COVID-19.

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Vaccination against ‘goat plague’ begins in 3 provinces

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

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Yemen War Daily Map Updates

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Maps: Al-Bayda governorate center in Kamasheh. From the western front, the resistance of #Al_Humayqan completed its entire territory and liberated three of the civilian areas The eastern front has completed the entire Hazmieh front, as well as the area of Awain and the battles are taking place in it With its liberation, the Mukayras District falls, and the resistance enters the first areas of the governorate center

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Saudi-led coalition blocks lifeline flights from Yemen

Millions in Houthi-controlled areas have no way to travel abroad for advanced medical care.

Some 450,000 people need to travel through Yemen’s primary international airport for treatment, according to Khaled al-Sharif, director general of Sanaa International Airport Administration.

More than 90,000 patients have died due to the airport’s closure, which has also led to economic losses of more than $3.5 billion, Sharif said.

Sharif, speaking on the Houthis’ Beirut-based Al Masirah television channel, said more than a million Yemenis are at risk of death due to the lack of medicines. He added that 3,000 patients registered with the Ministry of Public Health and Population suffer from

heart defects and urgently need to travel abroad for treatment.

A source in the ministry who spoke to The Media Line exclusively and on condition of anonymity said that at least 20 people died because they were unable to fly through Sanaa airport or because they tried to travel by land to Aden and Seiyun airports since

the most recent negotiations to reopen Sanaa airport ended last month. The source added that the medicines that reach Sanaa airport through the United Nations cover only 40% of the needs.

On June 9, the Political Office of the Ansar Allah group announced an initiative for a political solution to the civil war, led by an Omani delegation that visited the capital seeking to reopen Sanaa International Airport.

The proposal coincided with engineering teams beginning to perform maintenance on the airport terminals, which was widely welcomed by activists and politicians alike.

Some observers suggest that in exchange for reopening Sanaa’s airport, the siege imposed by the Houthis on the city of Taiz, once known as the cultural capital of Yemen, should be lifted.

However, Martin Griffiths, the outgoing UN special envoy for Yemen, announced in his briefing to the Security Council on June 15 that recent negotiations seeking a cease-fire had failed.

Ahmed Ayadh, a media professional affiliated with the Ansar Allah De Facto Authority, told The Media Line that the airport should be open on the basis of humanitarian reasons.

Traffic through Sanaa International Airport has been banned since August 2016 due to mutual accusations between the IRG and the DFA, after the DFA was accused of using the airport for military purposes, which it denies.

A high-ranking source in the DFA told Turkey’s Anadolu Agency that the authority informed the Omani delegation that opening the airport must be done without making any “bargains” as it is a legitimate sovereign right, while the IRG’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded by stating that the IRG offered many concessions and guarantees for the travel of citizens and the reopening of the airport, but the DFA refused them, trying to impose its terms, which complicated the issue.

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The Saudi-UAE Alliance is Fracturing

Recent incidents also suggest that the greater assertiveness in individual Gulf states’ policies over the past decade will take on economic rather than political overtones in the 2020s and play out against the backdrop of states’ attempts to compete in an increasingly crowded regional landscape.

A trio of apparently unrelated issues has cast fresh light on policy divergences between Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and provided a foretaste of the new competitive rivalries that might come to characterize the next phase of post-pandemic politics in the Gulf. Over the July 4 weekend, Saudi and Emirati officials locked horns at an OPEC+ meeting, as the UAE openly and vocally opposed Saudi-led plans to extend OPEC+ oil quotas into 2022. Separately, but concurrently with the OPEC+ standoff, Saudi officials suspended travel to and from the UAE; Riyadh also amended its rules on imports from other Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states in ways that seemingly target goods produced in UAE free zones.

While there is no clear link that connects the three incidents, each is an example of Saudi-Emirati disharmony, and together they call into question the depth and durability of the alignment between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi that did so much to shape Gulf politics in the 2010s. They also suggest that the greater assertiveness in individual Gulf states’ policies over the past decade will take on economic rather than political overtones in the 2020s and play out against the backdrop of states’ attempts to compete in an increasingly crowded regional landscape. Furthermore, they offer a glimpse into the future of Gulf politics if and when Mohammed bin Zayed (MbZ) and Mohammed bin Salman (MbS), Crown Princes of the UAE and Saudi Arabia, assume the throne in their respective nations and apply their headstrong approach to leadership in ways that decisively prioritize their individual and national interests.

Unity Against the Arab Spring

What changed in and after 2011 was the policy response in the Gulf monarchies to the regional uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa. Saudi and Emirati officials grew alarmed at the pace and direction of change in the states that had experienced political transition in 2011, and they responded to Qatar’s assertive approach toward the “Arab Spring” with more muscular policies of their own.

National Interests Diverge

Even at the height of their coordination during the early period of the Trump administration, when it seemed to many observers that the Crown Princes were two peas in a pod, there were signs that older points of tension never fully disappeared. For all their pushback against Qatar and the perceived gains of the Arab uprisings, the Saudi leadership viewed Iran as the primary threat to regional stability, while the Emirati leadership in Abu Dhabi believed that political Islamist ideology was more dangerous.

Looking ahead, the contours of a more competitive Gulf in which regional economies chase progressively scarcer resources in a post-pandemic world may be coming into focus. This year alone has seen Mohammed bin Salman insist that companies seeking contracts with government agencies in Saudi Arabia must locate their regional headquarters within the Kingdom in a clear dig at the UAE, and recent speculation about a new Saudi airline and airport also appears designed to win business away from Dubai, Abu Dhabi, and Doha in the long run. Mohammed bin Salman has staked his credibility as a ruler-in-waiting on his ability to transform the Saudi economy, and he may intensify his search for new opportunities should Vision 2030 and associated initiatives falter or fail to deliver as intended. In the UAE, the recovery from an economic slump that, in some areas such as Dubai, began before the pandemic, means economic nationalism may become a more assertive feature of Emirati policymaking as well. These are the realities facing Gulf leaders over the next several years, especially those whose economic diversification programs involve a high degree of sectoral overlap and competitive rivalry – by Kristian Coates Ulrichsen


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How the growing UAE-Saudi rivalry could pay off for the United States

Their fierce competition for economic power in the region might actually smooth America’s exit from the stage.

Multiple cracks have recently opened in the Saudi-Emirati relationship. The UAE is resisting efforts by Saudi Arabia and Russia to convince OPEC+ members to continue to restrict oil production. Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia will no longer consider goods produced in free zones to be “locally made,” a decision that will subject many Emirati products to tariffs.

And that’s not all: Saudi Arabia suspended flights to the UAE, citing concerns about the Delta variant of COVID-19, an act reciprocated by the Emirates. In April, Saudi Arabia announced that by 2024, it will cease doing business with any company that does not base its regional headquarters in the kingdom, a policy that will likely force many multinational corporations to relocate from the UAE to Saudi Arabia.

Taken together, these moves indicate heightened tensions between the two countries, and in particular between their powerful crown princes, MBS of Saudi Arabia and MBZ of Abu Dhabi.

The Saudi-Emirati race for economic rewards could bode well for Biden’s goal of reducing U.S. involvement in the region. If Saudi Arabia and the UAE are primarily focused on competing with each other, they will both prefer to foster regional stability in order to encourage investment, potentially curbing impulses to behave aggressively towards each other or their neighbors.


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Analysis: OPEC disagreement lays bare growing UAE-Saudi economic rivalry

Rare public disagreement between the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia over OPEC policy points to a growing economic rivalry between the two largest Arab economies which only looks set to intensify, several regional analysts said.

The UAE's opposition this weekend to a proposed eight-month extension to output curbs, favoured by Saudi Arabia, was a rare display of defiance by Abu Dhabi, whose Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed al-Nahyan has been a staunch ally of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The disagreement led the OPEC+ talks to be called off on Monday.

"The current OPEC standoff signals a wider push by the UAE to assert its economic and national self-interest vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia," said Amir Khan, senior economist at Saudi National Bank.

The alliance between the young ambitious princes had propelled a hawkish foreign policy that saw them launch a military campaign in Yemen, lead an Arab boycott of Qatar and combat Islamist political groups in the Middle East and beyond.

But as Saudi Arabia tries to wean its economy off oil, it is vying with the UAE for foreign capital and talent, although economists say it will take time to truly challenge the region's business, trade and tourism hub.

"There is this creeping economic competition in the relationship between the two biggest Arab economies and the competition is bound to intensify," said Emirati political analyst Abdulkhaleq Abdulla.

"The UAE is speaking its mind ... but the relationship is strong and the leadership know how to resolve issues," he said.


Explainer: UAE and Saudi Arabia’s spat over OPEC oil production

Saudi-led plan to extend a deal capping oil production triggers a dispute between two OPEC heavyweights.

In a rare public spat between the Gulf state allies, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have found themselves at loggerheads over an OPEC plan that seeks to extend a cap on oil production.

Saudi Arabia has led a push in OPEC to raise output by some 2 million barrels per day from August to December 2021 but extend remaining cuts to the end of 2022.

But the UAE pushed back on Sunday, saying a cut in output beyond the initial deadline of April 2022 would be “unfair to the UAE”.

The UAE has said the market is “in dire need of higher production” of crude oil following a plunge in oil prices and production last year as the pandemic hit travel and energy use.


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OPEC oil alliance at impasse between Saudi Arabia and UAE

Talks among members of the OPEC cartel and allied oil producing countries broke off Monday in the midst of a standoff with the United Arab Emirates over production levels.

No new date was set for resuming talks, leaving oil markets in a state of at least temporary uncertainty about future supply as demand for fuel continues to recover from the worst of the coronavirus pandemic.

In an unusual public confrontation with leading cartel member Saudi Arabia, the UAE on Sunday pushed back against the OPEC Plus group, which includes non-OPEC producers like Russia. The UAE said it supported a proposed gradual increase in production favored by Saudi Arabia, the group’s largest producer, and by non-member Russia. But the UAE said it also wanted an increase in its own permitted level of production.


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Saudi energy minister condemns UAE opposition to OPEC+ deal

Saudi Arabia's Energy Minister has condemned the opposition of the United Arab Emirates to a proposed OPEC+ deal to increase output and extend cuts, in a clear example of the growing rift between the two Gulf States.


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Film (in Arabic): Anwar al-Ansi reports, BBC. Saudi Arabia and the UAE, one alliance and contradictory interests

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Analysis: Saudi-led alliance in Yemen marred by Riyadh-Abu Dhabi gaps

The consecutive defeats of the Saudi-led Arab coalition in Yemen not only push the largely showy alliance to collapse but also deepen the division between two allies Saudi Arabia and the UAE and bring the two countries' proxy forces to each other's throats in this conflict.

Contrary to Riyadh's claims, the agreement was by no means a lasting one, and despite the apparent insistence of the parties to show commitment to it, it was marred by breaches.

Now as the Saudi agreement runs into an impasse and Ansarullah revolutionary movement tightens its control over the north and western coasts and marches centerward as it crushes the al-Qaeda terrorists and Saudi and Emirati-sponsored mercenaries, rivalry between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi and their proxies over the southern regions heats up. The Emirates since long ago has had their eyes on the Yemeni ports and geopolitically important and resource-rich southern Islands like Socotra and Hanish and Dhoghar archipelago. The war paved the way for the Emirates to pursue their expansionist plans. But from the start of the war, Saudi Arabia had focused on the northern regions to prevent Ansarullah from controlling Sana'a, the capital, and strengthening Shiite presence in the Saudi backyard. But this sharing does not make any sense presently, and the Saudis want to boost their presence in the south lest fall behind the Emiratis. This is just one reason for deepened division between the two sides.

This fissure has begun to pose a big challenge to the two their alliance and cohesion, slowly transforming into a crisis with potentials to grow to the scale of Qatar crisis. Yemen News Gate website reported, citing diplomatic resources, Kuwait has made contacts with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to de-escalate the tensions. The news outlet continued that Saudi Arabia stipulated return of the STC to the negotiating table and implementation of the Riyadh pact unconditionally.

This comes while there is no least optimism to settlement of the crisis, especially that the Emiratis, contrary to the stated exit from Yemen war, massively continue their expansionist schemes in southern Yemen unabated. They also work to undermine the agreements due to the alliance between Hadi and the Islah Party that is affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, a movement banned in the UAE. Reports emanating from Socotra suggest that in recent days, the UAE began to issue special identity cards to the residents of the island and interacts with people by these cards.

Here are the possible consequences of this Saudi-Emirati division.

  1. Collapse of Riyadh agreement and intensification of fight between Hadi loyalists and the STC militants.
  2. Boost of Ansarullah patriotic approach for expulsion of the foreign forces to save Yemen's territorial integrity .
  3. Impairment of anti-Ansarullah camp and boost of Ansarullah battleground position
  4. Shrink of Hadi legitimacy and acceptance in the negotiations.

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Yemeni Coalition of Independent Women Exposes Continuing Houthi Crimes Against Women on the Sidelines of the 47th UNHCR Session.

Geneva, the YCIW held a Symposium on the situation of the Yemeni women following the Houthi coup, including violations, arrests, and abuse. The event was held at the Conference Centre in Geneva and had 17 people in attendance. The gathering was chaired by Dr. Wesam Basindowah, the head of the March 8 Bloc for Yemeni women speakers. Other panelists included Prof Noora Al-Jarawi, President of the Women’s Coalition for Peace in Yemen, Irina Tsukerman, lawyer and national security expert, Dr. Arwa Al-Khattabi, President of the Broken Chair Organization for Mine Victims in Yemen, and Mrs. Fawzia Ahmed, director of the women’s section in the central prison in Sana’a, was previously detained in Al-Houthi prisons. UNHCR

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Die Kinder in Jemen –Opfer politischer Absprachen

Der Gesundheits- und Bevölkerungsminister Jemens [Sanaa-Regierung], Taha Mutawwakil sagte, dass die saudisch angeführte Kriegskoalition inzwischen mehr als 3000 jemenitische Kinder getötet hat. Mehr als 4000 Kinder in diesem Land wurden durch sie verwundet oder bis ans Lebensende gelähmt. Die Unicef habe außerdem ihre Unterstützung für mehr als 400 Tausend Kinder im Jemen, die unter Unterernährung leiden und für 80 Tausend von ihnen, denen der Tod droht, eingestellt. Mutawwakil erklärte weiter: „Eine große Zahl von Kindern in Saada im Norden des Landes sind im Gefolge der Angriffe der Koalition der Saudis genetisch gestört. Für einen Teil der Kinder in Saada fehlt es an der notwendigen medizinischen Behandlungsausrüstung. Internationale Organe würden den Tod dieser Kinder verursachen, weil sie das Eintreffen dieser Ausrüstung in Saada verhindern. Er sagte, dass hunderte von jemenitischen Kindern ihr Leben verloren haben, weil die UNO nicht ihrer Pflicht nachgekommen ist.

Die UN-Kinderrechtskonvention bot eine neue Chance um für die Anerkennung der Rechte der Kinder und ihre Gesundheit zu sorgen und diese Konvention wurde als das würdigste Dokument für Menschenrechte bezeichnet. Aber heute, im 3. Jahrtausend, ist es eine Schande, dass es noch immer so viele Kinder gibt, die unter Hunger leiden, verletzt werden, medizinisch nicht behandelt werden und keine Schule besuchen können.

Wir sind heute nicht nur Zeugen eines großen Massakers unter den Kindern in Jemen, sondern auch Zeuge, dass ihre Rechte weitgehend und sogar auf internationaler Ebene verletzt werden. Jemen ist wie Palästina zum Opferaltar für Kinder geworden.

Meine Bemerkung: Aus dem Iran.

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

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YPC holds UN responsible for deteriorating humanitarian situation in Yemen

The Yemeni Petroleum Company (YPC) on Friday held the United Nations responsible for the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Yemen.

This came in a statement issued during a vigil organized by the company’s staff in front of the UN office in Sana'a to denounce the sea piracy of the Saudi-led aggression coalition on the fuel ships, which exacerbated the suffering of Yemeni people.

and also

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UNVIM Situation Analysis – June 2021

Food and Fuel Discharged in June 2021

In June 2021, there was a decrease of 25% in food discharged compared to the 2020 average and 19% decrease compared to the monthly average since May 2016, or 232,767 metric tonnes (t) compared to 308,746 and 289,151 t, respectively.

A 38% (88,689 t) decrease in fuel discharged in June 2021 compared to the 2020 average (142,221 t) and a 37% decrease compared to the monthly average (141,562 t) since May 2016

In June 2021, four (04) fuel tankers were permitted to enter Hodeidah port.

Food and Fuel Vessel Delays in June 2021

In June 2021, food vessels spent an average of 2.8 days in the Coalition holding area (CHA);

2.3 days at anchorage; and 8.3 days at berth, compared to an average of 3.3 days in the CHA; 11 days at anchorage; and 9.1 days at berth in June 2020. Vessels spent 15% less time in the CHA, 79% and 9% less time at anchorage and berth respectively, compared to June 2020.

In June 2021, 11 food vessels proceeded from CHA to the anchorage area; ten (10) were berthed; and 11 discharged their cargo and sailed.

In June 2021, the average time spent by fuel vessels in the CHA was 116 days. In contrast, fuel vessels waited an average of 17.4 days in 2019 and 82.6 days in 2020, showing a 495% and a 41% increase, respectively.

Four (04) fuel vessels proceeded from the CHA to the anchorage area and four (04) vessels berthed and sailed in June 2021.

and also

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Yemen Conflict - ETC Situation Report #57 (Reporting Period: 01/06/2021 to 30/06/2021)

The ETC continues to provide critical Internet connectivity to 612 humanitarians across 12 sites in Yemen, and communications services – including security telecommunications – to a total of 2,349 responders supported by eight UNDSS-managed Security Operations Centres (SOCs) across the country.

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

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Why Mohammed went from deputy principal to taxi driver

Yemen’s education system is on the brink of collapse

For over 25 years Mohammed has been a teacher. He thrived educating Yemeni children and watching them grow up to become doctors, engineers or whatever they wanted to be.

The 49-year-old lives in Yemen’s capital, Sana’a, with his wife and three daughters. His eldest, Hanan is studying Medicine, Suzanne recently left high school to study at the English Language Institute and his young daughter is in sixth grade at school.
“Our life was enjoyable and excellent,” he says.
Sadly, things are different for Mohammed now as Yemen continues to face one of the worst humanitarian crises on earth.
Ongoing conflict, natural disasters, the spread of disease and economic instability have ground essential services to a halt and forced millions of Yemeni families into poverty. An estimated 11.3 million children are in need of humanitarian help.
Not long after being promoted to deputy head teacher at his school, Mohammed was forced to leave the career he spent over two decades building. Like thousands of other Yemeni teachers, he had not been paid a full salary since 2016 due to a breakdown in the education system.
Two million children are currently out of school – that’s roughly the same as every child in New South Wales being out of school.

“We really suffered because of a lack of income, so we tried to go for different kinds of work but we could not,” he says. “As teachers, we do not have experience except in teaching.”
In order to support his family and enable his daughters to keep up their education, Mohammed found work as a tuk-tuk driver. He has now swapped the classroom and for the roads of Sana’a. While Mohammad is able to try and provide for his family, 85 per cent of the country’s children are living in poverty.

But it’s the faces of the children that upsets Mohammed the most. He recalls with sadness how his students stopped waiting for him outside class when he started operating his tuk-tuk taxi.
“It hurts the students’ souls when they find all teachers abandoning teaching.”
Looking ahead, Mohammed is deeply concerned for the future generations of Yemen who are going without their fundamental right to education.
“It will lead to the collapse of education, and when education collapses, values and fundamentals collapse," he says.
"The nation also collapses…. I hope they [the authorities] focus on the conditions of the teacher. Teachers are the basis of any society, of progress.”


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TİKA Supported Yemeni Families Who Are Flood Victims In Cooperation with AFAD

In cooperation with the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) and the Disaster and Emergency Management (AFAD), 350 families who were flood victims were provided with hygiene, food and living materials.

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Film: Yemen: the hunger virus: Salem and Omar's story

Salem*, 45 and his son Omar* had been displaced four times before moving to Alswidan Camp in Marib. Each time they would leave behind everything and walk for days to reach their next safe location. At first they lived in caves drinking pond water before moving on to Alkhaniq Camp, then Algadaan, then finally Alswidan Camp where they now live with five other members of the family in a tiny tent. Omar was born in 2015, the year the war in Yemen started – war is all he has ever known.

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@monarelief's team distributing now 65 families in al-Zaraqeen hosting site food aid baskets 4 the 5th round based on FSAC standards. Our project funded by @monareliefye's fundraising campaign in Patreon with the support of @PartnersRelief #Yemen (photos)

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FAO and the Netherlands renew partnership to strengthen sustainable water management in Yemen

The USD 5 million project ushers in a second phase of interventions aimed at creating more sustainable management of water resources for improved livelihoods and food production in Sana’a basin

According to H.E. Mr Peter-Derrek Hof, Ambassador of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, food and water security are the key ingredients for achieving a sustainable peace in Yemen., "besides the health relevance of safe water, water is also the prerequisite for economic development translated into employment and food security". Mr Hof commented that the second phase of the programme with the FAO in the Sana'a Basin will contribute to safeguarding water resources from the deep aquifers of Sana'a Basin for domestic use and drinking for the fast growing population of Sana'a City and renewable groundwater for agriculture.

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12-year-old Anas lives in Taizz, southwest Yemen. He should be in school, yet he works 11 hours as a metalworker and uses dangerous machinery that endangers his health and safety.

“After my father died, I had to quit school and work because we had no one to rely on. I am the oldest so I had no other choice to help my mother and brothers. I work the iron, I paint it, I engrave it, ”says 12-year-old Anas.

It is grueling work that Anas has to do every day to support her mother and keep her brothers in school. After six years of conflict in Yemen, it is children who continue to pay the heaviest price for a war for which they are not responsible.

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Eine Wüste der Gesundheitsversorgung – der andauernde Konflikt fordert Tribut

Sie verbrachte drei qualvolle Tage zu Hause und versuchte ihr Kind zu gebären, bevor ihre Familie das Geld für die fünfstündige Autofahrt nach Hajdan aufbringen konnte. Dort stellten die Mitarbeitenden unseres Krankenhauses fest, dass ihr Baby waagerecht in der Gebärmutter lag. Es war während der Wehen gestorben und Um Ayman musste dringend operiert werden, um ihr Leben zu retten. Erfahrungen wie die von Um Ayman sind keine Seltenheit in Hajdan.

Die Stadt, umgeben von üppigen Qat-Feldern, wurde in den ersten Kriegsjahren häufig von saudi-arabischen Jets bombardiert, viele Gebäude sind Ruinen, damals, 20215, wurde unter anderem auch die Mädchenschule der Stadt und unser Krankenhaus zerstört. Obwohl Hajdan inzwischen nicht mehr so häufig Ziel von Luftangriffen ist, ist es, als ob das Echo der Explosionen noch immer zwischen den umliegenden Hügeln hängt.

Die Abgeschiedenheit und Unzugänglichkeit der Gegend in Kombination mit dem aktuellen Konflikt, der Armut und einem kaum funktionierenden Gesundheitssystem führen dazu, dass nur wenige der Bewohner*innen Zugang zu der notwendigen medizinischen Versorgung haben. Das Krankenhaus, welches wir 2017 wiederaufgebaut und neu eröffnet haben, ist eine der wenigen Anlaufstellen.

"Wir befinden uns hier sozusagen in einer Wüste der Gesundheitsversorgung", sagt David Charo Kahindi, unser Projektkoordinator in Hajdan. "Es gibt nur sehr wenige Gesundheitseinrichtungen und der Bedarf scheint zu wachsen. Unsere pädiatrischen Aufnahmen sind im Vergleich zum Vorjahr um 45 Prozent gestiegen und die Zahl der Entbindungen um 30 Prozent. Insgesamt kommen immer mehr ernste Fälle zu uns: Die Anzahl der Menschen, die in die Notaufnahme müssen, ist in etwa gleich hoch, aber wir nehmen viel mehr Patient*innen stationär auf – fast doppelt so viele wie im letzten Jahr."

Im Krankenhaus werden pro Monat nur etwa 15 im Kampf Verwundete behandelt, stattdessen konzentriert sich ein Großteil der Aktivitäten auf die Bedürfnisse von Müttern und ihren Kindern. Unser Team hat in diesem Jahr bereits 176 Entbindungen begleitet und im Durchschnitt 92 Kinder im Monat auf die Station aufgenommen.

Die Kinder weisen meistens Atemwegsinfektionen und Durchfallerkrankungen auf, die oft mit den mangelhaften hygienischen Bedingungen zusammenhängen. Nur 40 Prozent der Mütter, die im Krankenhaus entbinden, hatten Zugang zur Schwangerenvorsorge, was bedeutet, dass viele Komplikationen unentdeckt bleiben, bis die Wehen einsetzen. So wie bei Um Ayman.

"Ende vergangenen Jahres haben wir einen Operationssaal im Krankenhaus eröffnet, damit wir die Menschen nicht nach Sa'ada City überweisen müssen", erklärt David Charo Kahindi. "Die Menschen hier sind meist viele Stunden unterwegs, um nach Hajdan zu kommen. Jetzt können wir zum Beispiel Kaiserschnitte direkt hier vornehmen.”

Das Reisen ist für die Menschen im Jemen in den letzten Jahren noch schwieriger geworden, da die Kraftstoffpreise gestiegen sind.

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QRCS backs community health in Yemen

Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) has recently launched a new project to support 10 primary health care and malnutrition treatment centers in Yemen. Lasting until year end, the $988,000 project covers the governorates of Taiz, Sana’a, and Dhale.

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18,000 metric tons of rice from @mafrakorea just arrived at Aden port. @WFP will distribute the rice to vulnerable families across #Yemen (photos)

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EVERY 75 SECONDS a child dies from starvation in Yemen

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Heeding the Call of a Country in Crisis

The World Bank and Partners in Yemen

Amidst this expanse of uncertainty, the stories of the Yemeni people are full of rebuilding, hope and resilience.

The International Development Association—the World Bank’s fund for the poorest countries—is laying the foundation for recovery by supporting institution-building, restoring economic opportunities, and nurturing human capital.

"IDA had a presence in Yemen long before the onset of the conflict, and it will be there as long as needed to support and strengthen the country’s institutions, to ensure the delivery of essential services, and to set the conditions for lasting peace,” said Marina Wes, World Bank Country Director for Egypt, Yemen, and Djibouti.

Last year, as the COVID-19 pandemic caused further setbacks in fragile and conflict-affected areas—plunging millions of additional people into extreme poverty—IDA quickened the pace of its response. Between the onset of the pandemic and April 2021, IDA committed $15.2 billion to Fragile and Conflict-affected Situations (FCS), half in the form of grants.

These investments are possible thanks to the historic commitment of $26 billion to FCS under IDA’s 19th policy and financing framework—known as IDA19. Each IDA replenishment mobilizes contributions from IDA donors, contributions from the World Bank, and financing raised from the capital markets.

The IDA-supported interventions in Yemen have been implemented in concert with long-standing partners at the United Nations and local organizations. This has been critical to their success.

These are stories of the partnerships IDA projects involve in Yemen, and the people they impact.

Cash Transfers. A lifeline to millions

The backbone of the program—financed by IDA and implemented by UNICEF and local partners—is a state-of-the-art management information system. It secures the data of all recipient families across Yemen’s 333 districts, enabling real-time monitoring, data management, and reporting.

Cash for Work. Economic opportunities for people and communities.

IDA-financed cash-for-work program. Implemented by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the program provides much-need economic opportunities for people and communities.

“UNDP’s goal is to both build people’s skills and provide income for people in search of employment opportunities, said Auke Lootsma, UNDP Yemen’s Resident Representative. “We also consider the needs of the person’s community and how they may be able to contribute to its development and make it more resilient."

The recently approved Yemen Food Security Response and Resilience Project will deliver immediate support to households through cash-for-work opportunities. It also aims to build long-term resilience by supporting agricultural production and providing nutritious food to vulnerable families.

Access to Electricity. A beam of hope

Another critical basic service has suffered because of reduced capacity during the civil war: electricity. Power outages have become commonplace across the country.

Pushing the boundaries to ensure recovery and resilience for all

Ultimately, peace is a requisite for a durable recovery in Yemen. But recent experience has shown that substantial progress in meeting the basic needs of Yemenis is possible in the face of ongoing conflict and COVID-19.

IDA has a unique role to serve in Yemen and other countries that suffer from conflict and fragility, with an unmatched ability to convene and coordinate national organizations, international agencies and donors (photos, images)


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Film: How Solar Power Helps Yemenis Resume their Lives: A Beam of Hope in Yemen - Hamama’s Story

Hamama is a widow who lives in rural Yemen with no source of income. Regular power cuts have made life harder. When nighttime falls, her activities must stop. Today, an International Development Association (IDA) and United Nations Office for Project Services @UNOPSofficial solar energy project is lighting up her home


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Film: Cash-transfers in Yemen to Improve Food and Nutrition Security: A Lifeline to Hana’a’

Hana’a is a young woman who was displaced, along with her family, from their home as fighting broke out on Yemen’s west coast. She has since had trouble accessing food, cooking gas, and social welfare payments. Looking for help, she called the toll-free call number for an IDA and @UNICEF-supported cash-transfer program. Here, she would meet a case-manager who changed the course for her and her family.


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Film: 75-year-old Yemeni Yahya Yusouf used to work as a plumber. He now collects and sells empty water bottles. He was barely making ends meet....until #CashTransfers from an @WBG_IDA project gave him glimmers of hope:

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Yemen: Amidst aid funding shortfall, millions are threatened by water and food shortages

More than half a decade of conflict has exhausted Yemenis and transformed the country into the world’s largest humanitarian crisis. Access to water, food and basic services is becoming harder for most Yemenis even as funding for humanitarian operations has fallen sharply.

In one of the most water-scarce countries in the world, Yemen’s water crisis affects millions of people a day. The nation’s network of water pipes reaches only 30% of the population and is damaged or in need of upgrading in many places. More than 15 million people resort to expensive and time-consuming ways to find enough water every day.

« There is no clean water here or any functional water projects. To get drinking water we have to wait for hours outside until water trucks come, » said Om Yahya, a mother of four living in the outskirts of Sanaa, who spoke to the ICRC while she was at the water point where people gather to wait for trucks. She often waits for several hours to fill a couple of water jerrycans that will barely cover her family’s needs for the day.

Millions of Yemenis often walk for miles to fetch water, exposing themselves to different risks, including the risk of assault.

« Our children have to walk long distances daily to get water without proper transportation which forces many among them to stop their education. They are also exposed to accidents because many must use donkeys to transport water. Because of that many children from the area are suffering from permanent disabilities , » said Hassan, a resident of Medi district of Haja Governorate .

In many areas, people are forced to use agricultural water for drinking, cooking and washing. Using water meant for agricultural purposes can generate serious health issues for the population.

A lack of access to potable water and little treatment of wastewater contributes to major health outbreaks, including cholera and acute watery diarrhea that started in October 2016 in a country where almost 20 million people lack access to basic health care.

The severity of acute food insecurity continues to worsen as the conflict prolongs. Most Yemenis survive on one meal per day and child malnutrition is increasing. The food security situation was aggravated by escalating conflict, the COVID-19 pandemic, flooding, a desert locust outbreak, economic collapse, and reduced humanitarian aid.

« My family relies on charity to eat. Food baskets are our only way to satisfy basic food needs. But most organizations stopped food support, so we mostly rely on community solidarity to help each other, » said Ali, a 45-year-old father of three, who is living in a temporary situation in Taiz and is unable to find a job because he is considered too old to work.

Although 24 million people out of a population of 30 million need some form of humanitarian assistance, funding for Yemen are decreasing drastically.

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Film: Yemen: A marriage proposal at 15 | UNICEF

This is how Asmaa narrowly avoided a nightmare marriage in Yemen. Through COVID-19, UNICEF is working with partners to end child marriage and keep girls in school.

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ICRC calls for joining hands to stop Yemen war, save people

Head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC ) Peter Maurer has called on the world to stop the war in Yemen and end the people's suffering.

The head of the International Committee of the Red Cross Peter Maurer made the remarks in a press conference in the Yemeni capital of Sanaa on Monday.

According to the Yemeni "al-Masirah" website, Maurer said that there is a big gap between the needs of the Yemeni people and humanitarian aid, and this gap is widening.

ICRC head added that half of Yemen's health sector has not been operating even before the start of the war, adding that the Red Cross is working to provide humanitarian and medical assistance to the wounded in more than 50 areas.

He called on all those who have influence in the world to work to stop the war in Yemen and end the suffering of its people.

He reiterated Red Cross' call for its access to all prisons and detention centers, and the guarantee of the right to receive proper treatment, and one-on-one dialogue with Red Cross representatives.

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Vocational & business skills training and support project helps improve income prospects for youth

The United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) Vocational and Business Skills Training and Support Project concluded training of 64 community business advisors, half of whom were women. The trained advisors will deliver technical and business advisory services for 1,035 Yemeni youth in four governorates -- Dhamar, Hadhramaut, Ibb and Lahj.

Funded by the King Salman Humanitarian and Aid Relief Center (KSrelief), the US$ 3,000,000 partnership with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) is implemented by the Small and Micro Enterprise Promotion Service (SMEPS) to help improve Yemeni livelihoods and access to productive services.

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Nutrition Information and Analysis Systems in Yemen: Volume 1 - Key Findings & Recommendations

Scope of Work TASC was requested to review the Nutrition Information and Analysis Systems (NIS) including indicators, data collection, analysis and use in Yemen through a situational analysis exercise. The assignment aimed to systematically identify factors which affect the collection, analysis, dissemination, and utilization of timely, accurate and representative nutrition information in Yemen, through in-depth consultation with relevant stakeholders and an additional desk-based scoping review. The results of this exercise are intended to help stakeholders to clearly define a set of sequential actions (immediate, short-term and long-term) to address key challenges and barriers in the NIS to help improve the overall availability, quality, analysis and utilization of data.

Nutrition Programming in Yemen The size of the nutrition response in Yemen has increased every year since 2016 up until 2019, with preliminary data from the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA) Financial Tracking Service showing a decline in funding in 2020. By the end of January 2021, UN OCHA reported that USD$1.9 billion, 56 percent of the $3.38 billion needed for the overall 2020 Humanitarian Response Plan, had been committed by international donors. 1 Nonetheless, the humanitarian response in Yemen remains the largest humanitarian response globally in history. The Nutrition Cluster in Yemen is led by the United Nation Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and co-chaired by the Ministry of Public Health and Population (MOPHP). As of October 2020, there were 42 active Nutrition Cluster implementing partners including 17 national non-governmental organizations (NGOs), 20 international NGOs, four United Nations (UN) agencies and one government agency.

A major component of nutrition programming in Yemen is Community Management of Acute Malnutrition (CMAM) which is administered at the health facility level with some community outreach and mobile services.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

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IOM Yemen | Rapid Displacement Tracking (RDT) - Reporting Period: 27 June To 03 July 2021

From 01 January 2021 to 3 July 2021, IOM Yemen DTM estimates that 6,804 households (HH) (40,824 Individuals) have experienced displacement at least once.

Between 27 June 2021 and 03 July 2021, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 181 households (1,086 individuals) displaced at least once. The highest number of displacements were seen in:

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

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Mass rally in Yemen's capital call for taking firm stand against Saudi regime’s ban on Hajj

Mass vigils were held after Friday prayers in various districts of Sanaa province, under the slogan “The enemies of the Two Holy Mosques are Jews and Al Saud.”

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Abductees' Mothers Association: In April 2020, Houthi rebels kidnapped Ali Marzouq Al-Jaradi,18, from his home and took him to an unknown destination. Six months later, they approached Ali's family, claiming he'd committed suicide as there were signs of torture on his body.

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Samir Al-Dhabyani Weeks after my arrest in Sana’a, Houthi militia broke into my house & looted it, incl. my children’s clothes & their personal mobiles.

While interrogating me one night, they showed me the mobile phone & clothes of my 13-year-old son, with traces of blood on them, saying to me, "May God reward you. Your son was martyred while fighting for us [Houthis] in Al-Jawf Province".

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19 days ago Houthis kidnapped "Naser al-Shaheri, a key leader loyal to them in Ibb governorate, over a disputed land in Sana'a -- Houthi supervisors want to press him 2 cede it. Ystrdy they released him on condition that he mobilizes new fighters 2 send them to al-Baydha.

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Houthis cut Al Beidha off telecommunications and hack internet accounts of local activists and leaders/Multiple websites


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Iran-backed Houthis have cut off all mobile phone networks in the district of al-Zahir since dawn amid ongoing intense clashes.

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Houthis plan to replace 160 thousand public employees with loyalists

Yemen's Houthis are planning to dismiss 160 thousand public employees and replace them with loyalists to the Shia theocratic terror organization, informed sources have said.

The "Civil Service Minister" of the militia that controls much of northwest Yemen "has begun to take procedures to dismiss the employees and retire them in preparation to appoint replacers with known inclinations towards the militia," said one source.

In response, the Federation of Trade Unions in the militia's areas of control has rejected the Houthi move in a statement calling it "void of legal responsibility, justice and humanitarianism."

Human rights groups (operating outside the terrorist militia's areas of control) condemned the move too. Sam Organization for Rights and Freedoms said, "This reveals the Houthi group's vengeful and rejectionist attitude against its opponents"

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Radaa and Qayfaa tribes in central Yemen's Al Beidha province refuse for the first time Houthi orders to send fighters to fight againt the government and pro-government forces seeking to capture the province's capital. /Multiple websites

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Jawf tribesmen engage in fighting with Houthis, casualties reported

The Yemeni northern governorate of Jawf witnessed violence clashes pitting the Houthi group and tribesmen, leaving deaths and injuries, local sources said Wednesday.
The armed skirmishes erupted in al-Matama district, following growing disputes, between Dahm tribesmen and the Iranian-backed group whose fighters arrested one of the tribe members on charges of involvement in killing a Houthi official, the sources added.
The hostilities left gunmen from the two sides killed and injured, the sources said without definite number of the casualties.
The tribal armed men blocked and erected checkpoints on main roads linking Jawf to the neighboring governorate of Amran, the sources said.
The tensions increasingly persist between the two sides, amid tribal intense efforts to contain the dispute and put an end to the hostilities, according to the sources.


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New anti-Houthi uprising in a new Yemeni province, 10s killed:

The tribes of Dho Hussein in [north Yemen's] Aljawf province started Wednesday an armed uprising against the Houthi militia in tandem with the uprising of [central Yemen's] Al Beidha province. Tens of people have been killed in the ongoing clashes./Almashehad Alyemeni website.

The tribes of Aljawf province ambush and destroy a Houthi military convoy west of the provincial capital, Alhazm.The envoy was coming to aid Houthi militants in attacking them/Almashehad Alyemeni.

Clashes erupt between Houthi militia and tribes loyalist to them in Aljawf after Houthi gunmen in Sanaa arrested a member of the tribe and Houthi figure Khaled Hamoud Shaje'a/Bawabati.

Tribes in Aljawf defect and rise up against Houthis, isolate the province's center and arrest a Houthi military convoy leader in fierce clashes/Mareb Press website.


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Media conference in Sana’a calls Palestine the leading cause of the Islamic world

Yemeni and Arab media professionals and journalists have released a statement saying they consider the Palestinian cause “the issue of the Islamic nation,” and the responsibility for its liberation as resting with everyone.

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Huthis überweisen mehr als 2 Millionen Dollar aus Spendenaktion an Hamas

Eine hochrangige Führungspersönlichkeit der Huthis erklärte, „Palästina steht an der Spitze unserer Prioritätenliste, noch vor den Bedürfnissen unseres Volkes und denen unserer Kranken.“

Eine von der Abteilung für Öffentlichkeitsarbeit der bewaffneten Kräfte der Ansar-Allah-Bewegung (bekannt als Huthi-Milizen) betriebene Website veröffentlichte kürzlich einen Artikel, in dem behauptet wird, ihr Radiosender habe den palästinensischen Widerstandsgruppen eine Spende in der Höhe von 400.000 Dollar zukommen lasse. Dies berichtet der „Jihad and Terrorism Threat Monitor” des Middle East Media Research Institutes (MEMRI-JTTM).

Während der Kämpfe zwischen Terrorgruppen im Gazastreifen und Israel im Mai hätten die Hörer des Radiosenders SAM FM im Rahmen der Spendenkampagne „Al-Quds [Jerusalem] ist näher als je zuvor“ die genannte Summe aufgebracht, sagte Ansar Allah-Führer Abdul-Malik Badr al-Din.

Am 29. Juni wurde laut MEMRI JTTM berichtet, dass eine weitere Zahlung von Spendengeldern in der Höhe von 137.232.000 Jemenitischen Rial (540.000 Dollar) an Vertreter palästinensischer Gruppierungen überwiesen wurde.


Der Minister für Telekommunikation und Informationstechnologie, Mesfer Abdullah al-Numair, gab an, dass bis zum 29. Juni insgesamt 607 Mio. Jemenitische Rial (2,4 Mio. $) auf dem Bankkonto des Postamtes eingegangen waren, auf dem die Spenden gesammelt wurden.

and English version:

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Angry backlash as Yemen’s Houthi rebels ‘declare war on women's lingerie'

Yemen’s Houthi rebels, who control the capital Sanaa, have confiscated and burned hundreds of pictures of underwear models from lingerie shops, sparking a furious backlash.

Yemen’s Houthi rebels have confiscated and burned hundreds of images of underwear models from lingerie shops and retailers in the capital Sanaa, sparking a furious backlash on social media, including from supporters of the movement.

The Houthis’ Office of Industry and Commerce announced a three-day campaign on Sunday to remove what they called “pictures of clothing which offends morality”.

"The [Houthi] commerce ministry confiscated all of the photos of women from my shop under the pretext they were naked which undermines modesty," Mohammed al-Alimi, a lingerie shop owner in Al-Safiya district, told AFP.

Another retailer, Omar al-Ouessabi, confirmed that the Houthi campaign had targeted lingerie shops, saying that "hundreds" of photos were burned by the Houthis.

"The authorities in Sanaa recently descended on lingerie shops and confiscated indecent images," a Houthi official confirmed to AFP.

"We are a conservative society. We all have our own dress and customs. This type of indecent image will not be allowed," he said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

But several other Houthi movement representatives criticised the move.

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Houthi militia loot government banks in anticipation of army’s advance: [Hadi gov.] Yemen Minister

Yemen’s Information Minister has unveiled that that Houthi militia are looting governmental banks in the central Yemen’s Al Beidha in anticipation of the army’s advance and capture of the city.

Muammar al-Eryani told Saba, the militia are looting the banks in Al Beidha, the capital of a province with the same name, as they prepare to flee.

and also

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Yemeni revolutionary spokesman: US “desire for peace” is façade to hide its support for terrorism

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The Houthi militants are continuing a campaign at stores and malls in Yemen's capital Sanaa removing pictures and advertisements under the pretext they are indecent! Earlier, reports said they were banning music events and singers from performing at weddings or so.

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Jemen: Huthi-Milizen verurteilen Mann zu Kreuzigung

Der zum Tode Verurteilte soll öffentlich hingerichtet und zwei Tage zur Schau gestellt werden, weil er einen hochrangigen Huthi-Vertreter getötet hat.

In einem bizarren Urteil hat das Strafgericht von Sanaa, das mit den Huthi-Milizen verbunden ist, einen jemenitischen Mann zum Tod durch Kreuzigung verurteilt und angeordnet, dass sein Körper öffentlich zur Schau gestellt wird, weil er den Huthi-Vertreter für die Konferenz des Nationalen Dialogs im Jahr 2014 ermordet hat.

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Parliament approves bill to establish fund to support, develop Hodeida, its surrounding areas

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Yemeni Criminal Court Gives Death Penalty to 5 for Spying for Britain

A criminal court in Yemen put on trial six people on charges of spying for the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) as well as perpetrating various acts of sabotage in the war-torn Arab country, sentencing 5 of them to death.

The Criminal Court held in the capital Sana’a and presided over by Judge Mohammad Mofleh found the suuspects guilty for acts of espionage in favor of the British intelligence service, including recruiting and training people in a number of Yemeni provinces, the official Saba news agency reported.

The court added that the suspects, identified as Arafat Qassim Abdullah al-Hashedi, Ali Muhammad Abdullah al-Ja’mani, Bassem Ali Ali al-Kharouja, Salim Abdullah Yahya Hobeish and Ayman Mujahid Qaed Harish, were using advanced communication equipment as well as sophisticated monitoring and tracking programs and applications in order to spy on the Yemeni territory and commit acts of sabotage and were sentenced to death.

Also Muhammad Sharaf Qaed Harish, another suspect, was sentenced to 5 years in prison.

Saba highlighted that the six worked in Sana’a Municipality as well as the Northern Yemeni provinces of ‘Amran, Sa’ada and al-Jawf, Central province of Ma’rib as well as the Southern provinces of al-Mahra and Hadramaut.

and also

(A P)

Envoy Lauds Iran’s Diplomatic Support for Yemen

Yemeni Ambassador to Tehran Ibrahim Mohammad al-Dulaimi hailed the Iranian government and media for their support for the oppressed people of Yemen, blasting the Saudi-led coalition for continued war on his nation.

“Iranian media outlets are supportive of the Yemeni nation. They talk about the need to lift sanctions against Yemeni people. While many countries have kept mum about the crisis unfolding in Yemen, Iran is diplomatically supporting the Yemenis,” Al-Dulaimi said in an interview with press tv on Tuesday.

(B K P)

Envoy Rejects Western Claims about Iran Drone Shipment to Yemen

Yemeni Ambassador to Tehran Ibrahim Mohammad al-Dulaimi dismissed the Western states’ claims that Yemen receives its combat drones used against the Saudi interests from Iran, reminding that the Arab country is under a full siege.

“Despite the crimes of the Saudis, the western countries always maneuver on the issue of the Yemeni resistance’s drones and claim that they have been provided by Iran. This is while they have forgotten that it is the Yemeni people who have resisted against the attacks and aggression of the Saudis and their allies alone,” al-Dulaimi said in an interview with Iran’s state radio on Monday.

“They falsely claim that the Yemeni drones have been supplied by the Iranians, and they raise such a claim while Yemen is completely under siege,” he added.

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

Siehe / Look at cp1

(A K P)

Brotherhood sends more reinforcements to Shuqra

Muslim Brotherhood organization within Yemen's legitimacy continues sending military reinforcements to the coastal area of Shuqra in Abyan governorate in flagrant violation of the Riyadh Agreement and the calls for de-escalation.
According to local eye-witnesses, military vehicles and heavy weapons, including artillery pieces were seen on Friday heading in the direction of Qarn al Kalassi.

(A P)

[Separatists at] Aden holds anti-Brotherhood protest in solidarity with Shabwa, Hadramout

(A P)

Former Yemeni minister says came under verbal attack by Saudi officers

The former minister of fisheries in Yemen's internationally recognised government Fahad Kefayen said on Friday he has come under a verbal attack by Saudi army officers when he was travelling through the Sarfit crossing between the eastern province of Mahrah and Oman.

and also

(A K P)

The UAE has recently established a new separatist brigade in south Yemen. It bears the name "Support and Backup Forces" and aims to compete MbZ's plot to divide Yemen and seize its islands, seaports and sensitive regions/Multiple websites

(A P)

Wounded pro-gov't warriors stage a protest at the government's negligence of their treatment./Bawabati

(A P)


(A P)

STC: Brotherhood-terrorism-in-shabwa-impedes-implementation-of-the-riyadh-agreement

(A P)


(A P)

Thousands rally against Yemeni occupation in Seiyun

Thousands of people took to the streets to hold a huge rally in Seiyun, the largest city of Wadi Hadramout on Thursday, on the occasion of the 27th ominous anniversary of the Yemeni occupation of the South.
The demonstrators, who came from all the districts of Hadramout (Sahel and Wadi) raised the national flag of the South and portraits of the southern leaders to express their full support for the Southern Transitional Council (STC) and the Riyadh Agreement, but also in protest against the presence and arbitrary practices of the Muslim Brotherhood's militias in the oil-rich province and against the Yemenization of Hadramout.
The rally issued a statement on behalf of the participants to reflect the demands of the people in Hadramout.

and more

(A P)


(A P)


(A P)


(A P)

Shabwa security authorities say foiled STC chaos plot

Shabwa security authorities on Wednesday said they foiled a criminal plot by the Southern Transitional Council (STC) aimed to spread chaos and violence in the Yemeni central governorate.
The plot was covered with "false slogans satisfying some of the STC's vicious leaders who lack nationalism and earn living from trade in lives of people and national security," they added in an official statement.
"Security bureaus detected the details of this plot and watched the STC militias as piling up different weapons and erecting fortifications, as well as publically inciting against security and army personnel."
The militias also targeted security and army personnel with direct gunfire and shelling in many districts, in stark contrast to their false calls for peace, according to the statement.
The developments seen by Shabwa come as part of the STC moves aimed to renege the Riyadh Agreement, it added, citing the rhetoric adopted by some of the Emirati-backed separatist leaders.
Shabwa security committee will strictly deal with any attempts to destabilize the provincial security or harm people's lives and interests, the statement read.

(A P)

STC president describes government forces as occupation militias

The president of the southern transitional council Aidarous Al-Zubaidi on Wednesday described the forces of Yemen's internationally recognised government as occupation militias, in new escalation that comes as Saudi Arabia is seeking to heel the rift between the two sides.

In a speech on the 7th of July which marks the anniversary of the victory against the separation forces in 1994, he said the council will go ahead to restore the southern state.

The north and south of Yemen reunited in 1990.

He vowed to liberate other southern regions that are still under occupation in the provinces of Hadhramout, Shabwa and Mahrah.

(A P)

The Security Committee of Shabwa has uncovered an Emirati plot to trigger chaos in the government-held southeastern province at the same time as the war rages between government forces and Houthis in Al Beidha province./Yemen Monitor

(A P)

The UAE's STC militants start a campaign on twitter to sta the Yemeni army in the back by portraying the showdown in Al Beidha as one between AlQaeda in Houthis in a bid to show the army as militants/Multiple wesites.

(A P)

The UAE's proxy militia, the STC, attack protesters against hard living conditions in Radfan, south of Yemen/Al-Etiihad Net

(A K P)

Saudi plans to boost surveillance along Yemen’s Al-Mahrah coast

Saudi Arabia is said to be concerned about covert weapon smuggling operations and other illegal activities along the coast Al-Mahra.

As a result, there is talk that the Kingdom is seeking to strengthen its surveillance capabilities along this coast.

(A P)

[Separatist STC] president-al-zubaidi-addresses-important-speech-to-our-southern-people-on-27th-anniversary-of-occupation-of-the-south-and-14th-of-launching-southern-liberating-revolution/

(A P)

Shatara affirms 'the Southerners' will is invincible'

"Those tails (Brotherhood's militias) in Shabwa who believe that their use of force will end the cause of the Southerners, they haven't learned useful lessons from the past of their predecessor and their tyrant" Shatara noted in a tweet, adding that "They haven't learned that the will of our people is invincible."
He concluded his tweet by saying "Our patience is not infinite and there are limits to our commitments"

(A P)

STC calls for Saudi pressure on Yemeni gov't to apply Riyadh deal

The Southern Transitional Council (STC) on Monday called for Saudi pressure on the Yemeni government to apply the Riyadh Agreement's stalled terms.
The Kingdom is called to force Yemen's government to stop "violations and practices that would thwart the Riyadh pact application," the Emirati-backed STC's chairmanship said at meeting in Aden.

(A P)

Four people wounded as police disperse Yemen protests

At least four people were wounded on Wednesday after security forces fired live bullets to disperse a protest organised by the Southern Transitional Council in in the Bayhan District of Yemen's southeastern province of Shabwa, a local source said.

Protests were held in the districts of Osaylan, Al-Saeed and Azzan, with people chanting anti-government and pro-secession slogans

and by STC:

Shabwa marks 27th anniversary of Yemeni occupation

Hundreds of people marked on Wednesday, the 27th anniversary of the Yemeni occupation of the South and 14th anniversary of the Southern Liberation Revolution in several areas of the oil-rich province of Shabwa despite the repressive measures taken by the pro-legitimacy Muslim Brotherhood's militias (Islah Party).
The demonstrators displayed their full support for the leadership of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) led by Aidroos Qassem Al-Zubaidi.
The crowds also affirmed attachment to their right to restore the sovereign and independent State of the South.


(A P)

Shabwa sees intense security deployment before STC rally

Shabwa security authorities on Tuesday deployed large deal of forces in the Yemeni central city's quarters and streets, in preparation for a rally previously called for by the Southern Transitional Council (STC) to commemorate the victory against separation on 7 July 1994.

(A K P)

Chairman of the Shura Council, the upper house of the Yemeni parliament, Ahmed bin Daghr said the army's victories in Al Beidha is changing the military equation on the ground, calling for more support to the army. / Voice of Yemen

(A P)

Come and see the achievements of Shabwa Cleanliness Fund: Citizen Journalism Corner

(A P)

Shatara reiterates his call for two-state solution

No power in the world could compel the Southerners to accept being ruled by the Sanaa regime once again after liberating their land, the member of the Presidency of Southern Transitional Council (STC ), Vice-President of the National Assembly for Control and Inspection, Lufti Shatara said on Tuesday.
In his tweet, Shatara reiterated his call for a two-state solution, affirming that it is the rational and realistic option that will be in the best interest of the stability of the North, South, region and international community in general.
"The South was a (sovereign and independent) state and it will seize back its proper place in the international family." Shatara added.

(A P)


(A P)

Southern Yemeni political activist Sufyan al-Ammari: invasion of Yemen no longer has a clear plan of action

“What is happening in the southern provinces is a very natural product of the conflict of agendas that has reached the hour of truth today,” al-Ammari said in an interview with Iranian news broadcaster Al-Alam News Network.

(A K P)

Brotherhood prepares for fight against southern forces in Abyan

Yemeni arm of Muslim Brotherhood organization within Yemen's legitimacy sent on Tuesday, huge reinforcements, including tanks, military vehicles and heavy weapons to Shuqra of Abyan governorate.
The pro-legitimacy Brotherhood's forces stationed in Qarn al Kalassi area to back up the fronts in Abyan and to start the fight against the southern armed forces in a flagrant defiance of all the efforts to accelerate the implementation of the Riyadh Agreement.

(A K P)

Explosions reported in Islah Party mercenary camp in Abyan

Violent explosions have rocked one of the camps of the Islah Party, which is loyal to the Saudi-led coalition, in Abyan province, southern Yemen on Tuesday.

Local sources in the province stated that the explosions hit the headquarters of the 115th Infantry Brigade, which is stationed in Lawdar district.

The reporting sources suggested that the explosion was likely caused by a drone strike, but the perpetrator of the strike remains unknown.

The attack comes just a day after a US drone targeted an Islah-run mosque in Mudiyah district on Monday, leaving nearly 40 dead and wounded, including leaders of Al-Qaeda.

(A P)

Yemen: Authorities Violating Union Rights

The ITUC is calling on the authorities in Yemen to cease interfering in trade union activities and to return properties that are owned by the General Federation of Yemeni Trade Unions (GFYTU) and have been confiscated.

The government has also been trying to set up organisations under its control, which purport to be trade unions, in an effort to weaken the GFYTU.

(A K P)

Houthis Likely Behind Attack on Yemeni Army Base in Abyan

A major explosion rocked a Yemeni army base Sunday in the Modiya district of the southern governorate of Abyan with initial reports saying the attack, likely staged by Houthi militias, killed and injured at least 20 soldiers.

The assault on the army base follows Iran-backed Houthi militants losing ground in battlefields in the central governorate of Al Bayda.


(A K P)

Yemeni defense minister blames Houthis for Abyan attack

he Iranian-backed Houthi group is responsible for the missile attack on a mosque inside one of the Yemeni army camps in the southern governorate of Abyan, Yemen's defense minister said Sunday.
Houthi repeated attacks targeting worship houses unveils the group's "terrorist ideology and bitter hatred to Yemenis,"

My remark: As it’s Abyan, I would believe it’s the separatist STC. Earlier reporting: Yemen Press reader 749, cp6.

(* B K P)

UAE Suspected of Secretly Building Airbase on Yemen’s Mayun Island

Satellite images have revealed that a new airbase is rapidly being constructed on the strategically located Yemeni island of Mayun. Although it is still not entirely clear who stands behind the construction, many point the finger at Abu Dhabi.

My remark: This had been reported earlier, as here:

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp7 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-749 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-749: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

06:44 10.07.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
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Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose