Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 759 - Yemen War Mosaic 759

Yemen Press Reader 759: 12. Sept. 2021: Sanaa Center: Jemen-Rückblick, August 2021 – UN-Bericht: Die Situation der Menschenrechte im Jemen – Was kommt als nächstes für den Jemen ...
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... Jihadistische Bedrohung auf der arabischen Halbinsel – Jemen und der Krieg gegen den Terror – und mehr

Sept. 12, 2021: Sanaa Center: The Yemen Review, August 2021 – UN report: The situation of Human Rights in Yemen – What’s next for Yemen – Jihadi threat in the Arabean peninsula – Yemen and the War on Terror – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

(B K P)

Yemen: the seven-year war with no peace in sight

Seven years have passed since Huthi rebels seized the Yemeni capital Sanaa in September 2014, sparking a war that has plunged the already impoverished country into the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

Despite diplomatic efforts to stop the fighting between the Iran-allied rebels and Saudi-backed government, there is no end in sight to a conflict that has put millions on the brink of famine.

Here are some of the key questions and answers about the war in Yemen. 0

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

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New Fronts in the Economic War – The Yemen Review, August 2021

The Sana’a Center Editorial

Absent Reform, Yemenis Bear Brunt of Government Tariff Hike

The internationally recognized Yemeni government’s recent decision to dramatically increase customs tariffs on non-essential goods appears to be spurring price surges for imports across the board. Given that the primary driver of the country’s dire food security crisis is price volatility, and that the government’s recent tariff hikes threaten to exacerbate this humanitarian crisis, the government should reverse its decision immediately.

Under normal circumstances, it would be a sensible policy option for the Yemeni government to try to raise revenues through gradually charging importers more to bring foreign products into the country, especially non-essential goods. Yemen, notably, has some of the lowest customs tariffs in the Arab world, even while the government is facing a massive budget deficit with few other options available to narrow the gap between income and expenses. These, however, are not normal times.

Frontlines divide the country, and even at main seaports and border crossings in areas the Yemeni government supposedly controls, it has little to no presence on the ground. This severely hampers its ability to enforce customs procedures at all. Indeed, the Sana’a Center Economic Unit estimates that the state treasury currently receives less than 40 percent of the customs revenues it is legally due. The government’s ability to regulate the commodity and currency markets to protect consumers is also minimal, while major private sector actors and regional authorities have little confidence in the government’s administrative competence or capacity to act in a principled manner.

It is in this context that the Yemeni government announced on July 25 – with neither an implementation plan nor coordination with the private sector – that it was doubling the customs exchange rate on non-essential items. This means that for every US dollar an importer owes in customs duties, the amount owed will be 500 Yemeni rials (YR) instead of the previous YR250.

Business groups and representatives from across the country swiftly condemned the move, warning that it would disrupt the movement of goods, cause general price spikes, and further undermine food security in a country that depends on imports for up to 90 percent of the food items it consumes.

The government’s need to increase revenues is clear – it is currently covering its budget deficit, largely public sector salaries, through printing new currency, which is a primary reason for the rial’s rapid depreciation in non-Houthi areas. This in turn undermines local purchasing power and deepens the humanitarian crisis. The government, however, implemented its new policy without being in a position to substantially gain from it, given its severely limited ability to enforce revenue collection.


August at a Glance

New Fronts in the Economic War

CBY-Aden Orders Banks to Move Headquarters South

Yemeni Banks and CBY-Sana’a Seek to Resist CBY-Aden Measures

Yemeni Government Receives US$665 million Worth of IMF Support

CBY-Sana’a Opposes CBY-Aden’s Control of IMF Support

Political and Economic Developments Heighten Currency Instability in Non-Houthi Areas

Official Fuel Prices Increase in Southern and Eastern Governorates

The Political Arena

Developments in Government-Controlled Territory

Developments in Houthi-Controlled Territory

International Developments

State of the War

Fighting Focused Around Marib, Shabwa and Al-Bayda

Houthis Open New Front in Marib, Though Stalemate Continues

Tribes Negotiate Exit of Houthi Forces From Villages in Al-Bayda

Houthi Missiles Again Strike Al-Anad Base in Lahj, Killing Dozens

Islah-Affiliated Forces Provoke Violent Civil Unrest in Taiz


What Yemenis Can Learn From Afghanistan

The STC’s Delicate Balancing of Contradictions

Friends with Enemies: Hamas’ Attempts to Navigate Between Islah and the Houthis

In Focus

Protest of the Walls

Book Review

Disappeared: On Yemen, Yemenis, and Being Taken

Lives Lived

Obituary: Mohammed bin Ismail al-Amrani (Dec 22, 1921 – July 12, 2021)

What Yemenis Can Learn From Afghanistan

Commentary by Maysaa Shuja al-Deen

The scenes from Afghanistan in the past month have raised a number of questions for Yemenis about the state of the war and the future of their country.

Broadly speaking, Yemenis fell into three camps as they watched the events in Afghanistan unfold. The Houthis – along with some leftist figures – see the Taliban victory as one of resistance triumphing over American occupation. This is in line with the Iranian “resistance” narrative, which tends to paint everything that is happening in the world as a struggle between the “west” and local resistance.

By contrast, many in the anti-Houthi coalition saw the Taliban takeover as the first step toward dragging Afghanistan back into a vicious civil war and the dark days of the Taliban’s draconian rule in the 1990s.

Others among the anti-Houthi side, however, take a kinder view of the Taliban, claiming that they’ve changed their ways in the 20 years since 9/11 and the US invasion. Many of those who hold such a position are supporters of the regional Muslim Brotherhood movement, whose main affiliate in Yemen is the Islah party, though this is not the official stance of the party itself. Like the Houthis, many Brotherhood supporters see the Taliban victory as an Afghan victory over the US. But unlike the Houthis, who tend to dissasociate themselves from the Taliban, the Muslim Brotherhood defends the group. This contradictory stance of the Brotherhood – both regionally and in Yemen – is particularly surprising.

The anti-Houthi coalition viewed the government collapse in Afghanistan as the direct result of an ill-considered US withdrawal and years of corruption in Ghani’s government. The result: a hardline religious militia took control of the country. The question many in this camp are now asking is: what would happen in Yemen if Saudi Arabia suddenly withdrew? Would the Houthis, like the Taliban, seize the rest of the country in a matter of weeks?

What all these different groups in Yemen seem to realize after watching the recent news from Afghanistan is: what happened there could happen here. Foreign intervention cannot continue forever, particularly when it is hampered by weak and corrupt allies distanced from the community they claim to represent.

The STC’s Delicate Balancing of Contradictions

Commentary by Hussam Rudman

This is what the past two years have been within the STC: escalation followed by conciliatory steps as the group attempts to gauge exactly what the international community will tolerate as well as how much support it has on the ground.

Part of the issue is that none of the options really gives the STC what it wants. Joining Hadi’s government as part of the Riyadh Agreement eased the pressure from Saudi Arabia, but within the government the STC has little power. Decision-making remains monopolized by President Hadi and his allies within Islah. As a result, the STC has reverted to pressuring Hadi from the position of an opposition. But, much like its role within government, the STC is strong enough to compel some changes but too weak to achieve its political goals.

Saudi mediation successfully defused tension in Shabwa and Abyan, but didn’t change the dynamics in the south. Both sides – the STC and Hadi – think they can win the long game, and so each has embarked upon a war of attrition with the other. All of this, of course, comes at the expense of revitalizing state institutions, fighting the Houthis, and mitigating the ongoing economic collapse. The STC and Hadi are too busy scheming against one another to present a unified front.

The STC’s multiple and contradictory roles have also undermined its ability to portray itself as a successful alternative ruling power and threatened to erode its base of support, particularly in Aden. The STC recently realized these risks and rushed to resolve them through more independent action, particularly in the economy and the judiciary.

The STC is also attempting to strengthen local authorities in Aden, which report to Aden governor Ahmed Lamlas, an STC official, to fill the vacuum resulting from the government’s absence. A similar effort is being carried out on the military front, with the STC attempting to create independent channels of self-financing to deal with the fact that wages have been cut off by Saudi Arabia and the Yemeni government for almost a year.

The STC, however, has to be careful not to go too far. It doesn’t want to unduly anger Saudi Arabia, which continues to exert considerable influence over the group, and it doesn’t want to alienate the international community and the United Nations to the point that it can’t eventually be recognized as the representative of the South in any political negotiations.The STC wants to be seen as part of the solution to the Yemen problem.

The standard for the STC’s success in its current policy is linked to two major points: its ability to stand as a major actor in the formula of the Yemeni conflict – which was relatively achieved in the South despite the increasing military and political threats around it – and its ability to transform into a model of governance that attracts popular support in areas it controls, especially in the interim capital Aden. The STC faces real difficulties in that regard, as it is no longer possible to isolate its successes from the successes, or failures, of the Yemeni government, or to distance itself from the repercussions of the economic collapse the Yemeni state is witnessing.

Friends with Enemies: Hamas’ Attempts to Navigate Between Islah and the Houthis

Commentary by Tawfeek al-Ganad

The dueling accusations between a Houthi official and an Islah official illustrated how Yemeni parties often use the plight of Palestinians for their own domestic purposes. Political groups of all stripes in Yemen seek to gain popularity by asserting their support for the Palestinian cause, which is near universally popular in Yemen. Historically, it is the one thing, more than any domestic issue, that Yemenis of all political persuasions could agree on.

However, like many outside actors, Hamas has had difficulty navigating its relations in Yemen during the current conflict, with the Palestinian group’s actions at various times being interpreted as picking sides, which has put its universal appeal in Yemen in jeopardy. Hamas was initially seen as supporting the internationally recognized Yemeni government, drawing Houthi ire, before more recently appearing to grow closer to the group, which has drawn rebuke from Islah, among others.

Most recently, the Houthi movement has used this apparent repproachment with Hamas to also embarrass Riyadh, attempting to make it look like Saudi Arabia opposes the Palestinian cause: in August 2021, Houthi leader Abdelmalek al-Houthi stated that the group was ready to release Saudi and Yemeni prisoners in exchange for Riyadh releasing detainees from Hamas.

Hamas’ detente with the Houthis does not necessarily mean that it is abandoning its relations with Islah and the Muslim Brotherhood. Outside of Houthi controlled territory, Hamas continues to reach out to and interact with Islah and other Yemeni supporters, however its popularity has been marred due to its resumption of ties with the Houthis. Islah, for instance, has condemned the alignment. Looking ahead, Hamas faces a tricky path in Yemen staying friends with sides who are enemies.

Protest of the Walls

By ThiYazan Al-Alawi

I have been drawing on Sana’a’s walls for years. In 2012, when I was a high school student, I launched my first art campaign: “Caricature of the street.”

Over time, my fingertips got accustomed to the brush until it became like a sixth finger. I was addicted to the smell of paint. I’d stand for hours drawing, wrapped up in the dream of freedom of speech and change. Each color meant a lot to me. Every line, dot, and shape made me more aware of the importance of art and how to reflect reality in a street mural.

Beginning in 2014, people started to stop and ask me what I was drawing; I’d respond with the enthusiasm of the novice, saying I was expressing myself by drawing a caricature about the National Dialogue Conference, the post-revolution transition process that began the previous year. My drawing was a dream to resolve Yemen’s long-standing problems. Some thought the mural represented a pessimistic view, but I observed the situation and predicted the failure of dialogue. The way the international community was dealing with Yemen was thoughtless and rash, and ignored the conflict that was happening outside the conference’s halls.

When I first started drawing, my aim was to go to the street to express my opinion and enjoy drawing. Today when I go to the street I hide my paints and I’m afraid of being stopped. But Yemen is full of events, crimes and stories which the world must not forget. Art is a duty. I must document what I am living. Every second I live is a second I feel I must draw for the future. One day the war will end. The walls may go back to how they were and the world will forget what we lived through. My hope is that these murals and other works of art remain to narrate what the war put us through amid the world’s silence (photos)

Disappeared: On Yemen, Yemenis, and Being Taken

A review of: The Tightening Dark: An American Hostage in Yemen by Sam Farran (and Benjamin Buchholz)

By: Brian O’Neill

A Yemeni in Afghanistan plunges into the black hole of Guantanamo. An American in Yemen vanishes into a prison suddenly run by Houthi militants. Two stories; two disappearances. Both are, in their own way, stories about stories, or the lack thereof. That’s the remarkable thing about having disappeared: the sudden lack of a narrative.

That’s one of the reasons disappearing is so frightening. Suddenly, your story is over. It’s being told by others. And so, for the vanished, for the captured, for the imprisoned, the need to impose narrative on life is important.

That need for narrative, to tell the story of being vanished, is told by two missing people in two very different circumstances in two very different ways. Sam Farran, an ex-Marine and private security consultant, was held in Sana’a by the ascendent armed Houthi movement for seven months. Mansoor Adayfi, a Yemeni caught up in Afghanistan, was in Guantanamo for 14 years.

These are extremely different stories. One is of someone crushed by a distant power, ground underneath a global “war on terror”, held without legal recourse by the most powerful country in the world. The other is a story about someone who was used to wielding that power and who was suddenly rendered helpless. Both are filled with terror, but hit very different notes.

Neither of their stories end with release, of course. Adafyi is sent to Serbia, the only country that will take him, where he is under constant surveillance and not allowed to leave (and has claimed to be arrested and interrogated randomly). Farran has a lot of issues getting back the money he had on him when arrested, and was, seemingly in passing, bummed to see the destruction of Sana’a due to the Saudi bombing campaign.

Both men are working to define their own narrative. Farran subtitles his book An American Hostage in Yemen, and it is hard to argue with the hostage term. He was taken by a militia and held captive in a jail with other prisoners, where he was subjected to repeated violence (and suffered a heart attack). Of course, from the Houthi point of view, he was a prisoner: an American contractor working with their enemies.

Mohammed bin Ismail Al-Amrani

(Dec 22, 1921 – July 12, 2021)

The Most Important Proponent for Religious Tolerance in Modern Yemen

By Amjad Khashafa

Judge Mohammed bin Ismail al-Amrani died at the age of 99 on July 12, 2021. Within hours of his death, thousands of mourners,[1] both Zaidi and Shafei, gathered in Sana’a to bid him farewell. As is custom, prayers were held in his honor three times – at his mosque, en route to his burial, and the final prayer said near his grave in Al-Dafai’ graveyard, south of Sana’a.

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Situation of human rights in Yemen, including violations and abuses since September 2014 - Report of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts on Yemen (A/HRC/48/20)


The Yemen conflict moves into its seventh year against the backdrop of an intolerable lack of political will towards its peaceful resolution, With Yemen experiencing an unparalleled humanitarian crisis, the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts regrets that the conflicting parties continue to engage in serious violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law, and that third States continue to provide arms and military support to parties to the conflict, with little regard for the immense suffering caused to the people of Yemen.

In this report, the Group - pursuant to Human Rights Council resolution 45/15 - presents an overview of its findings concerning violations and abuses committed in Yemen from 1 July 2020 to 30 June 2021, as well as providing a select retrospective analysis. The Group also recommends avenues to ensure accountability and secure truth, justice and reparations for victims.


In resolution 45/15, the Human Rights Council renewed the mandate of the Group of Eminent International and Regional Experts for a fourth consecutive year with the mandate to, inter alia, monitor and report on the situation of human rights in Yemen and to carry out comprehensive investigations into all alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law and all alleged violations of international humanitarian law committed by all parties to the conflict since September 2014, including possible gender dimensions of such violations. The Council broadened the Group of Eminent Experts’ mandate to collect, preserve and analyse information, and to explore and report on recommended approaches and practical mechanisms of accountability to secure truth, justice and redress for victims.

In October 2020, the High Commissioner reappointed Kamel Jendoubi (Tunisia) (Chair), Melissa Parke (Australia) and Ardi Imseis (Canada) as experts. They accepted this responsibility in the knowledge that this mandate in particular would face expected operational difficulties occasioned by the continued global pandemic and access restrictions. But they also accepted this responsibility in the reasonable expectation that they would receive the requisite resources to discharge the expanded mission given to them by the Council. Regrettably, this was not the case. The Group is the only United Nations independent entity investigating and issuing detailed public reports on human rights violations in Yemen. It cannot succeed in its increasingly complex mission without the proper support from the international community.

and also

Full document:

and UN panel media conference:


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Yemen: ‘Climate of fear’ grows, all sides to blame, say rights experts

In a new report commissioned by the Human Rights Council into how the war has been waged over the last 12 months, the panel condemned the same “egregious” violations that have characterized their previous findings.

These include airstrikes by the Saudi-led international coalition that supports the Yemeni Government, and “indiscriminate” shelling of civilians, “particularly by the Houthis but also by the Government of Yemen and the Coalition”.

In the document, entitled: A nation abandoned: A call to humanity to end Yemen’s suffering, the Group of Eminent Experts also cited the Southern Transitional Council as being responsible for specific violations, adding that its power-sharing deal with the Government of Yemen, based in the southern city of Aden, “remains largely dysfunctional”.

Fighting continues

The report stressed that all parties to the conflict were responsible for violations, many of which may amount to international crimes.

Examples include humanitarian restrictions and obstacles to access to food and healthcare; arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, gender-based violence, including sexual violence; torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; denial of fair trial rights; violations of fundamental freedoms; persecution and violations against journalists, human rights defenders, minorities, migrants and internally displaced persons; and violations of children’s rights.

‘Climate of fear’

The report also highlights how intense hostilities have been on the Ma’rib front in the past 12 months and in many other locations.

The Group expressed regret that the coalition appears not to take their findings and recommendations on the conduct of its military operations seriously.

These include the principles of distinction, proportionality and precautions in attack to protect civilians and civilian objects.

“The climate of fear, lawlessness and impunity for all those living in Yemen has worsened further despite political agreements and high-level discussions between key actors”, said Kamel Jendoubi, the Chairperson of the Group of Eminent Experts.

Life ‘unbearable for many’

The UN-appointed panel of independent experts warned that everyday life in Yemen is now “unbearable for many”, as, in addition to the conflict, people have to contend with disease outbreaks, the COVID-19 pandemic, flooding, import restrictions, an economic and fuel crisis, and limited humanitarian aid.

“In the midst of the current intolerable situation, only genuine political will on the part of the parties to the conflict and their backers, but also on the part of the international community, can end Yemen’s suffering,” Mr. Jendoubi said.

‘Commitment to accountability’

The Group of Eminent Experts urged a full cessation of hostilities and an end to the supply of arms to Yemen by third parties.

“Given the horrific toll the war continues to take on the people of Yemen, it does not stand to reason, that third States continue to supply the parties to the conflict with the tools of war. The flow of arms must stop now,” chairperson Kamel Jendoubi stated.

and media reports:

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As violence escalates, what's next for Yemen's conflict?

Despite US President Joe Biden pledging efforts to end the war in Yemen earlier this year, violence is evidently escalating, raising concerns over the effectiveness of his approach to the conflict.

The UAE's curious role

The United Arab Emirates (UAE), and its proxy the Southern Transitional Council (STC), have certainly played a curious role following the deadly attacks on al-Anad military base.

The UAE says it has withdrawn from Yemen, and indeed it has mostly scaled back its forces compared to 2019 prior to the Riyadh Agreement. However, it has still operated a military presence in parts of the south and has used the STC to bolster its geostrategic control over southern Yemen throughout the six-year-long war.

Should the UAE and STC be genuine in opposing the Houthis' escalatory role, it would indicate that the coalition could find a new front to unite against the rebel faction.

However, Hesham al-Ziady, a journalist and anchor at Yemen’s Shabab TV, suggests that while the Houthis were accused of being responsible for the attacks, Abu Dhabi may have had some involvement.

“The Houthis usually claim responsibility for its attacks, and boast of them proudly, as it did with the latest attacks on al-Abha airport. However, the Houthis did not claim responsibility for attacks on Aden,” al-Ziady told The New Arab.

“When I asked him to confirm this claim, he said that the UAE is the closest suspect due to its full control of the Yemen air zone in the south. This time the victims of the attack belong to pro-UAE Giants Brigades that were transferred a few days ago from the west coast of Yemen to the airbase The transfer happened after tension was raised between the soldiers and their leaders.”

This would not be the first time that the UAE has been accused of being responsible for an attack associated with the Houthis.

For now, however, it is unclear whether the UAE did in fact play any role, and Houthi rebels may well have been responsible, as medical sources and southern forces claim. Yet for the wider conflict in Yemen, it appears that tensions can only worsen.

Relentless offensive in Marib

The Houthis are hell-bent on capturing the geostrategic Marib governorate, pursuing a months-long offensive which has both held the population hostage and prevented a wider settlement of the conflict.

“The Houthis won’t stop until they achieve the victory to take over the city that has natural resources like gas and oil,” said al-Ziady.

Government soldiers haven’t received their salaries for months and have no proper weapons to counter the Houthis, according to al-Ziady.

However, critics say that US efforts to resolve the Yemen war have been flawed. On the one hand, the Houthis claim that Saudi war efforts have not fully ended. This includes the failure to remove the blockade on the country that has been in place throughout the war.

Although Saudi Arabia has asserted that the blockade is designed to stop weapons entering Yemen, NGOs have warned it also blocks vital aid and fuel from entering the country, exacerbating its devastating humanitarian crisis.

Meanwhile, military cooperation between the Saudis and the US has continued, and there have been few efforts to conclude the peace talks or end the blockade, despite Biden’s pledge to reduce the violence there.

“The efforts of the UN won’t be fruitful if the major players in Yemen are not interested in making peace,” said al-Ziady.

“Although the US has sent Tim Lenderking as a representative to Yemen, things did not change for the better either,” al-Ziady added.

For al-Ziady, both the US and UK must focus more on pressing the UAE to halt its secessionist policies in the south, while doing the same for Iran and Saudi Arabia to push the Houthis and Hadi government, respectively, into making concessions – by Jonathan Fenton-Harvey

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Twenty Years After 9/11: The Jihadi Threat in the Arabian Peninsula

Abstract: Al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) has changed. So too must the counterterrorism community’s approach to it. Beset by infighting, riddled with spies, decimated by drones, and instrumentalized by Yemen’s warring parties, the jihadi movement in the region has fragmented. The conventional labels of al-Qa`ida and the Islamic State have started to lose meaning, and this necessitates a new typology of jihadi militants to account for splinter groups that have forged alliances that may seem contradictory. AQAP is degraded but not defeated, and conditions favor its resurgence. A ceasefire in the overall war will not prevent, and may even fuel, a comeback. The transnational threat persists, with a maritime attack one possible scenario.

The Arabian Peninsula was the place of origin of 17 of al-Qa`ida’s 19 9/11 hijackers. Two decades later, al-Qa`ida remains the Arabian Peninsula’s dominant jihadi group, having proven resilient to both the challenge posed by the Islamic State and the long and intense war on terror spearheaded by the United States. The group is significantly degraded and divided in this region, but it persists, with Yemen as its main base. There are several reasons for Yemen’s continuing suitability as a jihadi hub. These include the perennial problems of political instability, formidable topography, weak state control, endemic corruption, marginalized regions, growing poverty, and a youth explosion. More recently, a prolonged and ongoing war has exacerbated the humanitarian crisis, displaced millions, fueled sectarianism, proliferated armed militias, introduced controversial foreign intervention, and sparked new cycles of revenge. All of this provides local conditions that are ripe for exploitation by al-Qa`ida in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP).

Defining who or what constitutes AQAP is more challenging today than it was a decade ago. As Yemen’s internationalized civil war has fragmented, different AQAP splinters have emerged, some of them no more than mercenary gangs. The strongest common thread between them is no longer religious ideology, but rather links to organized crime and profiteering in Yemen’s thriving war economy. Traditional AQAP elements, who believe they are fighting jihad on the path of Allah against infidels, still exist. However, the considerable pressures they have faced from counterterrorism efforts, particularly from 2016 onward, have forced them to adapt. Decapitated by relentless drone strikes, they have become increasingly guided by political and financial rather than religious considerations. The need to survive allows pragmatism to overshadow ideology, at least temporarily. As a result, Yemen’s ‘holy warriors’ have increasingly turned into guns-for-hire, whether by genuine preference or merely as a survival strategy. Either way, it would be rash to equate this pragmatic development with deradicalization or capitulation. It should be viewed as a temporary shift, not a long-term transition.

Sunni extremists do not hold a monopoly on terrorism in the Arabian Peninsula. Pockets of Shi`a extremists also engage in terror tactics in parts of Bahrain,1 eastern Saudi Arabia,2 and, arguably, northern Yemen among radical elements of the Houthi insurgency, whose supremacist ideology has grown in tandem with its increasing military assistance from Iran and Hezbollah.3 However, the ‘terrorist’ label is more properly used to describe the tactics of small militant elements among wider Shi`a insurgencies than entire movements. This is not the case with Sunni extremist groups such as al-Qa`ida or the Islamic State, for whom militant transnational jihad is both a tenet of faith and a way of life. It is on these Sunni jihadi groups that this article focuses.

There are significant challenges to researching jihad in Yemen today. Fake news abounds, few independent local media outlets remain, and many apparent citizen journalists are in reality paid and trained to support political agendas. As a result, the AQAP and Islamic State labels are instrumentalized to fit political narratives in ways that can be hard to spot in both mainstream and social media sources. These include massaging the facts around genuine events, adding extremist markers to opposition footage, placing old jihadi footage into new contemporary contexts, or simply false-flagging attacks to jihad groups to provide cover for political motives. It is also important to acknowledge that jihad groups too are learning and adapting. As their loyalties and paymasters change, so too must analysts rethink how to understand them.

This article begins with a rapid outline of AQAP’s evolution during the first decade and a half since 9/11, before zooming in on the past four years. It examines how the Islamic State in Yemen (ISY) rose, fell, was reinvented, then disappeared. It next explores AQAP’s fragmentation from 2017 onward, its rivalry with ISY, and the instrumentalization of both groups by parties to the Yemen conflict as part of a broader political power struggle. Next, it redefines AQAP, offering a new typology of militants, with the contradictory priorities and range of alliances this may bring. Questions are then raised about AQAP’s current and future leadership, before moving into a discussion of the continuing transnational threat posed by AQAP. Lastly, the article looks at how extremism in Saudi Arabia has evolved, and ends by offering some conclusions and a look ahead.

Audio discussion:


Very short: 6 categories of AQAP are identified: “spurious, fake, former, pragmatic, committed, and active. Yet the precise alliances, drivers and paymasters .. remain opaque. What’s certain is extremist groups are being instrumentalized by warring parties to further their agendas in Yemen.”

Film by CBS:

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How Yemen Used the ‘War on Terror’ to Suit Its Needs

But Yemen had been caught up in American counterterrorism priorities even before that. Almost a full year before the 9/11 attacks, two al-Qaida members on a dingy loaded with explosives carried out a suicide bombing attack on the USS Cole, an American warship docked in Aden, in southern Yemen. They killed 17 U.S. sailors, making it unavoidable in some ways that Yemen would have to align with the United States.

Saleh visited the White House in November 2001 and in exchange for millions of dollars, he promised to crack down on suspected terrorists and al-Qaida activity. But over the next several years, Saleh would use the war on terror to fight his own battles, regardless of whether they had any connection to al-Qaida. This included waging six brutal wars against an insurgency by the Houthis, a militia in northern Yemen, as well as repressing al-Hirak al-Janoubi, a nonviolent movement calling for southern independence.

President Barack Obama increased military aid to Yemen and escalated drone strikes against alleged al-Qaida targets. Some of these were strikes against known AQAP leaders like the American cleric Anwar al-Awlaki, who was killed in a drone strike in 2011. But some others targeted unidentified groups of men and boys over 16 simply because their behavior bore the “signature” of military activity. Nearly 1,800 Yemenis are estimated to have died from U.S. drone strikes and other counterterrorism operations in Yemen. Yet there’s no accounting for how many of them might be civilians. That’s because of the persistent lack of transparency around drone strikes, as well as a controversial method of counting “military-age males” as combatants.

In a country torn apart by multiple warring factions and where allegiances have been shifting at a dizzying pace, it’s extremely difficult to pinpoint who exactly is AQAP or the Islamic State group.

And since the Obama administration started backing a Saudi-led coalition in its war against the Houthis in 2015 – a war that has turned Yemen into the world’s worst humanitarian crisis – the battle lines have gotten even more blurred.

To get a sense of how this all played out on the ground, I visited parts of southern Yemen that had been pounded by drone attacks in 2017 and 2018, when President Donald Trump further expanded the war on terror in Yemen. The highways were littered with the remnants of cars that had been struck by drones. But it wasn’t just the drone attacks that left people traumatized – by Safa Al Ahmad

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

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39 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 8,267 in total

The committee also reported in its statement the recovery of 43 coronavirus patients, in addition to the death of 12 others.

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37 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 8,267 in total

The committee also reported in its statement the recovery of 32 coronavirus patients, in addition to the death of 8 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 8,267, including 1,549 deaths and 5,119 recoveries.

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COVID-19 Movement Restrictions: Yemen Mobility Restriction Dashboard #28 (31 August 2021)

No IDP households (HH) reported COVID-19 as the reason of displacement. So far, the total number of IDP HHs who have cited COVID-19 as the primary reason for displacement is 1,559 households.

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The Houthi militia unveil the arrival of the deadly Indian variant of coronavirus to Sana'a/Multiple websites.

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Hundreds die in Yemen’s Aden as third wave of COVID-19 peaks

More than 700 people died in Yemen’s southern city of Aden in August following the third wave of coronavirus (COVID-19) in the war-torn country, health officials said.

Based on burial permits from the city’s civil records office, 705 people died in August in Aden compared to 535 in July.

In 2020, 510 and 514 died in Aden in August and July, respectively. During normal days, the city’s civil records office records roughly 250 deaths per month.

Yemeni health officials and experts called for more studies and investigations into the sudden surge in deaths in Aden and the other Yemeni cities.

“We cannot say for sure that those people died from COVID-19 but what we can say is that deaths increase during each new wave of the pandemic,” Abdullah bin Ghouth, a professor of community medicine and epidemiology at Hadramout University’s College of Medicine, and an adviser to the health minister told Arab News on Tuesday.

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39 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 8,181 in total

The committee also reported in its statement the recovery of 35 coronavirus patients, in addition to the death of 4 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 8,181, including 1,534 deaths and 5,051 recoveries.

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

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Yemen War Map Updates (Sep. 9, 7)

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Film: “ #VindictiveJustice ” is a new documentary produced by Mwatana for Human Rights about How various authorities in #Yemen have used the Specialized Criminal Courts to undermine their opponents

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Houthis topped NCIAVHR's report on human rights violations

The [Hadi gov.] National Commission of Inquiry into Alleged Human Rights Abuses has launched its ninth periodic report on its work and the results of the investigation into violations that affected civilians in various governorates during the period from August 1, 2020 to July 1, 2021.
In its report, the Commission stated that it had completed investigations into 3,624 violations in various governorates, including the killing of 869 people and the injury of 1,386 others, including 945 men, 133 women, 242 children, the recruitment of 132 child soldiers, and 130 planting of individual mines, which claimed the lives of 150 people, including 108 men, 14 woman and 28 children.
The Iranian-backed Houthi militia topped the list of human rights violators.

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Yemen crisis in danger of fading from international attention, Archdeacon warns

THE military, political, and humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan is pushing the largely forgotten war in Yemen further into international obscurity, the Archdeacon in the Gulf, the Ven. Dr Bill Schwartz, has said.

Speaking last week, he said: “I’m afraid it’s inevitable that unfolding events in Afghanistan will be central headlines for some time. International personnel have been there in big numbers over the past years, both in the military and in various NGO capacities. There has been a personal interest factor. Yemen, on the other hand, has never been on the radar of most EU and North American citizens.”

The timing of the fading of the focus on Yemen is of concern.

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Yemen is contaminated with anti-personnel mines and cluster munition remnants

YEMAC has reported the presence of CMR in six governorates but the extent is not known. Contamination is believed to be particularly heavy in Saada and al-Jawf governorates but submunitions are present as well in Amran, Hodeida, Mawit, and Sana’a governorates, including in Sana’a City.1 YEMAC said US-made M118 cluster munitions had posed a particular threat in 2021, inflicting 10 casualties.

Yemen had CMR contamination before 2015 and Human Rights Watch has said it recorded Saudi air strikes using cluster munitions dating back to 2009.3 The escalation of armed conflict since 26 March 2015 has significantly increased both its extent and the threat to the civilian population, mainly as a result of airstrikes by the Saudi Arabia-led coalition.4 In December 2016, the organisation reported that 18 coalition attacks using cluster munitions since 2015 had killed at least 18 civilians and injured 74 more.

Human rights groups have documented the use of United States (US) BLU-63 (Sana’a City), BLU-97 combined effect submunitions (Saada governorate), CBU-58 and CBU-105 sensor-fused munitions (Amran and Sana’a governorates), Brazilian Astros ll munitions (Saada governorate and city), and British BL755 submunitions (Hajjah governorate). They have also reported use of ZP-39 artillery-delivered submunitions of indeterminate origin.

YEMAC is believed to have conducted most of the CMR clearance to date as the only operator working in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen where CMR contamination is concentrated. At the start of 2020, YEMAC’s northern operation reportedly employed around 500 personnel operating in Sana’a, the northernmost governorate of Saada, bordering Saudi Arabia, and northern districts of Almran governorate.41 However, the UN reported YEMAC North suffered from shortages of equipment, including detectors, aggravated by tight controls on all supplies to Houthi-controlled areas, and was not widely active in 2020.

Full document.

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War In Yemen

The conflict in Yemen has gone on for too long and has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions, resulting in what the UN calls the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

The global south has suffered disproportionately when it comes to conflicts and proxy wars being waged. Countries such as the US who have had a significant role in perpetuating this conflict must also take responsibility for bringing about a resolution.

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

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Thousands of diabetes patients in Yemen in immediate mortal danger due to Saudi blockade

The [Sanaa gov.] Yemeni Ministry of Health has confirmed that the lives of thousands of diabetic patients are at risk due to a catastrophic lack of medicines, caused by the US-Saudi siege on Sana’a International Airport.

In a special statement to Al-Masirah News, the Vice President of the Diabetes Treatment Center, Dr. Abdulkafi al-Haddad, confirmed that one of the main reasons for the deterioration of the conditions of diabetic patients is the delay in arrival of medicines to them.

“Their effectiveness has been affected due to the conditions of transportation by land,” he explained.

He pointed out that diabetics are experiencing the true catastrophic results of the closure of Sana’a International Airport, stressing that insulin needs special transport and storage conditions to be effective.

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Wikipedia: Blockade of Yemen

The blockade of Yemen refers to a sea, land and air blockade on Yemen which started with the positioning of Saudi Arabian warships in Yemeni waters in 2015 with the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen. In November 2017, after a Houthi missile heading towards King Khalid International Airport was intercepted,[1] the Saudi-led military coalition stated it would close all sea land and air ports to Yemen,[2] but shortly began reopening them after criticism from the United Nations and over 20 aid groups[3] and some humanitarian supplies were allowed into the country.[4] In March 2021, Saudi Arabia denied the blockade continued, however, UN authorized ships continued to be delayed by Saudi warships.[5]

The blockade of Yemen has contributed to the famine in yemen

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

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Yemeni in taiz city students in first day of the new academic year in destroyed schools and Hopelessness feelings that war will end (photos)

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Yemen WASH Needs Tracking System (WANTS) Common Various districts - August 2021

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‘Dear Diary: Am I wishing for too much today?’

In recognition of World Humanitarian Day, we present diary entries from seven of our UNHCR and sister UN agency colleagues in Yemen, where war has raged for seven years. Though written for the public, our colleagues and friends shared their raw feelings about their work, their worries and their wishes just as they would in a personal journal.

The colleagues whose stories we share below all call Yemen home, whether they were born there or, like Naima, fled Somalia to the country in search of safety years ago. The diary entries have been edited for length and clarity.

Alawia Saeed, a Somali-Yemeni managing UNHCR hotlines in southern Yemen

This morning, Abdul Qader, who is a refugee community leader, called me at the crack of dawn. He needed help for Ibrahim, a critically sick refugee man who required urgent medical assistance. Ibrahim had been refused admission to the hospital, which is not unusual these days. Since the beginning of COVID-19, it is getting more and more difficult for people to get medical assistance because the hospitals here do not admit new patients for fear they might be infected with the virus. I spent the entire day on the phone trying to get him help.

My efforts paid off, and Ibrahim was able to see a doctor and get medicines, but my heart goes out to thousands of others out there who are in a similar situation — just not as lucky. Since the war ravaged my beloved country, life has become very difficult. Each day comes with new suffering.

Sometimes, I wish I had a magic wand so that I could wave it and make all the problems disappear. Every time my phone rings, I know there is someone on the other side with a heart-wrenching story. The needs here are enormous: food, water, medicines — basic needs that we struggle to get because of the war. I still hope that Yemen will recover soon. Until then, I will continue doing all I can in my capacity to help those who call us on our helpline.

I wish … wait, am I wishing for too much today? Well, no harm to wish for the betterment of humanity. My wish is for COVID-19 to leave us soon. Working from home with a little child and answering the hotline calls has been extremely difficult. The daily power cuts and bad internet and phone connection don’t help either. I also worry for my family, especially Baba who is over sixty now and a heart patient.

But I am lucky to have a cute little daughter, my angel. She has been my light throughout these difficult times. She comes to kiss me when I work. She looks at me and smiles. She has the most beautiful smile.

Ali Jawwad, a medical doctor with the World Health Organization (WHO), in the city of Mukalla

The resilience of my people never ceases to amaze me. The news headlines this morning were just as gloomy as every other day, but what worried me the most was a warning from my organization that our health system is close to collapse. I thought about a kidney patient I met three months ago.

The war had made him look older than his actual age. His face was pale like the dry sand of a desert. His family had brought him for dialysis. He was visibly sick, but the electricity went off and the generators were not operational because of fuel shortage. There was nothing any of us could do but to wait for the power to be back. Despite all this, this amazing man appeared very optimistic. He told me that the mere opening of the centre, regardless of whether or not services were available, gave him hope that it was still possible for him to live another day.

His optimism taught me humility, empathy and the power of faith. I want to believe that good days will return. Sometimes, though, I feel the pressure so badly. The list of obstacles is long: war, displacement, bad economy, fuel shortage, cholera, floods and now COVID-19. Sometimes, I wish all this was just a bad dream.

I am happy we were able to assist the General Health Office in establishing COVID-19 treatment centres last year and made them ready to receive suspected cases. I still feel the strain in my shoulders. For this centre, I worked around the clock. The process indeed demanded massive energy and hard work, but what made it worthwhile is watching the job done and seeing that people in need of support now receive proper medical assistance.

I am happy to see all the global accolades for health workers. Those in Yemen especially deserve a medal. They are fighting on more than one front.

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Film: Ahlam liebt das Geigespielen. Allerdings lebt sie in Jemen. Dort herrscht nicht nur Krieg. Viele sehen es dort auch nicht gern, wenn Frauen musizieren.

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$4.6 Million in Medical Supplies Distributed in Yemen

Baitulmaal, a Dallas-based international humanitarian relief agency, recently completed the distribution of $4.6 million worth of medical supplies to support the struggling healthcare system in Yemen.

More than 50 hospitals serving a population of roughly 985,356 Yemenis in areas such as Saada, Al Jawf and Hajjah received 200 pallets of medical supplies that include essential clinical, surgical, emergency, airway, orthopedic, IV therapy and personal care kits.

Many of Yemen's hospitals have been depleted of the necessary medical equipment and supplies required to address the healthcare needs of a population suffering high levels of malnutrition and disease outbreaks such as cholera, according to Elizabeth Sohail, program manager at Baitulmaal.

"Without basic healthcare, an illness like cholera can kill," said Sohail. "Thanks to our donors, thousands of lives are likely going to be saved by just having the supplies that they may have otherwise gone without."

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Child protection AOR flood response guidelines

The overall objective of the Child Protection Sector response is to help the humanitarian community to complement preparedness and response efforts undertaken In Yemen and to ensure an immediate child protection responses to the affected children through the establishment of safe service hubs and implementation of psychosocial support services .

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Funding for Medical Outreach Provides Healthcare Lifeline in Yemen

Even proximity to a functioning health facility does not guarantee access to a specific service. About 40% of the population lives more than a two-hour drive from full emergency obstetric, surgical and antenatal care. In terms of walkability, 45% of Yemenis live more than 30 minutes away from the nearest operational primary healthcare facility, and 68% live more than a 60-minute walk from the nearest hospital.

A lack of healthcare services

The district of Nawjed in Socotra Governorate on an island off Yemen’s southern coast contains clusters of small, remote villages with a combined population of 18,000. Bedlihi, which is home to the major healthcare center, is considered the second most densely populated after Hadibu District, and comprised of 15 tribes (each consisting of between 100-300 people).

Serving a small population size and changing needs, its local healthcare facility lacks services providing emergency, obstetric, gynecological, and child nutrition care, and laboratories and suffers from severe staffing shortages that interfere with preventative care and routine diagnoses. In fact, after malaria, the most common disease in the region, was eliminated, only to be quickly replaced by diarrhea, dengue fever, typhoid, and acute malnutrition.

Fortunately, the Yemen Emergency Health and Nutrition Project (EHNP) is now providing basic health, nutrition, water, sanitation and hygiene services to the country’s most remote and historically underserved areas, thanks to partnerships between the International Development Association (IDA)—the World Bank fund for the world’s poorest countries—and the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and Yemen’s Ministry of Public Health and Population and Governorates’ Health Offices

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Protection Cluster Yemen -Provinces Hub Snapshot (As of June 2021)

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Response and Gap Analysis (As of July 2021)

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Yemen - Mapping of Protection Facilities

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Yemen - Who does What Where When (4W) 2021 (As of July 2021)

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The Yemen Humanitarian Fund helps to sustain women’s protection services with support to UNFPA

UNFPA, the United Nations Population Fund welcomed the generous contribution of US$1.3 million from the Yemen Humanitarian Fund (YHF) to assist the most vulnerable women and girls with life-saving protection services.

The funding will help UNFPA to continue its support to seven women and girls’ safe spaces and one safe shelter in the governorates of Al Dhale'

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Yemen Food Security Outlook Update, August 2021

Over time, many have been forced to engage in severe food consumption and livelihood coping strategies, including reducing the number of meals consumed per day and selling productive assets. Currently, flooding during Yemen’s second rainy season and the impacts of a third wave of COVID-19 are further constraining affected households’ resources.

Above-average food prices and low purchasing power remain a significant concern for millions of households, particularly across poorer wealth groups. In southern areas controlled by the internationally-recognized government (IRG) where the currency continues to depreciate, the average cost of the minimum food basket increased by a further 7 percent in the first three weeks of August 2021. Meanwhile, in northern areas controlled by the Sana’a-based authorities (SBA), fuel shortages are again forcing households to purchase fuel at higher unofficial prices.

Following recent scale-up, almost 40 percent of the Yemeni population are again receiving monthly humanitarian food assistance distributions. However, millions of households still face food consumption gaps.

Although not the most likely scenario, Famine (IPC Phase 5) would be possible if there is a significant shock to commercial food import levels or if food supply is otherwise cut off from particular areas for a prolonged period.

A third wave of COVID-19 has been impacting Yemen in August.

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MONA Relief: Today in Erat Hamdan area of Sana'a governorate @monarelief's team distributed 300 school backpacks funded by @monareliefye's fundraising campaign in Patreon with the support of Partners Relief and Development. (photos)

Another 100 school backpacks were delivered to students in al-Sedeeq school in Aret Hamdan area of Sana'a governorate. Our distribution was funded by our great partner @SzkolydlaPokoju in #Poland. Million thanks to you all guys for your support. (photos)

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UNICEF Yemen Humanitarian Situation Report: 1 - 31 July 2021


As of 30 July, an estimated 4,146 families were reportedly impacted by heavy rainfall and associated flooding across the country. The largest impact on displaced families was reported in Marib and Taiz. Floods were also reported in other governorates, including in Al Hudaydah, Al Mahwit, Sana’a, Al Maharah, Shabwa, Abyan, Aden, Lahj, Al Dhale’a and the west coast, reportedly causing loss of life and property.

In response to the flood crisis, UNICEF supported Sana’a, Amran, and Dhamar Local Water and Sanitation Corporations (LWSCs) with emergency maintenance of collapsed sewage pipelines as well as cleaning and dislodging of sewage systems in major cities, benefiting more than 600,000 people. UNICEF also supported Sana’a, Amran, and Dhamar LWSCs with emergency maintenance of collapsed sewage pipelines and cleaning and desludging sewage systems in Amanat al Asimah, benefiting 423,000, 70,000, and 112,640 people, respectively.

Funding Overview and Partnerships

The Yemen Humanitarian Action for Children (HAC) was revised and approved in May 2021 to align with the 2021 YHRP, and the current appeal is for $508.8 million. UNICEF’s humanitarian programmes are planned for nationwide reach targeting populations in the areas with the most acute needs, and the appeal integrates the COVID-19 response into programmes planned within the HAC. As UNICEF continues to actively fundraise for its 2021 HAC appeal, $134.8 million has been received as of 30 June 2021. A total of $94.5 million was carried forward from 2020, with an additional $44.5 million received from other contributions, for a total of $273.7 million funds against the HAC. This leaves a funding gap of $235.1 million, or 46 per cent of the total amount required to continue UNICEF’s life-saving work in Yemen. In July, generous contributions received from the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO), as well as the National Committees of Australia, Indonesia, Ireland, Malaysia, Poland, Sweden, and the United Arab Emirates.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

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Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, covering the period 1 - 10 September 2021

On 5 September, UNHCR successfully advocated to halt an eviction notice given to 1,187 displaced families living across nine informal hosting sites in Dar Saad district, in Aden. UNHCR and the Camp Management and Camp Coordination (CCCM) cluster will continue coordinating with the local authorities and humanitarian partners to find a sustainable solution to relocate the families. According to CCCM cluster data, close to 13,000 displaced families are currently at risk of eviction throughout the country.

The sub-national CCCM cluster circulated an urgent alert on 2 September for cluster members and partners to respond to the displacement of 148 families fleeing the sudden outbreak of armed hostilities in Rahabah district, Marib.

Since then, the local authorities have reported an increase in the rates of displacement, impacting over 500 families.

UNHCR met with the local authorities in Taizz to discuss the relocation of a group of Somali refugee families living in an abandoned building in Mokha district

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DTM flow Monitoring Registry Dashboard: Non-Yemeni migrant arrivals and Yemeni returnees in August 2021

In August 2021, IOM Yemen DTM estimates that 1,762 migrants entered Yemen, compared to 1,566 migrants in July 2021. The slight increase in the number of migrants in August comparing to July is due to improved weather conditions for boat trip to landing points in Yemen coastal side. The increase trend in migrant arrival is expected in September, 2021. DTM estimates that 2,769 Yemeni returns from KSA during the month of August 2021, compared to 1,821 in July and 1,231 Yemenis in June 2021. During the period between 1 January and 31 August 2021, an estimated 13,311 migrants and 5,822 Yemenis arrived in Yemen.

The migrant caseload was 93 per cent Ethiopian and seven per cent Somali, with 100% of those tracked heading for Saudi Arabia. The migrants are predominantly male (81%), with eight per cent women, nine per cent boys and two per cent girls also among the travelers.

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The chief of the [Hadi gov.] national Executive Unit for the Management of IDPs Camps in Yemen has said that 130 thousand children living in IDPs camps in northeastern Yemen's Marib city won't be able to continue their education this year because of the lack of requirements for their education./Website of Alsharq Al-Awsat daily

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Thousands of Stranded Migrants in Yemen Need Extra Support to Return Home

As the dangers for migrants in Yemen intensify against a backdrop of conflict and the COVID-19 crisis, nearly 5,000 Ethiopians stranded in Yemen are waiting for their chance to safely return home.

This week, about 300 migrants are scheduled to depart Aden for Addis Ababa on two Voluntary Humanitarian Return (VHR) flights run by the International Organization for Migration (IOM). The Organization hopes to continue at this pace, operating two flights per week until the end of the year and plans to expand VHR to other places such as Ma’rib where the conflict persists.

“Since the start of the pandemic, migrants in Yemen have been pushed even further into the shadows,” said John McCue, IOM Yemen’s Deputy Chief of Mission.

So far in 2021, 597 migrants have voluntarily returned on five flights from Aden and 79 others on a flight from Sana’a. A flight from Aden is set to land this afternoon in Addis Ababa and another from there is scheduled for Thursday – a promising sign of progress in securing more opportunities for stranded migrants to voluntarily return in the future.

To sustain this programme, IOM urgently needs USD 3 million from the international community, as well as the continued support of Yemeni and Ethiopian authorities to facilitate the movements.

“We call on donors to make more significant contributions to this crucial lifeline which provides thousands of stranded migrants with their only chance to escape a dangerous situation and make their way home,” McCue said.

An estimated 32,000 migrants are stranded in dire conditions in the country – mainly in urban transit hubs – due to COVID-19 mobility restrictions which have impeded their journeys to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA).

These restrictions have meant that smuggling networks on this route are not as lucrative as they once were. To make up for financial losses, some are adopting alternative ways to exploit migrants and make a profit.

Some migrants are forced to work off their debts on farms while others are exposed to gender-based violence (GBV) and abduction for ransom. The vast majority lack access to water, food, sanitation and health care.

Many migrants have become increasingly desperate to return home.

and also


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Yemen: UN agency helping stranded migrants to return home

Some 300 migrants are set to depart for Addis Ababa this week on two IOM-run Voluntary Humanitarian Return (VHR) flights leaving out of the southern port city of Aden, where the internationally-recognized Government is headquartered.

The aim is to operate two flights weekly through the end of the year, and to expand to other places such as Ma’rib, where fighting persists between Government forces and the Ansar Allah movement, also known as the Houthis.

“Since the start of the pandemic, migrants in Yemen have been pushed even further into the shadows,” said John McCue, Deputy Chief of Mission with IOM Yemen.

More than 670 migrants have voluntarily returned so far this year, but IOM will need $3 million from the international community, and continued support from the Yemeni and Ethiopian authorities, to facilitate the flights.

“We call on donors to make more significant contributions to this crucial lifeline which provides thousands of stranded migrants with their only chance to escape a dangerous situation and make their way home,” Mr. McCue said.

IOM estimates that some 32,000 migrants are stranded in dire conditions in Yemen due to COVID-19 movement restrictions, preventing them from journeying on to Saudi Arabia.

The restrictions have also had a knock-on effect on smuggling networks as this route is no longer as lucrative as in the past, meaning groups are adopting alternative ways to exploit migrants to make up for their financial losses.


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Migrants stranded in Yemen hope to return to countries they risked their lives to leave

The IOM plans to repatriate 6,000 Ethiopian migrants through its VHR program

In Yemen’s southern port city of Aden, Naser Hamid sits under a palm tree with other Ethiopian refugees to escape the scorching heat of summer. His only concern now is to go back to the country he was so eager to leave behind three years ago.

“All I am thinking of is to return to Ethiopia, my life here has been very miserable,” Naser, 26, told The National.

Thousands of Ethiopian migrants, predominantly from the Muslim Oromo ethnic group, are smuggled to Yemen every year, risking their lives in packed small fishing boats to reach Saudi Arabia.

Such dangerous journeys from the Horn of Africa to Yemen could take days by sea. Hundreds of migrants have lost their lives taking the perilous journey.

“We spent two days in the sea. There were more than 120 migrants on a small boat, tightly packed that we had to sit on each other. It was such a horrible journey,” Naser said.

Despite the continuing conflict, Yemen continues to be a transit point for migrants travelling to Saudi Arabia in search of better employment opportunities, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in Yemen said.

“They rely on smuggling networks that span from Somalia to Ethiopia, Djibouti, Yemen and other Gulf countries to facilitate their journeys. Some migrants fall into the hands of traffickers and face exploitation upon arrival in Yemen,” Angela Wells, Media and Communications Officer at IOM-Yemen told The National.

About 32,000 African migrants have been stranded in Yemen because of war and the mobility restrictions caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, the IOM said.

“Yemen is not the final destination for the majority, yet nearly 32,000 migrants have become stranded for months in dire conditions at urban transit hubs in Aden, Shabwa, Al Bayda, Mar’ib, Sana’a and Sadah governorates,” Ms Wells said.

“The Covid-19 restrictions have undermined their travel plans to Saudi Arabia,” she added.

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Govt authorities, IOM, along with migrant community associations, other UN agencies & NGOs are meeting on 14/9 to draft a strategy for Migration Response Centres (MRCs) in the East and Horn of Africa, and #Yemen.

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Yemeni displaced children risk deprivation from education

More than 130,000 Yemeni children living displacement in Marib risk being deprived from education this year, director of IDP camps' executive unit said Monday, with the figure expected to increase as battles flare up persistently in the northeastern province that hosts nearly 60% of IDPs.
IDP children will not be able to go to school for many reasons, including the fact that camps are very far away from schools and most of Marib city's schools cannot afford more numbers of students, Saif Mothana added.
The IDP camps have their own schools, but they are very crowded with children, with new IDPs increasingly arriving at camps due to the lingering battles at Marib fringes, according to the local official.
Marib local authority is willing to build new classrooms to receive additional children and give them the chance to go to school, but these efforts face some funding obstacles, he argued.
Many IDP children study in the open air, under sunrays and rainfalls, amid ineffective role of international agencies and growing calls for child protection matrix be applied.
Last July, the UNICEF warned that Yemen's children facing education disruption could increase to 6 million.

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

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Houthi militants physically eliminated Ayman, the son of Nabil Radman who is one of the high-profile figures of Sana'a outskirt tribe of Arhab. He was shot dead in Sana'a city early Saturday./Anaween Post website (photos)


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Strong tensions in Sana'a: After killing a son of a tribal figure from Arhab, Houthi leaders call Arhab tribes as people "of no honor"/Al-Ra'ay Press website

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North Yemen: Man dies of torture in Houthi jails

Khaled Mohammed Abduh Jaber, a father of six children, from Mahweet province went to Saada to find work for living sometime ago, but Houthi militants kidnapped him, assaulted him with rifle butts, threw him in jail and kept torturing him until he died on Friday 10 September.

(B P)

Photos: 2014–2021

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Yemen's Ansarullah Warns Aggressors of Retribution After Brutal Murder

Ansarullah Spokesman Mohammed Abdul-Salam made the remarks in a post on his Twitter account on Friday after new UN Special Envoy for Yemen Hans Grundberg called for "peaceful dialog" among the warring parties, presstv reproted.

The call came amid reports that UAE militias had kidnapped, tortured and killed a Yemeni youth at a checkpoint in Southwestern Lahij province.

and also

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Yemeni eng. Aymen Radman reported gunned down by Iran-backed #Houthis aboard a security pickup of al-Najda in Nasr St., the capital Sana’a, around an hour ago.

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The Houthi militia in Sana'a have drafted pilots [from the Saleh-era regime] to train them in effective operating of armed drones/Al-Hadath TV channel.

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New Quran Schools to Open in Yemen’s Capital

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Houthis arrest a Yemeni well-known singer

A Yemeni well-known singer was arrested Wednesday in rebel-held Yemen’s capital, Sana’a, after appearing in a TV show that hosts Yemeni singers.

Singer Yousef al-Badagi was arrested in front of his home for appearing as a host in a TV show hosting singers in Yemen Shabab TV Channel, a channel the rebels consider as an “enemy,” according to sources familiar with the matter.

and also

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Houthis are arranging to open a branch of the Iranian university of Azad/ The Arab Network for News's website

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A Houthi mob kill a civilian (Yahya Qreimah) in front of his wife and children in [north Yemen's] Dhamar province./Alsahel Algharbi (Western Coast) website.

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Two new journalists have been missing in Houthi jails for two months. Their families know nothing about them/Ejaz Press

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Verhandlungsführer: Jemen-Krieg wäre im ersten Jahr ohne US-Unterstützung beendet worden

Ein hochrangiger jemenitischer Amtsträger erklärte, der von Saudi-Arabien geführte Krieg gegen sein Land wäre im ersten Jahr zu Ende gegangen, wenn die Aggressoren nicht politisch und militärisch von den USA unterstützt worden wären.

Abdul Malik al-Ajri, ein Mitglied des Verhandlungsteams der jemenitischen Nationalen Heilsregierung, machte diese Äußerungen am Dienstag, nachdem US-Außenminister Antony Blinken behauptet hatte, die Vergeltungsangriffe des Jemen würden den Krieg verlängern.

„Das legitime Recht, auf [die von Saudi-Arabien geführte] Aggression zu reagieren, bedeutet nicht, den Krieg zu verlängern. Es sind amerikanische Waffen, die den Jemen-Krieg verlängern“, twitterte Ajri. „Ohne die Unterstützung der USA wäre der Jemen-Krieg in seinem ersten Jahr zu Ende gegangen.“

(A P)

Negotiator: Yemen War Would Have Ended in First Year without US Support

A senior Yemeni official said the Saudi-led war on his country would have ended in its first year if there had not been political and military support from the United States for the aggressors.

The remarks by Abdul Malik Al-Ajri, a member of the negotiating team at the Yemeni National Salvation Government, on Tuesday came after US Secretary of State Antony Blinken claimed that Yemen's retaliatory attacks were prolonging the war, presstv reported.

“The legitimate right to respond to [the Saudi-led] aggression does not translate into prolonging the war. It is American weapons that are making the Yemen war longer,” Ajri tweeted.

“Without US support, the Yemeni war would have ended in its first year,” he said.

Blinken reacted furiously after Yemeni forces targeted Saudi Aramco facilities inside the kingdom with drones and missiles on Saturday. =

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Parliament condemns continued aggression raids, welcomes 7th Deterrence Balance Operation

(A P)

Four found guilty of murdering Abdullah Al-Aghbari executed in Yemen's Sanaa

The Houthi authorities on Monday executed four people who had been found guilty of torturing and murdering a cell phone store worker in Yemen's Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa. =

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

(A P)

4 students came from Malaysia were arrested by US-Backed Saudi/UAE militia at Aden Airport 7 days ago 1Ibrahim Ahmed Al-Shahari 2Ahmed Moeen Abdel Rahman 3Hossam Tariq Al Shaibani 4Yahya Mansour Al-Areeqi the fate of the students is still unknown!

and also

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Yemeni FM: A Comprehensive Ceasefire Is the Most Important Humanitarian Measure

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Al-Jaadi: Riyadh deal can't be achieved without govt. on the ground

Member of the presidency of the Southern Transitional Council and its assistant secretary general, Fadl al-Jaadi accused the Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood-linked legitimacy of hindering the return of the government and disrupting the implementation of the Riyadh Agreement.
"The Riyadh Agreement cannot be implemented without a government on the ground to materialize the terms of the agreement into reality, especially in the economic and service aspects, in addition to improving people's living conditions." al-Jaadi tweeted.
He also noted that "the non-return of the government will only serve to obstruct and block the implementation process of the agreement."

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The UAE is establishing a military camp that does not answer to the Yemeni government in Amd valley in Hadhramout as part of a policy of deploying murderers and forming outlawed militias in Yemen/Voice of Yemen.

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Dozens of protesters have begun blocking streets and burning tires in protest against the deterioration of public services (mainly water and electricity) and worsening economic conditions/Yemen Voice website


First traffic lights installed in Marib

For the first time in its history, Yemen's beleaguered city of Marib is seeing the installation of traffic lights in its streets


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Yemeni-American citizen killed by checkpoint of STC

A Yemeni-American citizen was killed by a checkpoint of the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) as he was heading to Dhamar province to visit his relatives, sources said on Thursday.

Young Yemeni American Abdul-Malik Al-Sanabani was on his way to Dhamar, about 100 kilometers south of the rebel-held capital, Sana’a, when a checkpoint of the STC detained him in the southern province of Lahj.

According to local sources, Al-Sanabani was detained for carrying a foreign currency (dollars) and then was moved to Aden where he was tortured to death.

The STC Security Belt in Aden, for its part, issued a statement claiming that Al-Sanabani fell of the personnel vehicle on which he was being transferred to Aden.

The death of Al-Sanabani sparked outrage in the country amid accusations against the STC ___ which has control of Lahj and Aden, the latter is Yemen’s interim capital ___ for failing to secure and run the southern provinces under its control.

The American Center for Justice (ACJ) condemned the murder, calling for an immediate investigation into the murder of Al-Sanabani

and also, photos:

Comment: UAE backed forces in #Aden and neighbouring provinces have been carrying systematic profiling for people coming from the North. Many have been stopped, abducted and kidnapped from their checkpoints. #Aden is the only entry point for any Yemeni flying in and out of #Yemen

Forces like the 9th Strike Force has been acting with impunity and do not adhere to the Yemeni law or follow the official military hierarchy. The judiciary has no oversight over them. They only follow the UAE military command. The abuses committed by them is increasing by the day


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After killing the Yemeni-American Abdulmalik Alsanabani on Wednesday,the [UAE-backed] STC militants transported his body to Al-Masafi Hospital in Aden, dumped him and fled quickly. The hospital later received phone threats if the footage from the hospital's CCTV camera is shared./Newsline website


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Yemen: Mysterious death of a visiting expatriate sparks uproar

Abdul-Malek Al-Sanabani had returned to Yemen to visit family - but his detention and alleged killing at the hands of southern fighters has prompted calls for accountability

There were conflicting reports of Sanabani's whereabouts. One website said he was being detained in a prison in Amran for "preliminary investigation", others claimed he was jailed in an Emirati-backed facility in Aden.

Some Arabic reports said men had left him at the Masafi hospital in Aden.

Upon seeing Sanabani's photo in the news, his relatives began a frantic search which led them to the southern port city.

But by the time one of his cousins arrived from Dhamar on Thursday, Sanabani was nowhere to be found in the Emirati-backed detention centres in Aden.

After asking forces manning checkpoints in the city, the cousin was finally pointed towards the Republican hospital, where he found Sanabani dead.

In an audio recording shared on social media, the cousin said that Sanabani’s body bore marks of torture, and the young man had been shot in the back and leg.

The case has sparked outrage in Yemen, adding to widespread concerns about unchecked violence by some militias in the country, and further highlighting the dangers faced by Yemenis seeking to travel across the country in dangerous circumstances.

News of Sanabani’s death has also triggered condemnation from the internationally recognised Yemeni government, human rights activists, and members of the Yemeni community in the US - as well as those who lead the tribe the suspected killers belong to.

Local pro-STC news reports said Sanabani had been taking photos of military sites when the Ninth Strike Force Brigade, which is part of the STC, tried to arrest him, adding that Sanabani reportedly tried to evade arrest.

The published photos, which clearly show the faces of the fighters who detained Sanabani, have prompted lawyers and activists to call for justice.

On Friday, the Ninth Strike Force Brigade issued a statement denying that its fighters had killed Sanabani, claiming that he had been grievously injured in a car accident and that members of the brigade had taken him to a hospital in Aden.

Sanabani’s cousin said he had been told the same story on Thursday, but that the marks he saw on his relative’s body told another story, as he called for the alleged killers to face accountability for their actions.

Leaders of the al-Sabaihah tribe, of which the suspected killers are members, publicly denounced such behaviour and called on the STC to put the men on trial.

While expressing support for a legal investigation into the case, the STC has nonetheless sought to paint Sanabani's death as an isolated incident.


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[Separatist] president-al-zubaidi-directs-to-form-committee-to-investigate-what-happened-to-citizen-abdul-malik-al-sanabani

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Yemen's former Transports Minister Aljabwani says if it is true that some of the UAE-affiliated forces in the country's Western Coast have been moved to Mukalla city, then this is a UAE preparation to renege on its promise to evacuate the Balhaf gas facility in Shabwa and leave it for the government

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Yemen Information Ministry Advisor Mokhtar Arrahbi accuses the UAE of plotting "a serious conspiracy" to topple the Yemeni government from key strongholds remaining under its control, Almahra and Shabwa. He said the Gulf state is mobilizing the forces of its militia (the Southern Transitional Council) for the mission. He called on the tribes of those provinces to be alert to thwart the conspiracy. /Multiple websites

(A K P)

Marib police arrest Houthi cell planning to bomb public places

Police forces have arrested a Houthi cell planning to bomb public places in the Yemeni government-administered city of Marib, local informed sources have said.

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Education Office calls for suspension of studies in Aden

The Education Office addressed a note to the governor of Aden, Ahmed Hamed Lamlas proposing the suspension of studies in all the public and private schools as from Sunday, September 12, until October 3.
The Office explained that it gave that proposal due to a number of issues, including the terrible health situation, significant increase in new COVID-19 cases and continuous power cuts amid extreme heat of the summer.
The daily power outage during official school hours left many students in a state of unconsciousness in the last few days, the Office added.

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Tension arises in #Yemen’s eastern Hadramout btw UAE-backed troops and the pro-govt military forces as the former pushing to expand its presence in Wadi Hadramout, according to local sources. UAE reportedly sent loyal troops from the western coast to #Mukalla days ago.

Com. of the 1st mltry region Maj. Gen. Saleh Taimas ordered his forces into a state of combat readiness to deter any attempts to destabilize the security of Hadramout al-Wadi & al-Sahra & address possible threats within the scope of its deployment, according 2 army media.

A week ago UAE established the first military camp in Hadramout al-Wadi and then relocated 2 allied units - most personel belong to southern al-Dhale- from the western coast to #Mukalla days ago, a military source said.

Abdullah al-Kathiri, Sheikh of the influential tribes of Al Kathir in Hadramout al-Wadi, met com of the Saudi-led coalition’s forces in al-Wadi and rejected the establishment of any armed formations outside of the military and security State institutions.


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UAE establishes military camps for new mercenary unit in Hadhramaut

The UAE has begun establishing the first combat camp for the so-called Hadhramaut Elite forces in Hadhramaut province, media sources reported on Wednesday.

The sources pointed out that the UAE, which supports and finances military formations, set up the camp in Wadi Amad area, days after these forces took control of the area.

and also

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Yemeni gov't calls for int'l strict measures against Houthis

and also

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150 UAE military vehicles arrive at Yemen’s Mocha port

About 150 Emirati armored vehicles have arrived at the port of Mocha, west of Taiz province, informed sources reported on Tuesday.
This comes after the UAE sent a military force last week to Hadramout province, southern Yemen.’s-mocha-port_1177804.html

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Yemen war: Tribesmen intercept UAE forces in Shabwah

Al-Mihdhar tribesmen held the men for hours as they demanded justice for relatives killed in a UAE-backed attack in 2019

Emirati forces used to move freely between the Balhaf seaport and al-Alam military camp in Ataq, the capital of Yemen’s Shabwah governorate. But on Monday, tribal fighters intercepted a United Arab Emirates military convoy as it headed from the seaport to Ataq, around 60km away, demanding they deliver the killers of their relatives.

In January 2019, UAE-backed Shabwah Elite forces, covered by Emirati helicopters, attacked the al-Hajr area in Shabwah in an attempt to arrest two men from al-Mihdhar tribe. Women and children were among the 11 people killed in the operation.

The UAE later admitted to its wrongful killing of the civilians. Saudi mediation led to an agreement stipulating that Abu Dhabi would compensate the families of the victims.

The families, however, say not only has the UAE not adhered to the agreement, the Shabwah Elite forces imposed a four-month siege on the area before pro-government forces recaptured the province in August 2019.

In early 2021, the families set up tents in front of al-Alam military camp, but their demands for compensation and justice were once again ignored.

“The UAE attacked us with its warplanes and militias while we were inside our homes. The Emirates killed people from Shabwah and besieged men, women and children. The whole province rejects that,” Ahmed al-Mihdhar, the spokesperson for the victims’ families, told Middle East Eye.

“We demand that the UAE forces deliver the killers and compensate the victims' families, which we have been demanding since 2019.”

On Monday, al-Mihdhar tribe held 15 Emirati and Yemeni fighters for several hours - in an interception that the spokesperson said was peaceful - only to release them after Saudi mediation.

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[By separatists:] Top security official abducted in Shabwa

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[By Houthis:] Senior UAE-backed mercenary commander arrested in Shabwah

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US military forces arrive in Aden, preparing "return"of exiled former president Abdrabbuh Hadi

The UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council has confirmed the arrival of US forces to secure exiled former president Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi’s return to the city.

This was reported by Yemen News Portal, based on the testimony of pro-STC activists.

Senior STC activists circulated information confirming the illegal deployment of US Navy units in positions around al-Ma’ashiq Palace, Hadi’s upcoming residence, noting that they now oversee security and technical equipment for the palace buildings for Hadi’s return.

This comes amid reports that Saudi Arabia and the US are making arrangements to eventually get rid of Hadi and transfer his powers to a presidential council.

A regional agreement between the United States, Oman and Saudi Arabia is reportedly set to be announced in the coming period, which would include information about Hadi’s return to Aden in the hope of making a transitional agreement, the activists said.

The activists say that the agreement of the three parties is part of the plan to take Hadi out of the picture by sending him back to Aden, which is currently for the most part held by UAE-backed Southern Yemeni separatists such as the STC. The Southern Transitional Council is known for its opposition to the Hadi administration and any attempt at restoring a unity government over all of Yemen.

The fact that the UAE, one of the main players in the foreign invasion and occupation force against Yemen, has been kept out of the agreement entirely may be part of the Saudi-US plan.


Photos: Soon the opening of " #Marib Stadium"

(A P)

Bin Mubarak: Donor’s role urgently needed to support development drive in Yemen

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates Dr. Ahmed Awadh Bin Mubarak underscored Yemen’s pressing need for active role by the international donors to support the government ‘s efforts to revive the development drive and mitigate the economic hardships the Yemeni people have been enduring as a result of Houthi militia’s coup against the official Yemeni authorities.

(A E P)

Yemen government seeks to resume oil, gas production, exports

Yemen's internationally recognised government is seeking to heal the rift between factions in the regions under its control in order to neutralise the economic file and resume oil and gas production, local sources in the interim capital Aden on Monday told the New Arab.

It is contacting Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates to help it resume oil and gas exports through local ports, the website said.

(* A P)

Official: Tribesmen abduct 15 UAE-backed soldiers in eastern Yemen

Yemeni tribesmen yesterday stopped a military convoy carrying 15 members of the United Arab Emirates-backed forces in the country's eastern governorate of Shabwa, two well-informed sources said.

Adviser to the Yemeni Minister of Information, Mukhtar Al-Rahbi, told Anadolu that "armed tribesmen from Al-Sada tribes stopped a military convoy and prevented it from reaching the Al-Alam camp, which is controlled by the United Arab Emirates (UAE), east of Shabwa and detained all soldiers on board."

He added that the convoy was carrying soldiers from the UAE-backed Shabwani Elite Forces, noting that it is highly likely that the detained soldiers include Emirati citizens.

Meanwhile, a local source in Shabwa governorate, who preferred not to be named, explained that "the convoy, which included about five armoured military vehicles, was carrying more than 15 soldiers".

According to the source, the operation came after the UAE abandoned its commitment to compensate the Al-Sada tribes for the killing of nine of their members by the Shabwani Elite Forces.

In early January 2019, seven armed men from Al-Sada tribes and two civilians including a child were killed, and others were wounded, in an attack launched by the Shabwa Elite Forces in the Markha District of Shabwa Governorate.

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp7 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-758 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-758: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

08:01 12.09.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
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Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose