... Beteiligung von städtischen Frauen an der Wirtschaft – und mehr
Jan. 23, 2022: Saudi air raid at Saada detention center kills 87 – US Yemen policy is failing – Tribes and the state in Yemen – Saudi Arabia still blockades Sanaa airport – Brokering a ceasefire in Yemen’s economic conflict – Urban women’s participation in economy – and more
Schwerpunkte / Key aspects
Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2: https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-784b-yemen-war-mosaic-784b
Klassifizierung / Classification
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
cp1b Am wichtigsten: Saudische Luftangriffe auf Gefängnis in Saada tötet 87, auf Hodeidah tötet 6 / Most important: Saudi air raids at Saada prison kills 87, on Hodeidah kills 6
cp1c Am wichtigsten: Drohnenangriff der Huthis auf Emirate / Most important: Houthi drone attack against UAE
cp2 Allgemein / General
cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade
cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation
cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees
cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis
cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen
cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks
cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia
cp9 USA
cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf
cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain
cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries
cp12b Sudan
cp13 Wirtschaft / Economy
cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism
cp15 Propaganda
cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids
cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War
cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle
cp19 Sonstiges / Other
Klassifizierung / Classification
***
**
*
(Kein Stern / No star)
? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating
A = Aktuell / Current news
B = Hintergrund / Background
C = Chronik / Chronicle
D = Details
E = Wirtschaft / Economy
H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions
K = Krieg / War
P = Politik / Politics
pH = Pro-Houthi
pS = Pro-Saudi
T = Terrorismus / Terrorism
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:
Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-einfuehrende-artikel-u-ueberblicke
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
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New Yemen violence, Washington backtracking, betray depressing lack of progress
One year after promising to help end the war, Biden seems to be out of fresh ideas and going back to old playbooks
The recent drone and missile attacks in Abu Dhabi claimed by the Houthis, as well as the retaliatory Saudi coalition airstrikes on a residential area in Sana’a on Monday, show that the war on Yemen continues to destabilize the region and that civilians are still paying the highest price. Worse, the Biden Administration now says it may re-designate the Houthis as terrorists, which could cut off even more humanitarian aid beyond the current Saudi blockade strangling the country.
Biden said last year at this time that he wanted to end the war, but this appears to be moving the needle in the complete opposite direction.
The latest violence serves as a reminder that the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are still very much involved in the war on Yemen through its arming and support of its militia proxies.
The attacks in Abu Dhabi also underscore how the Saudi coalition’s intervention in the name of “stabilizing” Yemen has not only devastated Yemen but created greater instability throughout the peninsula. Just as the coalition’s intervention has driven Iran and the Houthis closer together than ever before, the war that they have waged nominally in “self-defense” has exposed their countries to greater dangers than they faced seven years ago.
The attacks have likewise dealt a blow to nascent diplomatic engagement between Iran and the UAE on account of Iran’s links with the Houthis. The possible rapprochement between the two neighbors was an encouraging sign that de-escalation of regional tensions might be in the offing, but that is now in jeopardy. As long as the war on Yemen is allowed to fester, it will make all countries in the peninsula less secure, it will further stoke tensions between Iran and its neighbors, and it will implicate our government in more of its clients’ crimes.
The Biden administration has failed in its first year in office to bring any significant pressure to bear on the Saudi coalition to end their campaign and blockade. On the contrary, the U.S. seems to have resumed business as usual with both Saudi Arabia and the UAE with new arms sales. Far from treating Saudi Arabia as a “pariah,” as Biden once pledged, he has done just the opposite.
There is very little to distinguish this “strategy” of cozying up to Riyadh from the blank check that the Trump administration gave to the Saudis, and it is not going to end the coalition’s part in the war. It remains the case that the U.S. has substantial leverage to push these governments to halt their campaign, but it has to be willing to use it. Biden simply won’t take the risk of antagonizing two reckless client governments even when it is clearly in U.S. interests to do so.
Following the attacks in Abu Dhabi, the UAE has demanded that the Houthis be designated as terrorists once again by the United States. Unfortunately, the U.S. seems to be entertaining doing just that. In his press conference this week, President Biden said that the U.S. was considering the option of designating the Houthis. That would represent a complete reversal of one of the Biden administration’s first and most significant policy changes, and if it happened it would sentence hundreds of thousands and possibly millions to preventable deaths from famine and disease.
Biden’s remarks elicited immediate condemnations from human rights activists and aid groups, who stressed that a terrorist designation would have devastating effects on the civilian population that is already suffering.
Because the Houthis are the de facto government in the areas where the vast majority of Yemenis lives, a terrorism designation of the group would mean putting tens of millions of people under an even stricter siege than they have already experienced.
It seems incredible that the Biden administration would even contemplate putting the Houthis back on the list of terrorist organizations when they know what the consequences for the civilian population would be if they did. When the previous administration designated the group at the very end of Trump’s term, it was widely seen as a spiteful attempt to sabotage Biden’s policy out of the gate. It would be appalling for the Biden administration to reinstate such a vicious Trump-era decision at the request of one of the governments that bear the greatest responsibility for Yemen’s humanitarian disaster.
When there are attacks on U.S. clients, the instinct in Washington is to express support for the clients and redouble U.S. backing for them, but in this case that is exactly the wrong thing to do. The Saudis and Emiratis have brought these attacks on themselves through their aggressive intervention in Yemen, and the best thing that the U.S. could do for their security and for the stability of the region is to stop providing them with the means to continue their campaign. Whatever else the Biden administration does, it must not cave to pressure from the UAE on the issue of designation, because if they do they will be responsible for putting millions of innocent lives in jeopardy – by Daniel Larison
https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2022/01/21/new-yemen-violence-washington-backtracking-betray-depressing-lack-of-progress/ = https://www.commondreams.org/views/2022/01/22/biden-failing-yemen
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Tribes and the State in Yemen
Executive Summary
This three-part report by the Sana’a Center examines the multi-faceted relationship between tribes and the state in Yemen. It shows that this relationship has long been a complex one, with the relative power of each waxing and waning. However recently – starting before the current conflict began – a protracted period of co-option of tribal leaders into the state apparatus has led to both a strengthening of the wealth and influence of some individual sheikhs, and to a weakening of their links to their tribal members. Under former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, this policy gave rise to a tribalization of the state, with a consequent, multi-faceted impact on its functioning. This led to changes in the structure and influence of the tribes, accelerated by years of conflict and the rise of the Houthi movement. These factors – along with an economic crisis – have left tribal customs and laws shaky, with an absence of both traditional and state authority leading to fractured and more dangerous communities.
This has had an impact on women in particular, whose status in traditional societies has been undermined – although women continue to play key roles in mediation and peacemaking.
Now, the tribes stand at a crossroads. Exhausted by years of war, crushed politically in Houthi controlled areas and bearing the brunt of the fighting in those under control of the internationally-recognized government, they have paid a huge price in the current conflict. This report looks at how this came about, analyzing the historical, social, political and cultural trends behind the embattled state-tribe relationship in Yemen.
Part I gives an overview of the historical interactions between the tribes and Yemen’s governing authorities, from the mid-19th century to unification under the regime of President Saleh. Part II focuses on tribal codes as alternatives to statutory laws, including various views on their development and implementation. Part III examines the role tribes have played in conflict in Yemen, from the 2011 Revolution through to the present day.
Part III: Tribes and the Current Conflict
Internal Loyalties, Shifting Alliances, Changing Divisions
The presence of the tribes as a key factor in Yemen’s recent conflicts can be divided into four phases. The first is from 2008 to Yemen’s Arab Spring-inspired revolution in 2011; second, from the revolution until the Houthis seized Sana’a in 2014; third, the subsequent phase of the war that saw the Saudi-led military coalition’s intervention and continued until the Saleh-Houthi alliance broke up at the end of 2017; and finally, the contemporary arrangement of power in the conflict.
During these four phases, the map of tribal alliances has contributed to the changing political and military balance of power. Previous “givens” have also changed; enemies have become friends, historical alliances have ended, established powers have collapsed and newer powers have emerged to become major actors in the conflict. In addition, while in northern, Zaidi areas – where, to some extent, the tribal inhabitants sympathized with the Houthi movement – the Houthis have encountered fierce opposition from the Shafi’i tribes in west Hajjah, Al-Bayda, Al-Jawf and Marib.
Relations with Religious Figures, Movements and Extremist Groups
For different reasons, some tribal members have allied at times with extremist groups, such as Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). This group was established by local fighters who returned from Afghanistan in the 1990s.[181] A report published by the Sana’a Center in March 2017 located the group’s activity in Yemen in three main areas: Abyan, Al-Bayda and Shabwa.[182]
State failure and regime practices have been major drivers for tribal alliances with AQAP, as have US drone and cruise missile strikes. While Washington claims these strikes are part of its pursuit of AQAP leaders, they have also killed many civilians.
Tribes have also joined with the internationally recognized government in expelling AQAP fighters from their areas. Examples of this include local tribes supporting government forces in expelling the group from major settlements in Abyan governorate in 2012. In 2016, a tribal mediation in Zinjibar and Jaar also contributed to the expulsion of AQAP fighters from the cities they had returned to under the pretense of fighting the Houthis.[187]
Researcher Nadwa al-Dawsari, who specializes in Yemeni tribal affairs, has argued that the tribes are not a contributory factor when it comes to radicalization and the growth of AQAP’s power. Instead, she contends that tribal members, not “the tribe” as a whole, have interacted with the group. The tribes, she suggests, “innately” oppose extremist groups and extremist ideological ideas.[188] This, however, has not always prevented tribal sheikhs from working with AQAP.
The Conflict and Tribal Structural Change
The current war may be both the worst conflict and the greatest danger Yemen’s tribes have ever faced. This is not only due to the severe divisions the war has caused among tribal members, but also due to the changes it has brought to the structure, traditional organization and conceptual frameworks that have previously defined tribal practices.
While northern tribes currently fight on the frontlines, they have no political influence. On the other side, large tribes in Marib, Shabwa and government-controlled areas in Al-Jawf are defending these areas against Houthi forces, setting other considerations – and rivalries – aside. Tribal sheikhs complain that their tribes are being used as cannon fodder in this war – a resource that is being sacrificed and used in ways that also destroy tribal areas. They have tired of this war and of sacrificing their people.[192]
The Houthi movement has violently targeted tribal leaders. A March 2021 report by Bilqis TV revealed that more than 40 tribal sheikhs who had at some point been loyal to the Houthis had subsequently been killed by them.
Tribal culture encourages peace in times of crisis and asserts the ability to forgive, even in the case of murder. This contributes to the recovery of tribal societies after war, as they do not believe in taking revenge for casualties incurred under the umbrella of a state conflict. The culture is also famous for its pragmatism – hence the flexibility of tribal stances and loyalties. These stances aim to ensure tribal interests are guaranteed after a conflict ends, or to prolong a war if necessary to secure such interests. What is currently being hoped for by many, both inside and outside Yemen, is that the tribes will contribute to building a comprehensive peace process, based on those tribal customs that encourage peace and security. The hope is that this will finally end the terrible human losses the tribes have suffered, in a war that has long been fought in and over tribal lands – by Rim Mugahed
https://sanaacenter.org/publications/main-publications/16156
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A Slow Death for Yemenis': Why Is Saudi Arabia Still Blockading Yemen's Main Airport?
Seven-month-old Abrar was just one of the thousands of recent victims who have been denied the ability to leave Yemen for urgent medical care because of the Saudi-led blockade, underscoring the catastrophic toll of the airport's closure in the Yemeni capital. Today, some 80 percent of Yemen's 30 million population require humanitarian assistance. Before the war, the international airport in Sanaa handled more than three-quarters of all passengers flying in and out of Yemen—including around 7,000 Yemenis each year who flew abroad for many kinds of medical treatment unavailable in Yemen, including for cancer, heart, kidney and liver disease, and blood conditions, according to Yemen's Ministry of Health and reports by aid groups like the Norwegian Refugee Council and the World Health Organization.
In August 2019, the Ministry of Health estimated that as many as 32,000 Yemenis may have died prematurely because they were unable to travel outside the country for treatment. "As if bullets, bombs and cholera did not kill enough people, the airport closure is condemning thousands more to a premature death," said Mohammed Abdi, the Norwegian Refugee Council's country director in Yemen, at the time. "There is no justification for preventing very sick civilians from leaving the country to get life-saving medical treatment."
But today, Khaled al-Shayef, the director of Sanaa International Airport, says that three times that number of Yemenis may have died prematurely because they were unable to travel abroad for urgent medical care. He adds that there are currently some 400,000 patients with critical conditions that need to travel out of Yemen for medical treatment.
The Saudi-led bombing campaign in Yemen, supported by the United States and the United Kingdom, has maintained severe restrictions on Sanaa's airport since it was first closed in late March 2015, when the Saudi coalition imposed a no-fly zone over all of Yemen. With Yemeni airspace closed and the country a war zone, airliners have stayed away for the safety of their passengers.
Since its air war began, the Saudi air force has bombed Sanaa's international airport several times, including its only runway and terminal building. The Saudi coalition again bombed the airport in late December, after an intense Saudi media campaign alleging that the airport was being used by the Houthis for military purposes, which the Houthis denied. "The coalition's recent claims that the airport is being used for military operations are mere lies that aimed to mislead the public, stop efforts at reopening the airport and eventually target it," al-Shayef said.
Jasmin Lavoie, a spokesperson for the Norwegian Refugee Council in Yemen, said the impact of the airport's ongoing closure has been "severe," noting the precarious journey required from Sanaa to reach the country's only open airports in Aden, more than 230 miles south, and Seiyun, nearly 400 miles east—both controlled by Yemen's Saudi-backed government. "Their only way to leave the country is to drive for 15 to 20 hours, on dangerous roads full of soldiers belonging to various groups," Lavoie said in an email interview
Since the war broke out, calls on Saudi Arabia by the United Nations and aid groups to lift its crippling blockade have failed. Riyadh has blamed the closures on the Houthis, which Saudi Arabia said refused a proposal last year to partially reopen Sanaa's airport. It was part of a cease-fire plan that would have allowed some limited commercial flights from Sanaa to "a number of destinations," according to the Saudi government, and eased restrictions on fuel imports and other goods through Hodeidah, in return for the Houthis halting missile and drones attacks into Saudi Arabia. The Houthis rejected it, demanding an end to the entire air-and-sea blockade. So the airport has only remained open to U.N. and other humanitarian groups to deliver aid. The Saudi coalition and its allied Yemeni government, mostly exiled in Riyadh, have continually charged that the closure of the airport is to prevent possible smuggling of weapons and transfer of military personnel from Iran, which the Saudis accuse of supporting and arming the Houthis.
Al-Shayef, the airport director in Sanaa, said that the Saudi-led coalition hasn't been serious about reopening the airport. He pointed to the medical "mercy flights"—to airlift patients with urgent health conditions—which briefly evacuated some Yemeni children for treatment in early 2020, but then ended. He described the coalition's closure of the airport and Yemen's airspace as "a slow death for Yemenis."
"The continued closure disproportionately hurts civilians," the Norwegian Refugee Council said in its August statement. "It therefore violates the laws of war according to the U.N. Human Rights Council."
Until a negotiated deal allows for the airport in Sanaa to fully reopen to commercial flights, many more will have to suffer. "We think the airport should be reopened because it will save lives and prevent premature deaths," Lavoie said. "It will be quicker, easier and cheaper to bring goods and aid into the country."
The Saudis continue to deny that they are responsible for the enormous humanitarian suffering in Yemen, despite their ongoing blockade by air and sea – by Ahmad Algohbary
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Brokering a Ceasefire in Yemen’s Economic Conflict
Alongside the battles over territory, the parties to Yemen’s war are embroiled in fights for control of key parts of the country’s economy. The latter struggle causes great civilian suffering. The new UN envoy should make it a central task to achieve an economic truce.
Principal Findings
What’s new? UN-led efforts to broker a ceasefire in Yemen have repeatedly stalled due to a standoff between Huthi rebels and the internationally recognised government over who has authority to control goods, particularly fuel, entering the Red Sea port of Hodeida. With the conflict escalating, the UN is struggling to make headway.
Why does it matter? The economy has become an integral part of the parties’ efforts to strengthen their own positions while weakening their rivals. The economic contest has fuelled the fighting at the front and impeded attempts at peacemaking. But diplomats working to stop the war have too often sidestepped the issue.
What should be done? Yemen needs an economic ceasefire as much as a military one. In concert with other UN actors, the new UN envoy should launch a mediation track to identify the economic conflict’s key players and begin to lay the groundwork for an economic truce even while the shooting continues.
Executive Summary
Yemen is caught up in overlapping emergencies that have defied mediation. In the north, bloody battles rage for control of Marib governorate between the internationally recognised government of Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi and the Huthi rebels who ousted him in 2015. Hadi’s government prevents fuel from entering the Huthi-held port of Hodeida, and a tug of war over the riyal, Yemen’s currency, has led to its collapse in nominally government-controlled cities. These crises form part of a struggle over the economy – call it an economic conflict – that has compounded Yemen’s humanitarian crisis, accelerated its political and territorial fragmentation, and stymied peacemaking. To date, mediation efforts have tended to treat economic matters as technical issues or sought to address them as “confidence-building measures” enacted in service of political dialogue. The new UN envoy should recognise them as core to the conflict and negotiate an economic ceasefire at the same time, and in much the same way, he seeks to arrive at a military truce.
The economic conflict pits the Hadi government against the Huthi rebels for control of the country’s natural resources, trade flows, businesses and markets. State and non-state institutions that facilitate and hinder trade, such as banks, customs authorities and other regulatory bodies, along with the parties’ respective security services, play supporting roles. The Huthis’ advantage in this struggle is their growing control of territory and population centres; the Yemeni government’s is its international legal authority.
The economic conflict’s roots trace back to the country’s failed political transition, which began in 2012 and collapsed in the face of the Huthi rebellion in 2014, setting in motion seven years of civil war and foreign intervention. The economic and military conflicts did not progress at the same pace. Some aspects of the former were held at bay during the war’s early phases by an informal, technocrat-led economic truce that helped to protect pre-war economic institutions that remained highly centralised even as, in other ways, the country broke apart. Civil servants in Sanaa engaged with political leaders on both sides of the conflict and the parties quietly allowed the central bank to maintain a level of neutrality. The truce was never meant to be more than a stopgap measure, however, and it did not last.
Since the economic truce collapsed over the course of 2016 and 2017, the economic conflict has become sharper and more entwined with Yemen’s shooting war. Its most visible features are the splitting of the central bank into rival authorities in Sanaa and Aden, a power struggle over control of trade flows and taxation of fuel in particular, and the precipitous drop of the riyal’s value in nominally government-controlled areas. The riyal’s depreciation has pushed the price of imported necessities such as food and fuel out of reach for many people. As a result, Yemen is the site of what the UN says is one of the world’s largest humanitarian crises. By the end of 2021, the war had cost around 377,000 Yemeni lives, according to the UN Development Programme. Of this number, most were killed not by front-line fighting, shelling or airstrikes, but by hunger and preventable disease, the overwhelming majority of them young children and women.
The parties’ tactics in the economic conflict have often backfired. The government’s initiatives to wrest control of the economy from the Huthis have tended to rebound against it, in large part because the Huthis control Yemen’s main population centres and hence its biggest markets. Diplomats have struggled to convince the government of the folly of its actions, in part because the economy is one of the few remaining sources of perceived leverage for President Hadi and his inner circle. Considering what is at stake – its very survival – the government is unlikely to stand down from economic warfare without major concessions by the Huthis, who perceive that they have the upper hand in the conflict and therefore see no reason to compromise. Yet, by delaying a settlement further, the government risks ceding still more ground to the Huthis.
The parties’ economic tactics have bedevilled the succession of UN envoys who since 2015 have been charged with ending the war. For better or worse, their efforts have tended to focus on the political and military aspects of the conflict while viewing the economic conflict as a subplot even when it is fundamentally bound up with core political issues dividing the parties. The Stockholm Agreement, which prevented a battle for Hodeida, skated over rather than resolved important economic issues. More recent efforts to resolve the Marib crisis and Hodeida embargo have similarly stumbled in treating profoundly important proposed economic concessions as “confidence-building measures”.
This approach needs to change. While the economic dimensions of Yemen’s conflict are not the only impediments to peace, it is difficult to imagine the parties reaching a durable military truce if they fail to reach an economic one alongside it. The new UN envoy, Hans Grundberg, who assumed his post in September, is considering how his office can address the economic conflict. He has some useful models to follow. In Libya, for example, the UN envoy’s office initiated a separate track for economic issues that fall within the framework of broader conflict resolution efforts. Grundberg should take a page from this book, establishing a formal track to address the economic challenges that have become interwoven with the toughest political issues that separate the parties. The concrete objective would be an agreement in which the conflict parties pledge to stop working to damage each other economically and to cooperate in the interests of ordinary Yemenis who desperately need both economic opportunity and better services.
In early 2022, the conflict for Marib escalated. Without progress on the economy, Grundberg is unlikely to be able to stop the shooting. Many of the same obstacles to agreement that have dogged mediators in their pursuit of a military ceasefire will encumber their efforts to achieve an economic truce. Even with international support – which outside actors should certainly lend him – the envoy faces an uphill climb. But that climb will almost surely be steeper still without a dedicated effort that allows mediators to better understand and deal with the economic issues that are so fundamentally bound up with the political drivers of Yemen’s civil war. Seven years into this brutal conflict, it is past time to give this task a try.
Conclusion
It has been seven years since the Huthis seized Sanaa in an assault they justified by citing the economic plight of ordinary Yemenis. Yet as the war has dragged on, what was the Arab world’s poorest country has become one of the poorest places on the planet. More people have died during the war from hunger and preventable disease than in combat or aerial bombardment. A political solution to the war looks far off, and the humanitarian crisis is set to deepen.
Yemen’s economic predicament is evidence that warfare comes in many forms, some of them harder to see or grasp than others, but no less deadly for it. To end the conflict, UN mediators and outside powers will have to grapple with each of the war’s aspects at once, and work toward a mediation approach that places equal weight on its political, military and economic dimensions.
Main points in thread by Peter Salisbury: https://twitter.com/peterjsalisbury/status/1484280461488791552
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PERSONAL RESILIENCE AS KEY TO URBAN WOMEN’S ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION
Until today, socio-cultural norms, inherent to Yemen’s patriarchal social system, remain the primary barrier to Yemeni women’s empowerment. These norms pre-determine nearly all aspects of women’s lives, including their social, political, and – most important with regards to the country’s recovery – their economic participation. A 2021 report by the United Nations Development Programme on the impact of Yemen’s war argues that an inclusive recovery, one that is built on women’s political, social, and economic participation, will allow Yemen to not only “catch up with – but to surpass – its pre-war SDG [sustainable development goal] trajectory by 2050”. Beyond this, the report states that empowering women will improve “the lives and welfare of the entire population”.1 Women who successfully generate an income and become financially independent provide for themselves, their family, and contribute to the social cohesion within their communities. In addition, many of these women have been influenced by their “role models” and became themselves role models for other women around them as they gain the respect and trust of family and community. Women interviewed for this paper stated that they feel “valued, appreciated, and heard”2 within their communities and families while becoming involved in decision-making, especially financial decisions, within their households.3
When it comes to the economic participation of Yemeni women, it is evident that their presence in the labor market is still marginal compared to that of men. One reason for this is that restrictive socio-cultural norms designate certain incoming-generating activities as appropriate for women, and others as inappropriate. Professions regarded as “feminine”, according to the International Labor Organization, include teaching, nursing, secretarial, or working as clerks.4 Working women in general, but especially women in professions that are deemed socially inappropriate, face different forms of gender-based violence (GBV) while practicing their professions. Because these women transgressed into spaces that are designated male spaces, they face retribution. The goal of this retribution is to intimidate women into remaining within the ‘feminine’ space; the violence intends to sustain male dominance and privileges.
What is often overlooked is that women being prevented from accessing many of their fundamental rights, such as education, leaves them with unaddressed grievances, affecting their relationship with their communities. For example, the GBV that women face has a tremendously negative effect on their psychological wellbeing.5 In contrast, constructive participation in social, political, and economic life, along with personal and professional development, can promote women’s wellbeing and thus improve their relationship with their communities. During the current conflict, Yemeni women have played an essential role in mediating and resolving conflicts, distributing humanitarian aid, creating jobs, and providing services and products to their communities. This makes women’s economic participation a direct contribution to social cohesion. Beyond this, a woman’s financial income allows her to care and protect her children from being recruited into armed groups, or from being forced into early marriage.6
Genuine women’s empowerment, and the ability to fully participate in the country’s recovery and contribute to the population’s wellbeing, requires the elimination of structures of violence that inhibit their effective participation. Without its elimination, women are required, personally and often individually, to stand up to patriarchal structures and face the violence. In this vein, this study explores the hidden pathways of women’s empowerment to identify lessons for other women on this path.7 This Research Debrief posits that working women exhibit resilience which allows them to manage the negative reinforcements they experience from society and at their place of work and to rebound from setbacks. This resilience is understood as “the process of patterned adjustments adopted by a society or an individual in the face of endogenous or exogenous shocks”.8 In fact, resilience has been recognized as a key resource for women working in male-dominated professions.9 One aspect of resilience is that a society or individual must be exposed to risk and respond successfully.10
The resilience of Yemeni women becomes apparent once they are and remain working women, despite all adversities. Based on interviews conducted with 12 working women between July and August 2021 in Taiz and Aden, this paper argues that resilience is a key factor that allows women to become and remain participants in Yemen’s economy and contribute to their own as well as their family’s wellbeing. The resilience working women exhibit builds both on internal characteristics and the external environment, but it is also something that can be developed over time. The women interviewed for this paper are employed in professions or own businesses considered socially ‘inappropriate’ jobs for women, such as driving a bus, engineering, police, media, quarrying, owning a cafe or electronics shop. The age of the participants ranged between 27-50 years old, five are married, two are divorced, and three are single. The majority of the interviewees received a higher education or a diploma. The interviews were followed up with a forum with five previous research participants and one additional participant working at the Yemen Women Union (YWU).
GENDER-BASED VIOLENCE AND SOCIO-CULTURAL NORMS AS BARRIERS FOR ECONOMIC PARTICIPATION
Social, cultural, tribal, and religious norms vary across Yemen’s geography and demographics. A woman’s prospects to become a working woman depend on her socio-economic position and geographic location, with significant differences between urban and rural women.11 For instance, most women interviewed from both Aden and Taiz stated that the society in Aden is more “open-minded” than in Taiz. Nevertheless, Yemeni communities to different degrees are affected and governed by a patriarchal system. These patriarchal norms define gender-specific roles, which ensure that the man remains dominant over the woman. This is deeply enshrined into Yemen’s traditions, which associate a man’s honor with his female relatives: daughters, sisters, or wives. This elevates the woman to hold a special place within society. As the ‘weaker’ gender carrying the family’s honor, it is the duty of the men to protect her. This in turn is used to justify discriminatory treatment, reducing women’s chances to attain future financial independence. Under the guise of protection, women are restricted in their movements and their personal, educational, and professional development.
This is normalized within society to the degree that women themselves often do not question these practices, but instead reproduce patriarchal structures within the family. The internalization of these norms is reflected, for instance, in girls’ and women’s worries about not being marriageable and thus avoiding options such as pursuing an education or a career and challenging gender norms. In fact, various forms of GBV ensure that women remain within the role that is ascribed to them. What’s more, women are made responsible for the various forms of violence they are subjected to, being blamed even by other women. Many women in Yemen accept and tolerate the violence against them in case of a transgression. The Yemen National Household Demographic Survey conducted in 2013 12 showed that almost 50 percent of women justified a husband hitting his wife if she did not meet his expectations.
Socio-economic violence, such as the denial of education or the exclusion from (specific) professions, minimizes girls’ and women’s prospects to participate economically, to have a career, or to become financially independent. – by Amal Abdullah
https://www.yemenpolicy.org/personal-resilience-as-key-to-urban-womens-economic-participation/
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
(** B H P)
COVID situation underlines fragmentation of Yemen
The country’s COVID pandemic has escaped virtually all international scrutiny and coverage.
As fighting rages on in Yemen, with offensive and counter-offensive around Marib, let alone the latest attack on the UAE, a major factor in deterioration in 2021 was the underfunding for humanitarian activities.
Reduced humanitarian funding explains why the World Food Programme (WFP) started cutting cash and food distributions as it only received 64% of its requirement.
Within this context, the state of affairs concerning the COVID pandemic is a stark example of both the condition of social services in the country and its dire political fragmentation. Financing to address the pandemic has been insignificant, by comparison with both needs and even pledges. Out of the US$ 31 million pledged, less than US$ 1 million has been disbursed to date. It is therefore unsurprising to find that a mere 1.2% of the population has been fully vaccinated, while 1.8% of Yemenis have received at least one dose of vaccine, with the total number of doses administered a mere 787 000 for a population of close to 30 million people. Aside from the import of vaccines for their staff by various embassies, the main source of vaccines is the internationally funded Covax system administered by the World Health Organisation (WHO) and implemented through the Ministry of Health.
Enter political fragmentation which is extremely relevant to the issue of COVID. Although vaccine availability is a problem, the different policies and attitudes prevailing in the Ansar Allah [Houthi] controlled areas and elsewhere are among the relevant explanations. According to a recent report on COVID in Yemen by the ACAPS, about 25 million Yemenis live under Houthi control where the very existence of COVID is officially denied and therefore no mass vaccinations are taking place. When the Houthis were offered 10 000 doses, information on what happened is confusing: they may have rejected the offer or, according to rumour, used them to secretly vaccinate senior Houthis!
People publicly admitting to having COVID symptoms are treated like pariahs, arrested and taken by force from their homes, thus suffering humiliation in addition to not being given any effective, let alone sympathetic, treatment. ‘Quarantines’ in the early phase of the pandemic were established along the borders between Houthi and IRG controlled areas. They are best described as ‘super spreader’ sites, with hundreds of people held in open yards without the slightest medical distancing or other protective measures, let alone reasonable living conditions. After a period, they were allowed to leave and thus spread whatever diseases they may have had before being held or acquired during this process. Beyond this, no precautionary measures are officially recommended, let alone made mandatory; neither the wearing of masks nor social distancing are implemented and social gatherings have been taking place without any consideration for the issue. As a result, since early 2020 most people in the Ansar Allah controlled area who believe they have caught the virus arrange private treatment at home. There are therefore no data on the COVID situation among the majority of Yemenis.
Among the other 5 million Yemenis, formally under the administration of the IRG, a total of 10 250 cases were officially recorded by mid-January 2022, again a highly debatable figure given the absence of reliable information outside of the best run hospitals in major cities.
The rival authorities’ conflicting attitudes to the epidemic ensure maximum confusion, misinformation and myths. People’s beliefs and reactions to the pandemic are not determined by the authorities in their geographical location. Attitudes are deeply affected by people’s world view, and the media sources they consult. Views range from one extreme that COVID is ‘fake news’ promoted by various national and international agencies to further agendas, to the other extreme that everyone who gets it dies. With respect to vaccination, views range from desperately waiting for access to a vaccine to firm opposition to any of the vaccines used throughout the world.
In any event, much of the international advice on reducing transmission is unrealistic in the Yemeni context, particularly for poor people who have no access to water or soap to wash hands and who live in crowded conditions where medical distancing is simply impossible. Meanwhile the new Omicron variant is beginning to spread in Yemen, while thousands, if not millions, are waiting for vaccines – by Helen Lackner
https://arabdigest.org/sample-newsletters/covid-situation-underlines-fragmentation-of-yemen-2/
(A H)
COVID-19 Jemen: 7-Tage-Inzidenz | 22.01.2022
(A H)
COVID-19 Impfungen Jemen: vollständig geimpft
(A H)
78 new COVID-19 cases reported, 10,485 in total
The committee also reported in its statement the death of one coronavirus patient. No recovery has been recorded.
http://en.adenpress.news/news/34403
My comment: The Omicron „wave”: More “cases” (i.e. positive tests), no increase (or even decrease) in deaths.
cp1b Am wichtigsten: Saudische Luftangriffe auf Gefängnis in Saada tötet 87, auf Hodeidah tötet 6 / Most important: Saudi air raids at Saada prison kills 87, on Hodeidah kills 6
(** A K)
Photos of bomb fragments from Raytheon bombs as proof that this was a Saudi coalition air raid and shows Saudi relentless lies once again:
https://twitter.com/samueloakford/status/1485020776537411588
https://twitter.com/AliAlAhmed_en/status/1485273701952147465
and compare from 2016:
https://twitter.com/rpotter_9/status/1485065103670407168
(** A K)
Films and Photos
Films, Saada:
Preliminary scenes of the US-Saudi-Emirati aggressor's aviation crime in the reserve prison in Saada: https://twitter.com/99_H_S_N/status/1484426639303925764 and https://twitter.com/99_H_S_N/status/1484426766827540480
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lsIUWWvyt5A
The families of the victims searched for their relatives who were killed : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=40_dkxS3Th8
The recovery of victims of the massacre in the reserve prison in Saada Governorate continues for the third consecutive day: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RFRDMsQgS-A
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_gz7yHYFcZw
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9IHOUs8TbGc Ruptly
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7RQTKBg6w30 RT
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=joy5RdsaGvU = https://www.nbcnews.com/now/video/saudi-led-air-strikes-target-sites-in-yemen-causing-unknown-number-of-deaths-131398725942 NBC
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7v39Y1uGlLw Guardian
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6fsh2rCjAqM France24
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gB2H1SUiR1A Al Sahat
https://twitter.com/KawkabAlwaday/status/1484555288594288641 = https://twitter.com/SH__Hamza/status/1484556093305016321
https://twitter.com/SH__Hamza/status/1484984456100384771
https://twitter.com/AhmadAlgohbary/status/1484978010080124932
Films, Hodeidah:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=diA1UeN38WE (most complete)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eBkMmAuXqh8 (attack)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dG13y0T5Re0
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Np7tKifl4Wc
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0CEu-bMj2Ls (partly)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EOr-7Y4swBU (partly, other scenes from Saada)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vii3ZTs-uiE Global News
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5uT6iVgvVzU WION
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zsS3WdcJ1io DW
https://twitter.com/mejtahidd/status/1484280380882665472
https://twitter.com/KawkabAlwaday/status/1484443780598181888
https://www.facebook.com/YACofCalifornia/posts/1614147912265861 = https://twitter.com/A7medJa7af/status/1484253429614714885 Little girl crying for help under the rubble
https://twitter.com/Israa_Alfass/status/1484300986609029121
Photos, Hodeidah:
https://twitter.com/JamalCheaib/status/1484271478950481925
https://twitter.com/A7medJa7af/status/1484256304227041283 = https://twitter.com/GhalebM0nz1i7/status/1484254950414815242
https://twitter.com/mejtahidd/status/1484280380882665472
https://twitter.com/WeenAlEnfigar/status/1484256638337011713/
https://twitter.com/WeenAlEnfigar/status/1484256638337011713/
https://twitter.com/Israa_Alfass/status/1484464414677995523
(** A K pH)
Death toll of Saudi airstrikes on Saada prison risen to 87
Yemeni Minister of Public Health and Population said that the death toll of the Saudi-led coalition's airstrike on a prison in the northern city of Saada has risen to 87.
Ministery of Public Health and Population of the Yemeni National Salvation Government and humanitarian organizations Saturday held a press conference near the Yemeni prison targeted by the Saudi coalition.
Speaking in the presser, the governor of Saada said that the United Nations and related organizations are responsible for reporting the recent massacre of the Saudi coalition in the prison.
Representatives of Civil Society Organizations in Yemen said that this is not the first crime of the Saudi coalition, but a continuation of the crimes of the last seven years.
https://en.mehrnews.com/news/183142/Death-toll-of-Saudi-airstrikes-on-Saada-prison-risen-to-87
My remark: Most sources still state 82 deaths.
and
(** A K)
Death toll from Saudi airstrike on Yemeni prison rises to 87
At least 87 people were killed and 266 injured, some critically, in a Saudi airstrike on a prison in Yemen's rebel-held north, Public Health and Population Minister Taha al-Mutawakil said on Saturday.
(** A K)
Yemen: ‘Unjustifiable’ Saudi-led coalition air strike on prison kills and injures hundreds
An air strike carried out by the Saudi-led coalition on Sa'ada City Remand Prison in the early hours of January 21 has killed at least 82 people and injured 266, according to the Ministry of Health, with the death toll likely to increase as researchers still comb the rubble.
Two MSF staff who are resident in Sa’ada City and were in their houses close to the prison at the time of the air strike described hearing fighter jets and then three separate explosions.
“There is no way to deny that this is an air strike, everyone in Sa’ada City heard it,” said one of the MSF staff. “I live one kilometre from the prison and my house was shaking from the explosions.”
(** A K)
‘Another crime’ say survivors of coalition strikes on Yemeni detention centre
Yemeni detainee Mohammed Ali Salem was fortunate {that a} missile fired by warplanes of the Saudi-led coalition on the subsequent ward brought about a wave sturdy sufficient to shatter the door of his personal cell.
That was how he was in a position to escape earlier than a second bomb fell.
“When they struck Ward 8, the door opened and we walked out… the door opened from the stress and we walked out. God granted us security, thank God,” he mentioned, recounting the strikes that focused the detention centre the place he was held on Friday at daybreak.
Others, wrapped in white physique baggage, weren’t that fortunate. At least 60 folks had been killed when missiles hit a detention centre within the Yemeni province of Saada, the stronghold of the Houthi group that has been at struggle with a Saudi-led coalition since 2015.
A Reuters witness mentioned a number of folks, together with African migrants, had been killed in a raid.
In Saada, tons of of folks gathered round lined-up physique baggage on Saturday close to concrete rubble of the detention centre, in search of details about their family members. Some had been checking the our bodies hoping to establish their family members.
“We got here from Amran province on a go to to seek out out that the jail has been hit by warplanes. This is a one other crime to be added to their different crimes,” mentioned Salman Badi, one of the family members.
Sultan al-Qahim, one of the wounded with burns on his face, mentioned he misplaced consciousness after a 3rd bomb fell.
“I used to be setting with my mates in our ward after which the warplane got here and hit with a primary strike. And some time later, two extra air strikes hit. After that, nothing,” he mentioned within the Republican hospital in Saada, the place most of the wounded have been handled.
https://www.reuters.com/article/yemen-security-int/another-crime-say-survivors-of-coalition-strikes-on-yemeni-detention-centre-idUSKBN2JW0J9 = https://mywinet.com/another-crime-say-survivors-of-coalition-strikes-on-yemeni-detention-centre/ = https://www.uktimenews.com/another-crime-say-survivors-of-coalition-strikes-on-yemeni-detention-center/ = https://www.thestar.com.my/news/world/2022/01/23/039another-crime039-say-survivors-of-coalition-strikes-on-yemeni-detention-centre
and similar https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/23/yemen-survivors-slam-saudi-coalition-attack-on-detention-center
(** A K)
Mehr als hundert Tote nach Luftangriffen auf Rebellengebiete im Jemen
Die saudische Militärkoalition hat ein Gefängnis im Jemen angegriffen. Mehr als hundert Menschen wurden getötet. 200 weitere mussten im Krankenhaus behandelt werden.
Bei einem Luftangriff der von Saudi-Arabien angeführten Koalition auf ein Gefängnis in Saada im Norden des Jemen sind mehr als hundert Menschen getötet worden. Das berichtete das Internationale Komitee vom Roten Kreuz (IKRK). Es werde erwartet, dass die Zahl der Opfer noch steige. Bei den Getöteten soll es sich nach Angaben der lokalen Gesundheitsbehörde um Zivilisten handeln, darunter auch Geflüchtete.
Ahmed Mahat, Landeskoordinator von Ärzte ohne Grenzen im Jemen, sprach von einem "schrecklichen Akt der Gewalt". Es sei unmöglich abzuschätzen, wie viele Menschen getötet wurden. Das Krankenhaus von Saada nahm seinen Angaben zufolge etwa 200 Verletzte auf.
https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2022-01/jemen-krieg-luftangriffe-tote-rebellen
(** A K)
Zahlreiche Opfer nach Luftangriffen im Jemen
Mutmaßlich Kampfjets der von den Saudis geführten Militärkoalition haben ein Gefängnis und eine strategisch wichtige Stadt in Rebellengebieten des Jemens bombardiert. Unter den Opfern sollen viele Zivilisten sein.
Die Lage in der Rebellenhochburg Saada, in der das zerstörte Gefängnis liegt, ist nach wie vor unübersichtlich. Helfer in der Stadt im Norden des Jemens sprechen von mindestens 70 Todesopfern und zahllosen Verletzten nach dem Luftangriff. Laut Behördenangaben werden noch viele Menschen vermisst. Viele der Opfer seien Zivilisten, darunter Flüchtlinge. Das Gefängnis soll als Unterkunft für Flüchtlinge aus Afrika genutzt worden sein.
Die Organisation Ärzte ohne Grenzen (MSF) berichtete unter Berufung auf Mitarbeiter vor Ort, in ein lokales Krankenhaus seien etwa 140 Verletzte gebracht worden. Am Ort des Angriffs lägen viele Leichen. "Es scheint ein schrecklicher Akt der Gewalt gewesen zu sein", so ein MSF-Sprecher.
Auch die Hafenstadt Hodeida wurde angegriffen
Die saudische Militärkoalition flog zudem einen Luftangriff auf die von den Rebellen kontrollierte Hafenstadt Hudaida, wo ein Großteil der für den Jemen bestimmten humanitären Hilfsgüter umgeschlagen wird. Der Angriff habe einer "Drehscheibe der Piraterie und des organisierten Verbrechens" gegolten, teilte die Militärkoalition mit. Nach Angaben der Huthi wurden auch hier mehrere Menschen getötet. Landesweit fiel nach dem Angriff das Internet aus, wie die Organisation NetBlocks berichtete.
https://www.dw.com/de/zahlreiche-opfer-nach-luftangriffen-im-jemen/a-60512938
https://www.krone.at/2608655 (mit Fotos)
Film (auf Deutsch): https://www.stern.de/panorama/video-streit-um-verantwortung-fuer-angriff-im-jemen-mit-mehr-als-60-toten-31560732.html = https://www.zeit.de/video/2022-01/6293051018001/jemen-etwa-200-tote-und-verletzte-bei-luftangriff = https://www.reuters.com/video/watch/streit-um-verantwortung-fr-angriff-im-je-idOVFVBGPIZ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rgubK-JVFak
(** A K)
Mehr als 60 Tote durch Luftangriff im Jemen
Ärzte ohne Grenzen berichtete unter Berufung auf Mitarbeiter eines Krankenhauses von mehreren Hundert Verletzten. Genaue Angaben über Tote und Verletzte liegen bisher nicht vor.
Rettungskräfte durchsuchten derzeit die Trümmer in der Provinz Saada nach weiteren Opfern, sagte ein Sprecher des Internationalen Komitees vom Roten Kreuz im Jemen, Baschir Omar. Es gebe zahlreiche Vermisste. Bei den Opfern handele es sich um Zivilisten, darunter Flüchtlinge.
Omar sagte lediglich, das Rote Kreuz habe einige der Verletzten in andere Einrichtungen verlegt. "Nach dem, was ich von meinem Kollegen in Saada höre, gibt es noch viele Leichen am Ort des Luftangriffs und viele Vermisste", sagte der Leiter der Organisation im Jemen, Ahmed Mahat, und sprach von einem schrecklichen Akt der Gewalt.
https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/asien/jemen-luftangriff-tote-103.html
(* A K P)
Militärkoalition weist Verantwortung für Tod von 70 Menschen im Jemen zurück
Die von Saudi-Arabien angeführte Militärkoalition hat die Verantwortung für den Tod von mindestens 70 Menschen bei einem Luftangriff auf ein Gefängnis im Jemen zurückgewiesen. Sie habe den Angriff in der jemenitischen Rebellenhochburg Saada nicht ausgeführt, erklärte die Militärkoalition am Samstag. Eine "gründliche" Prüfung der Informationen Berichte habe ergeben, dass entsprechende Vorwürfe "unbegründet" seien, sagte ein Sprecher der Militärkoalition laut der saudiarabischen Nachrichtenagentur SPA.
Ungeachtet dessen stehe das Gefängnis nicht auf einer Liste verbotener Angriffsziele des UN-Büros zur Koordinierung humanitärer Angelegenheiten im Jemen (Ocha), hieß es in der Mitteilung weiter. Es sei auch nicht vom Internationalen Komitee vom Roten Kreuz (IKRK) gemeldet worden.
Nach Angaben von acht im Jemen tätigen Hilfsorganisationen wurde das Gefängnis als Sammellager für Flüchtlinge genutzt. Sie seien "entsetzt" über den Tod von mehr als 70 Menschen, erklärten die Organisationen. Unter den Toten seien Migranten, Frauen und Kinder, "die in einer himmelschreienden Missachtung des Lebens von Zivilisten" getötet worden seien.
Bei dem Luftangriff auf das Gefängnis waren nach Angaben von Ärzte ohne Grenzen mindestens 70 Menschen getötet und fast 140 weitere verletzt worden.
und auch: https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2022-01/jemen-luftangriffe-tote-saudi-arabien-konflikt
Mein Kommentar: Das ist lächerlich. War es etwa ein Meteor oder die Luftwaffe von Samoa? Und nun hat man auch noch ein Fragment einer von Raytheon/USA produzierten Bombe in den trümmern gefunden.
(* A K)
Jemen: IKRK äussert tiefe Besorgnis über menschlichen Tribut infolge steigender Gewalt
Die Jemenitische Rothalbmondgesellschaft stellt mithilfe des Internationalen Komitees vom Roten Kreuz (IKRK) Krankentransporte bereit, um die Verwundeten und Getöteten zu evakuieren; ferner unterstützt das IKRK zwei Spitäler, die eine besonders grosse Zahl an Verletzten versorgen und im Laufe des Tages mit weiteren Aufnahmen rechnen, mit Notfallausrüstungen.
Das IKRK ist tief besorgt über die Zunahme der feindlichen Handlungen in den letzten Tagen, darunter Angriffe auf Städte im ganzen Land, in Saudi-Arabien und in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten, und bedauert den menschlichen Tribut, den diese Eskalation fordert.
(** A K)
Frenzied Saudi Bombing of Yemen: Reports of Over 180 Casualties
In Sa'ada, Saudi warplanes attacked a temporary detention center, leaving at least 180 people - including African migrants - dead or injured, Al-Masirah reported. It showed footage of the wounded at Al-Jamhuri hospital in Sa'ada.
A correspondent of Lebanon's Al-Mayadeen television in Yemen said 62 bodies had been pulled out from under the rubble.
"The hospitals are full of martyrs and the wounded, and we desperately need medicine and medical equipment," Sa'ada Governor Mohammad Jaber Awad said, adding, "Many international organizations had previously visited the prison."
In Hudaydah, at least six civilians were killed and 18 others injured after Saudi jets heavily bombed residential areas early Friday, Al-Mayadeen reported.
They struck a communications center in the city some 145 km Southwest of the capital Sana'a, provincial health office director Ali Al-Ahdal told Yemen's Al-Masirah television. As a result, a three-story building was leveled to the ground.
Local authorities continue to search for possible survivors and recover the bodies of the victims who were mostly children playing near the building.
A source said incessant overflights by Saudi aircraft are hampering rescue efforts.
Saudi warplanes bombed homes in Yemen's Western city of Hudaydah and a prison in North-Western Sa'ada, with initial reports putting casualties above 180 people.
In Sa'ada, Saudi warplanes attacked a temporary detention center, leaving at least 180 people - including African migrants - dead or injured, Al-Masirah reported. It showed footage of the wounded at Al-Jamhuri hospital in Sa'ada.
A correspondent of Lebanon's Al-Mayadeen television in Yemen said 62 bodies had been pulled out from under the rubble.
"The hospitals are full of martyrs and the wounded, and we desperately need medicine and medical equipment," Sa'ada Governor Mohammad Jaber Awad said, adding, "Many international organizations had previously visited the prison."
In Hudaydah, at least six civilians were killed and 18 others injured after Saudi jets heavily bombed residential areas early Friday, Al-Mayadeen reported.
They struck a communications center in the city some 145 km Southwest of the capital Sana'a, provincial health office director Ali Al-Ahdal told Yemen's Al-Masirah television. As a result, a three-story building was leveled to the ground.
Local authorities continue to search for possible survivors and recover the bodies of the victims who were mostly children playing near the building.
A source said incessant overflights by Saudi aircraft are hampering rescue efforts.
The frenzied bombing of Yemen by the Saudi-led coalition has intensified since Yemeni forces launched rare drone and missile strikes against strategic targets deep inside the UAE in retaliation.
Mohammad Ali Al-Houthi, a member of Yemen's Supreme Political Council, reacted to the Saudi airstrikes against residential neighborhoods in Hudaydah, saying they amount to a “war crime” and are “not forgivable”.
“You should not have continued your aggression and crimes until the present day, if the bombing campaign had worked out,” Houthi addressed Saudi Arabia and its allies in a post published on his Twitter page.
“God willing you will lose in Yemen, just like (the United States of) America, which is arming and aiding you, in Afghanistan…,” he added.
Hudaydah Governor Muhammad Ayyash Qahim said the latest airstrike exhibited the level of the Saudi-led coalition's despair and frustration.
“The United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and their mercenaries will be held to account for the crimes they have perpetrated against ordinary citizens,” he added.
Qahim said such acts of aggression will not deter Yemeni people from mobilizing forces and participating in the fight against Saudi-paid mercenaries.
On Thursday night, Saudi warplanes carried out a wave of aerial attacks on the Yemeni capital city of Sana’a as well, but there were no immediate reports about possible casualties and the extent of damage.
UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Thursday expressed alarm at the continued Saudi airstrikes in Sana’a, Hudaydah and elsewhere in Yemen.
“The secretary-general reiterates his call on the parties to exercise maximum restraint and prevent any escalation amid heightened tensions in the region, as well as to respect their obligations under international humanitarian law,” his spokesman Stephane Dujarric told a daily press briefing.
https://www.farsnews.ir/en/news/14001101000276/Frenzied-Sadi-Bmbing-f-Yemen-Reprs-f-Over-0-Casalies
(**A K)
Many dead or missing as 'horrific' air strike destroys Yemen jail
A "horrific" air strike on a Yemeni prison has left many dead or missing, aid workers said on Friday after a night of deadly bombing that underlined a dramatic escalation in violence.
Gruesome scenes came to light in Saada, heartland of the Huthi rebel movement, as rescue workers pulled bodies from destroyed prison buildings and piled up mangled corpses, according to footage released by the insurgents.
Further south in Hodeida, video footage showed bodies in the rubble and dazed survivors after an air attack from the Saudi Arabia-led pro-government coalition took out a telecommunications hub. Yemen suffered a nationwide internet blackout, a web monitor said.
Saada's hospital has received about 200 people wounded in the prison attack and "they are so overwhelmed that they cannot take any more patients", said Doctors Without Borders, known by its French acronym MSF.
"There are many bodies still at the scene of the air strike, many missing people," Ahmed Mahat, MSF head of mission in Yemen, said in a statement.
"It is impossible to know how many people have been killed. It seems to have been a horrific act of violence."
The coalition claimed the attack in Hodeida, a lifeline port for the shattered country, but did not say it had carried out any strikes on Saada.
Saudi Arabia's state news agency said the coalition carried out "precision air strikes... to destroy the capabilities of the Huthi militia in Hodeida".
(** A K)
Scores killed in Yemen prison air strike carnage
At least 100 people have been killed or wounded in an air strike by the Saudi-led coalition which hit a detention centre in Yemen.
The incident happened when a facility was struck in Saada, a stronghold of the rebel Houthi movement, on Friday.
Hours after the air strike, rescue workers were still pulling bodies out of the rubble, and hopes of finding survivors are fading, says BBC Middle East correspondent Anna Foster.
The exact death toll is unclear. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said at least 70 people were killed, though the number is expected to rise.
Houthi-run television showed pictures from the scene of men clearing debris with their hands and of wounded at a local hospital. MSF said one hospital had received more than 200 casualties.
"There are many bodies still at the scene of the air strike, many missing people," Ahmed Mahat, MSF chief in Yemen, told AFP news agency. "It is impossible to know how many people have been killed. It seems to have been a horrific act of violence."
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-60082788
(** A K pH)
Dozens killed, wounded in Saudi attack on a prison in Yemen
Yemeni sources on Friday reported that dozens of people have been killed and injured in a Saudi-led coalition airstrike on a prison in northwest Yemen.
On Friday morning, it was reported that Saudi fighter jets targeted a temporary prison in Saada province, northwest Yemen, Almasirah reported.
Dozens of people have been killed and injured in the attack and operations to remove victims of the attack from the rubble still continue, the report added.
About 2,500 people have reportedly been in the prison and rescue workers are currently trying to find survivors.
Yemeni sources added that there are no exact statistics on the number of dead and injured.
https://en.mehrnews.com/news/183106/Dozens-killed-wounded-in-Saudi-attack-on-a-prison-in-Yemen
(** A K)
UN condemns deadly air strike on Yemen prison
The facility in Saada, a stronghold of the rebel Houthi movement in north-western Yemen, was hit on Friday.
UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres said in a statement that the "escalation needs to stop".
The coalition also said the site was not on a list of targets to avoid that had been agreed with the UN and had not been reported by the Red Cross.
Hours after the air strike, rescue workers were still pulling bodies out of the rubble, and hopes of finding survivors are fading, says BBC Middle East correspondent Anna Foster.
The exact death toll is unclear. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) said at least 70 people were killed, though the number is expected to rise.
Houthi-run television showed pictures from the scene of men clearing debris with their hands and of wounded at a local hospital. MSF said one hospital had received more than 200 casualties.
"There are many bodies still at the scene of the air strike, many missing people," Ahmed Mahat, MSF chief in Yemen, told AFP news agency. "It is impossible to know how many people have been killed. It seems to have been a horrific act of violence.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken also called for de-escalation.
Further south, three children were killed as they were playing football when an air strike hit a telecommunications facility in the rebel-held port city of Hudaydah, Save the Children aid agency said.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-60092458
and also https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/21/several-killed-in-airstrike-on-yemen-prison
https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/yemen-scores-killed-horrific-air-strike-detention-centre-saada
https://english.alaraby.co.uk/news/yemen-airstrike-prison-leaves-over-200-dead-and-wounded
https://www.rt.com/news/546817-yemen-saudi-strikes-killed/
https://www.kentucky.com/news/business/article257582128.html = https://apnews.com/article/technology-business-middle-east-sanaa-dubai-cfad87600e2c93ab9af22dc80ba27875 (number of deaths is updated)
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Saudi-led coalition strike Yemen's Hodeidah
The Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen launched air strikes Thursday on the northern coastal city of Hodeidah and other parts of Yemen, in its latest offensive following a Houthi attack on the UAE.
In a statement carried by the Saudi Press Agency, the coalition announced that it had targeted a Houthi storage facility containing weapons that had been secretly transferred from the port of Hodeidah.
The coalition claimed Hodeidah had turned into a "military barracks that threaten regional and international security" under Houthi control.
The air strikes broke the Stockholm Agreement of 2018, which brokered a ceasefire for the Hodeidah governorate including the city and its ports.
Local eyewitnesses told The New Arab's Arabic-language service, Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, that they saw flames rise from the targeted sites.
https://english.alaraby.co.uk/news/saudi-strikes-continue-yemen-houthi-shelling-kills-5
and
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20 killed, injured in Saudi fighters attack in Al Hudaydah
Yemeni sources reported on Saturday evening that 20 people were killed and wounded in an attack by fighters of the Saudi-Emirati coalition on the telecommunication building in Yemen's Al Hudaydah.
Yemeni sources reported on Saturday evening that the fighters of the Saudi coalition attacked a telecommunications building in the city of Al Hudaydah.
According to the report, 3 people were killed and 17 others were injured in this attack.
Al-Masirah correspondent also reported that a number of Yemeni children who were at a sports center near the building were killed and injured in the attack.
https://en.mehrnews.com/news/183166/20-killed-injured-in-Saudi-fighters-attack-in-Al-Hudaydah
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Saudi-led coalition denies Yemen air raid; UN, US call for calm
State news agency reports coalition spokesman saying facility was not on OCHA ‘no-target list’ as calls grow for a de-escalation of violence.
The Saudi-led coalition fighting Iran-aligned Houthis in Yemen has denied reports that it bombed a prison in the country’s north, as the United Nations and United States called for a de-escalation of violence in the long-running conflict.
On Saturday, the Saudi-led coalition denied responsibility.
“The coalition will inform the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Yemen and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) on the facts and details,” the official SPA news agency said, citing a coalition spokesman.
He said the target in Saada was not on no-targeting lists agreed upon with the OCHA, was not reported by the ICRC and did not meet the standards stipulated by the third Geneva Convention (Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War).
and Saudi statement in original: https://www.spa.gov.sa/viewfullstory.php?lang=en&newsid=2322966
and also https://www.ibtimes.com/air-strike-yemen-prison-leaves-least-70-dead-3380601
https://www.reuters.com/article/uk-yemen-security-coalition/saudi-led-coalition-denies-targeting-detention-centre-in-yemens-saada-idUSKBN2JW02F = https://www.fxempire.com/news/article/saudi-led-coalition-denies-targeting-detention-centre-in-yemens-saada-874070
My comment: This is ridiculous. Might-be a meteorite or Samoa air force? Meanwhile, a fragment of a Raytheon/made in USA bomb has been found in the rubble.
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Yemen: ICRC expresses deep concern about the human toll caused by escalating violence
The Yemeni Red Crescent Society (YRCS) with the support of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) provided ambulance services to evacuate the wounded and the dead, and the ICRC is supporting two hospitals with emergency medical supplies that are receiving a very high number of injured people, with numbers increasing throughout the day.
The ICRC is deeply concerned about the intensification of hostilities over recent days, including attacks against cities across Yemen, in Saudi Arabia and in the United Arab Emirates, and deplores the human toll this escalation has caused.
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More than 70 people, including women and children, killed overnight in Yemen
Aid agencies operating in Yemen are horrified by the news that more than 70 people, including migrants, women and children, have been killed in Hodaida and Sada on Friday morning, in a blatant disregard for civilian lives.
Aid agencies operating in Yemen call on parties to the conflict to respect international humanitarian law and international human rights law and protect civilians and civilian infrastructure during hostilities.
We also call on the international community to ensure accountability for all violations and abuses against children and civilians, through the urgent reinstatement of an international independent monitoring and reporting mechanism on Yemen and the establishment of an adequately resourced and sufficiently staffed international investigative mechanism for the country.
https://www.nrc.no/news/2022/january/70-killed-in-yemen/
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IRC calls for immediate ceasefire after 70 civilians killed by airstrike in Yemen
The IRC is appalled by the mass killing of civilians and targeting of the country’s internet infrastructure in Yemen last night.
This is yet another example of the age of impunity where all sides to the war continue to commit atrocities without accountability. We call on all parties to the conflict to respect International Humanitarian Law and uphold their obligations to protect civilians and public infrastructure.
Stephanie Puccetti, Deputy Director for Programs for IRC in Yemen, said,
“Attacks on civilians are unacceptable.
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Yemen massacre sparks global outrage
https://www.tehrantimes.com/news/469337/Yemen-massacre-sparks-global-outrage
cp1c Am wichtigsten: Drohnenangriff der Huthis auf Emirate / Most important: Houthi drone attack against UAE
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Eskalation mit Ansage
Jemen: Zivilisten und Flüchtlinge geraten zwischen die Fronten. Ansarollah wollen Aggression durch Abschreckung beenden
Überraschend kam die Eskalation allerdings nicht. Denn die VAE beteiligen sich seit Beginn des Jahres wieder direkt an den Kämpfen um Marib, die letzte Hochburg der seit fast sieben Jahren nicht mehr demokratisch legitimierten »Regierung« von Abed Rabbo Mansur Hadi .
Eine Einnahme Maribs durch die Ansarollah würde als kriegsentscheidend eingeschätzt. Die VAE hatten sich 2019 wegen der hohen Opferzahlen in den eigenen Reihen aus den direkten Kämpfen im Zentraljemen zurückgezogen und sich – dem eigenen Interesse an einer Kontrolle der Seewege, Häfen und Inseln entsprechend – auf den Süden konzentriert.
Nach Aussage von Mohammed Al-Bukhaiti, Mitglied des Politbüros der Ansarollah, wurden die VAE – anders als Saudi-Arabien – nicht angegriffen, solange deren Bodentruppen nicht an direkten Angriffen beteiligt waren. Mit der jüngsten Offensive auf Schabwa habe sich die Situation aber geändert, der Angriff auf Abu Dhabi vom Montag sowie mögliche folgende dienten der Abschreckung mit dem Ziel, die Aggression gegen den Jemen zu beenden.
https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/418961.arabische-halbinsel-eskalation-mit-ansage.html
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The UAE’s bitter choices: strikes in its cities or defeat in Yemen
There are two main choices for the UAE: escalate dramatically or exit quickly, both with considerable cost to Abu Dhabi
So, what are the options of the UAE and the Houthis after the recent and sudden military confrontations? Will Abu Dhabi withdraw again – as it claimed to have done in 2019 – or will it continue its expensive proxy war, via its Yemen-based mercenary armies? And how will the Houthis respond to each of these scenarios?
After the unprecedented drones and ballistic missile attack launched by Ansarallah, Yemen’s Houthi-dominated resistance movement, into the UAE’s territorial depth, there are two critical questions that arise. The first is about the real motives behind this new Ansarallah gambit, and the second, about the UAE’s reaction to this attack.
Importantly, will this escalation lead to a change in strategy in the long run: will Abu Dhabi return to this war after a semi-interruption of three years, or will it decide to withdraw completely this time – proxies included – in order to avoid potentially high costs?
The Houthis, who have targeted multiple strategic economic and military sites inside Saudi Arabia with ballistic and winged missiles over the past years, had thus far avoided targeting the UAE in its retaliatory strikes.
When asked about why they neglected to retaliate against the UAE until now, sources close to the Houthis provided several reasons for that decision:
First, Ansarallah was unwilling to open two battle fronts at the same time – with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, both – in addition to their internal battlefronts with the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC), and the Saudi-backed Islah party and al-Sharia army.
Second, the Houthis had reached an implicit, unwritten agreement with the UAE that can be summed up thus: “We left the south to you, so leave the north to us, and do not interfere in it politically or militarily… and you will be safe.”
Third, the desire of Iran, an Ansarallah ally, to maintain a cautious balance with the UAE – especially with the Emirate of Dubai, a critical commercial gateway for undermining the severity of US sanctions on Iran, estimated to account for more than $14 billion annually in Emirati-Iranian trade.
Fourth, the sudden decision of the UAE in 2019 to withdraw its official troops gradually from Yemen after a sharp increase in soldier losses, estimated at 150 dead and hundreds more wounded.
The UAE’s strong return to the Yemeni theater in recent months, via its proxies, especially in the critical battles of Shabwah, Marib and Al-Bayda, has changed Ansarallah’s calculations. The UAE-backed Giant Brigades – headed by General Tariq Afash, nephew of the late Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh – and other southern factions, upended all the equations on the ground when it stymied the advance of Ansarallah forces on these key frontlines.
Because of this Emirati escalation in recent weeks, Ansarallah lost partial control of the oil-rich Shabwah governorate, inflicting huge human losses in its ranks, tipping the scales toward the Saudi-backed Sharia army and easing the siege on them in Marib, which the Saudis were on the verge of losing.
After several days of hesitation, during which consultations took place with allies in Tehran, Beirut, and among Yemeni tribal leaders, Ansarallah decided to send a strong message to the UAE. It did so by bombing the Emirati depth, but in a reduced and deliberate way, to deliver a warning message to Abu Dhabi: “You breached the agreement.. If you go back, we will return, and he who warns have been excused (from explaining further),” say the Houthi sources mentioned above.
The Emirati military response came quickly, less than 24 hours later, with an aerial bombardment of the home of retired General Abdullah Qassem al-Junaid, head of the Yemeni Air College in the heart of Sanaa – where three families resided – killing about 23 civilians and wounding dozens for the first time in years.
There are two options for the UAE after these recent developments.
First, to revive the 2019 ‘truce agreement’ with the Houthis, which would entail ordering UAE proxies to immediately withdraw from the Shabwah, Marib and Al-Bayda fronts and return to their former bases on the western coast, south of Hodeidah and near Bab al-Mandab, as a first step.
Second, to advance its proxies into Ansarallah’s geographic red lines, and throw its full weight back into the Yemeni war to strengthen the exhausted military position of its Saudi ally. These were decisions implemented by the UAE and Saudi Arabia in an agreement reached during Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s (MbS) visit to Abu Dhabi before last December’s Gulf summit.
It is not known which of the two options the Emirati leadership will choose. The first will be difficult as it will require an exit from the Saudi-led war coalition, an increase in tension with Riyadh, and the abandonment of its allies’ military ambitions in southern Yemen – but it will lead to halting any new Houthi attacks in the Emirati depth.
The second option may be vastly more expensive, because the Houthis are likely to continue their bombing of the UAE with more powerful retaliatory strikes targeting the oil and tourism infrastructure, especially the airports and the facilities of the “ADNOC” company, an Emirati version of Saudi Aramco.
Ansarallah’s bombardment of the UAE with missiles and drones, although expected, constituted a dangerous new development. It changed all the rules of engagement and moved the Yemeni war to a new stage where developments are difficult to anticipate.
So, how then could this new element influence the direction of the Arab coalition countries in this war, and the UAE, in particular?
This unprecedented bombing of the Emirati depth will either lead to accelerate the exploration of a solution to end the Yemeni war – or escalate it, expand its circle, and invite other regional parties into it. – by Abdel Bari Atwan
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Are the UAE's chickens coming home to roost in its ongoing war against Yemen?
At first glance it would seem that the UAE is the victim here, which explains the outpouring of expressions of solidarity.
However, what is missing here is some very important context. The attack on the UAE was essentially retaliation by the armed forces — the majority of which are fighting alongside the Houthis — of a country that has been besieged and attacked relentlessly for the best part of a decade by the coalition in which the UAE plays a leading role. It is illogical, therefore, if not hypocritical, for the UAE to claim that it will "retaliate" against a country that it has itself been bombing regularly in a bitterly-fought war. By and large, though, the international community fails to recognise this fact.
The attack in the Emirates should have come as no surprise; Saree described it as something that the Yemeni armed forces had "promised" with their sights set on further targets against the "countries of aggression".
The Gulf state has managed to evade retaliatory action from Yemen, despite being a lead member of the coalition and occupying Yemeni territory.
The Houthis first targeted Abu Dhabi Airport in July 2018, which was initially denied by the UAE. This was at a time when the Emiratis and their proxies were advancing on the important port city of Hodeidah in Yemen, which has been under an effective blockade since the war started. Although no significant damage was caused to the airport at the time, it was enough to halt the UAE's advance and usher in the so-called Stockholm Agreement brokered by the UN. The desired outcome would come about the following year with the UAE announcing that it was scaling back its military involvement in the conflict. However, it remained involved through its continued support of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) separatists and the Giants Brigade militiia.
There is indeed a serious threat to the UAE and its "glass towers" as long as it remains a key belligerent in the war against Yemen.
This week's operation could have been all the more deadly and serious for the UAE — and this sounds harsh, but reflects the racist reality in the Emirates — if the casualties had been Emirati citizens rather than two Indians and a Pakistani. The Houthis certainly have both the will and the ability to target the Gulf state's more sensitive and strategic sites and have sent a clear message. How the UAE reacts going forward is what will influence decision-makers in Sanaa. Having generally avoided any repercussions for its role in the devastating war against Yemen, the UAE has been fortunate. Maybe the chickens aren't coming home to roost just yet, but they are certainly getting closer – by Omar Ahmed
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UAE has ‘legal’ right to self-defense against Houthi terrorist acts: Gargash
The UAE has a “legal and moral right” to defend itself against terrorist acts by Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi militia, said Dr. Anwar Gargash, diplomatic adviser to the UAE president, the official WAM news agency reported on Friday.
“The UAE has a legal and moral right to defend its lands, population and sovereignty, and will exercise this right to defend itself and prevent terrorist acts pursued by the Houthi group,” he was quoted as saying.
My comment: This is BS as the UAE is an aggressor in the Yemen War.
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How involved was Iran in the Houthi attack on the UAE?
The main reason why the Houthis might be telling the truth now is because they are under tremendous pressure in Yemen thanks to UAE-enabled territorial advances by local Yemeni partners called the Giants Brigades. They must have thought that the best way to arrest their strategic decline in Yemen was by sending a clear message to Abu Dhabi in the form of deadly projectiles.
What we also know is that while the Houthis likely launched the attack (we still cannot confirm it wasn’t the Iranians), they couldn’t have done it without the near-continuous weapons shipments from the Iranian Quds Force. The Houthis might have learned a few tricks from the Iranians and the Lebanese Hezbollah on how to assemble drones locally but they definitely don’t have the capability to produce ballistic missiles.
Yet these two parts of the story are not enough to help us answer what in my opinion is the ultimate question: to what extent were the Iranians involved in this attack?
Let’s explore three possible scenarios.
The first scenario is that the Houthis carried out the attack with the full blessing and operational involvement of the Iranians. If that’s the case — and it’s not unlikely because the Houthis, according to the Emiratis, used not just drones with limited payload but also ballistic and cruise missiles, which are much more powerful weapons of war (therefore their use, one would think, would require the permission of the Iranians) — then one has to wonder what’s in it for the Iranians? What’s their strategic calculus or incentive? Why would they hit Abu Dhabi?
If this, in effect, is the scenario, then let’s cast serious doubt on the efficacy of the talks between the Emiratis and the Iranians that took place just a few weeks ago in December 2021.
The second scenario suggests that the Iranians knew about the Houthis’ intent, didn’t love the idea, yet didn't stop the attack. They put limits on its profile, however, through operational control. In other words, the Iranians approved the strike but commanded the targeting process.
That seems less likely than the first scenario but not unthinkable because there’s a likely precedent for it.
Similar to the logic of the first scenario, it makes sense that the Iranians might have been operationally involved in the attack because the targets chosen could have been different and the damage inflicted could have been a lot worse had the Houthis been totally in charge.
A third and final scenario is that the Houthis planned and conducted this attack all by themselves, without consulting with the Iranians. If that’s the case, it means that the Iranians have no control over how the Houthis use the weapons they receive from Tehran. This would seriously challenge the theory that the Houthis, or at least their war effort (not to mention their negotiations behavior), are under close Iranian guidance and supervision.
If it’s true that the Iranians don’t have that kind of power or influence over the Houthis, that’s a problem. It’s a problem for the Saudis, for the Emiratis, for the Americans, and for the U.N. It means that the future of the Yemen war and the political process — currently dead — are inherently at the mercy of Houthi whims alone, not Iranian preferences. And those Houthi objectives thus far have been ambitious and unreasonable. If anybody is blocking political progress, it’s the Houthis, not the Saudis. The Saudis are more eager than anybody for a cease-fire and ideally an end to this war.
Of course, if the Iranians were worried about the ramifications of Houthi strategic violence against the Saudis and the Emiratis, they would stop their arms shipments to their Yemeni partner. But they haven’t done so because that would be too big a cost to bear.
We don’t know which of these scenarios is more likely. But it’s obvious that the damage caused by the Houthis in Abu Dhabi has far more serious consequences than the loss of three innocent lives and the burning of a fuel depot. The attack raises critical questions about the extent of Iran’s involvement in the Yemen war and the exact nature of its relationship with the Houthis — questions to which we simply don’t have convincing answers.
https://www.mei.edu/publications/how-involved-was-iran-houthi-attack-uae
My comment: US-centered. The much more relevant questing would be “questions about the extent of US involvement in the Yemen war and the exact nature of its relationship with the Saudis and UAE”
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Washington in embarrassment over the Yemeni file
Claimed by the Houthi rebels, Monday's attack on Abu Dhabi puts the United States in an uncomfortable situation. In favor of a diplomatic solution, the pressure is increasing on the administration of Joe Biden for more concrete gestures.
“It is under study. This is how Joe Biden responded Wednesday night when asked if the United States will grant the United Arab Emirates' request to put the Houthi rebels back on its terror list. A question returned to the carpet following Monday's deadly attack on Abu Dhabi, attributed to drones and cruise missiles, and claimed by the Yemeni group.
These latest twists embarrass Washington in relation to the policy adopted so far by the Democratic administration on the file of the Yemeni conflict. Almost a year ago, the Ansarullah group, by its official name,was removed from the terrorist list for the stated purpose of facilitating the delivery of emergency aid to the war-torn country mired in what the UN calls the world's worst humanitarian crisis. This decision was part of the newly elected Democratic President's desire to take the opposite view of his predecessor Donald Trump.
Joe Biden's administration, on the contrary, advocated a foreign policy based on diplomacy and emphasizing respect for human rights, including with its traditional Gulf allies.
The equation is all the more delicate for the United States as these developments take place in the context of the indirect negotiations which are underway in Vienna on the Iranian nuclear issue.
"For now, the Biden administration is sticking to its policy of seeking ways to help its partners in Abu Dhabi and Riyadh defend against missiles and drones, while maintaining their opposition to any offensive operations," said Elana DeLozier.
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Yemen rebel attack on UAE throws challenge to the region
If there were doubts as to whether that attack would lead to a direct response, the Saudis' actions provide the strong hint of an answer.
Even before the latest Saudi action, the long-range strikes on the UAE placed a spotlight on wider developments in the region, notably the UAE's efforts to pursue a new diplomatic path, not least towards Iran; and the reaction to those attacks illustrates the growing rapprochement between Gulf states and Israel.
The Houthis' aim is to persuade the UAE to stop backing militias loyal to Yemen's internationally-recognised government. These militias, notably the Amaleqa Brigades and associated groups, have had some recent success on the battlefield in Yemen, pushing the Houthis out of key areas of the south of the country and stepping up fighting in the oil-rich Marib governorate in the north, a major stronghold for the Yemeni government.
Much depends upon how the UAE responds.
UAE dilemma
So how will the UAE now react? Stability is crucial to the state's self-image. It does not want to be seen as a place that suffers even sporadic attacks. It has maintained its stake in the Yemen fighting despite drawing back its own forces. One obvious response might be to step up support for its allies on the ground.
But equally, in the past few years, the UAE has been trying to push through a complex re-alignment in its foreign policy: there have been the formal ties with Israel; an effort to improve its frosty relationship with Qatar; a warming towards Turkey (another country undergoing something of a diplomatic re-adjustment); and above all it has sought to reach out to establish better relations with Tehran.
So will the UAE-Iran rapprochement be a victim of the Houthi attack? While Iran remains a clear ally of the Houthis (and much of the weaponry used in these recent attacks may well be of Iranian origin), the fact remains that this is not a simple client-proxy relationship. The Houthis make their own strategic decisions and it is unclear the extent to which this attack will be viewed positively in Tehran.
For the UAE's allies the attacks also present dilemmas and opportunities. The United States has stressed its "unwavering" support for the UAE's security, though the Biden administration is not happy with the UAE and Saudi role in stoking the fighting in Yemen. Might the UAE seek US anti-missile defences? If so, how would the Biden administration respond?
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-60082786
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Houthi attacks on Abu Dhabi 'turning point' in Yemeni war: Political expert
Advanced military capabilities of Iranian-backed Houthi group pose new challenges to region, experts say
The Houthi attacks on Abu Dhabi International Airport and other facilities in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) represented a new "turning point" in the course of the Yemeni war -- which is about to enter its seventh year -- according to a political expert.
“The targeting of Abu Dhabi and the hijacking of the Rawabi ship in the Red Sea represent a turning point in the course of the Yemeni war and its transformation into a regional one,” Abdul Salam Muhammad, the head of the Abaad Studies and Research Center in Yemen, told Anadolu Agency.
The political expert went on to say that “the international community may turn to political pressure on Al-Houthi (group)” and include it on the list of terrorist groups and give the green light for more military pressure (by the coalition) on the ground.
He accused Iran of being behind the escalation, saying it needed a bargaining chip in the ongoing nuclear negotiations in Vienna.
With regard to the size of the Houthis' military capabilities, Muhammad explained that the group possesses many depots of advanced quality weapons, especially ballistic missiles and drones, noting that "there is widespread smuggling of these weapons through the ports under the control of the Houthis."
He warned of "the Houthis' use of chemical weapons in the future, although there is no evidence so far that they possess them."
My comment: This is by Turkish AA and shows a Turkish-UAE rapprochment. The attack isn’t for iran’s benefit, while it could be explained by the Houthis’ logic.
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Yemeni rebels’ attack on UAE leaves U.S. and allies with few good options
“There had been an implicit and very valuable understanding between the Houthis and the UAE that they wouldn’t confront each other directly,” said Thomas Juneau, a Yemen expert at the University of Ottawa.
But the Houthis’ campaign in Shabwa challenged that understanding, he added. “As much as both sides don’t want to lose face in backing down, ultimately they do want to back down.”
Monday’s attack brought further escalation.
“The airstrikes and [Foreign Terrorist Organization] designation point once again to the limits of international leverage over the Houthis,” said Peter Salisbury, a Yemen specialist with the International Crisis Group. “And the problem is that a bad idea in the absence of a better alternative doesn’t become a better idea.”
The UAE, which also hopes to renew economic links with Iran, has led re-engagement efforts. Last year, it dispatched its national security advisor to meet with Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in Tehran and invited him to visit in February. That invitation has yet to be rescinded after the Houthis’ strike nor have Emirati officials named Iran in their statements of condemnation.
“The UAE is after two tracks when it comes to Iran: Confront Iranian militias and Tehran’s tentacles in the region and now in Yemen, so we’re pushing on that military side while at the same time we’re handling the diplomatic track,” said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an Emirati political science professor.
The Houthis contend their arsenal is locally manufactured. A confidential U.N. Security Council report viewed by the Los Angeles Times said the Houthis build most of their missiles and rockets using local materials, as well as components sourced from abroad through a complex web of intermediaries in Europe, the Middle East and Asia.
Houthi officials say they have no need to coordinate such attacks with anyone.
“We have a very large war being waged against us; isn’t that justification enough to respond to this aggression? We were defending ourselves back when we didn’t have these capabilities,” said Nasr al-Din Amir, deputy chief of the Houthis’ ministry of information, vowing that the group would attack anyone who attacked it. “Let the world today end the nuclear standoff with Iran. If it happens and the war upon us continues, then we’ll continue fighting.”
In the meantime, said Ahmed Nagi, a non-resident scholar at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center, that has left policymakers in a quandary.
“Either you go for escalation, and expect drones and attacks from your sides. The other option is to surrender to the Houthis’ conditions and withdraw … or you try to achieve a military stalemate and work on the diplomatic track,” Nagi said.
But with the Houthis unwilling to meet even with the U.N. envoy, that balance may be hard to achieve, said Mohammad Basha, a Yemen expert at the U.S.-based Navanti Group, a consultancy.
The path for peace and stability in Yemen seems far-fetched at this stage,” he said. “Houthi leadership had gone on the record and said they will not stop military operations until every inch of Yemen is liberated.”
https://www.latimes.com/world-nation/story/2022-01-21/houthis-yemen = https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/world/article257587713.html
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For the UAE, an Attack on Abu Dhabi Brings Yemen’s War Home
The recent Houthi attack against Abu Dhabi could provoke a cycle of such strikes that undermines the United Arab Emirates’ reputation as a peaceful business hub. The attack may also U.S. military and diplomatic support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and put fresh pressure on Iran-backed Houthi rebels. On Jan. 17, Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi movement claimed responsibility for a reported attack on an Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ANDOC) oil storage facility located in the capital’s industrial zone, southwest of the airport. Two Indian nationals and one Pakistani worker were killed in the attack, which according to preliminary reports, included drones, ballistic missiles and cruise missiles -- some of which Saudi Arabia claimed to intercept. This is reportedly the first time the Houthi movement has successfully hit the Emirati homeland, and comes a week after the UAE-backed Yemeni forces regained control of Yemen’s key energy-rich Shabwa province.
The United Arab Emirates will use the Abu Dhabi attack to lobby for more U.S. diplomatic and military support in Yemen.
The Houthi attack may impede recent Emirati-Iranian diplomatic outreach, though Abu Dhabi will avoid overt military escalation with Iran for fear of harming domestic business and triggering a larger clash with its powerful neighbor.
The Houthi strikes could pull the United Arab Emirates back into a more militarily active role in Yemen, creating the risk of future Houthi attacks on Emirati territory that would undermine its economic attractiveness.
https://worldview.stratfor.com/article/uae-attack-abu-dhabi-brings-yemen-s-war-home
(B K P)
Houthi Attacks Could Derail UAE-Iran Diplomacy [subscribers only]
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Houthi’s long-range drone attack on Emirates is wake-up call for Israel
“Israel has a lot of experience, knowledge and technology on missile defense. Israel can learn from what happens, and they can learn from Israel,” said Yoel Guzansky, a senior research fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies
Uzi Rubin of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS), and founder and first director of the Israel Ministry of Defense’s Missile Defense Organization, told JNS that the attack—a distance of 1,400 kilometers (869 miles)—is “a leap” and Israel better be paying attention.
“This is a first. They managed to fly something 1,400 kilometers,” said Rubin, who helped develop the Arrow, Israel’s first missile-defense shield. He noted that the Houthi drone strike on Sept. 14, 2019, which struck Saudi oil-processing facilities at Abqaiq and was launched from Iran, covered a distance of only about 600 to 700 kilometers (about 370 to 435 miles).
“So 1,400 kilometers is a leap in demonstrated capabilities,” he said.
Rubin, who is now a private citizen, said he can’t say for certain that Israel’s defense establishment isn’t paying attention to the growing threat, but if they’re not, they had better start preparing a “defense against UAVs from Yemen.”
Asked if the Houthis could become a southern version of the Iran-backed terror group that has become the most powerful presence in Lebanon, Rubin said that they are already a regional threat given their proximity to and ability to wreak havoc on the Hormuz and Bab al-Mandab Straits
https://www.jns.org/houthis-long-range-drone-attack-on-emirates-is-wake-up-call-for-israel/
(A K)
THAAD, in first operational use, destroys midrange ballistic missile in Houthi attack
A multibillion-dollar missile defense system owned by the United Arab Emirates and developed by the U.S. military intercepted a ballistic missile on Monday during a deadly attack by Houthi militants in Abu Dhabi, marking the system’s first known use in a military operation, Defense News has learned.
The Terminal High Altitude Area Defense System, made by Lockheed Martin, took out the midrange ballistic missile used to attack an Emirati oil facility near Al-Dhafra Air Base, according to two sources granted anonymity because they are not authorized to speak about the UAE’s activities. The Emirati base hosts U.S. and French forces.
and also https://www.19fortyfive.com/2022/01/thaad-goes-to-war-us-made-missile-defense-makes-first-kill/
cp2 Allgemein / General
(* A K P)
Interactive Map of Yemen War
(* A K)
Yemen War Daily Map Updates
https://southfront.org/military-situation-in-yemen-on-january-22-2022-map-update/
https://southfront.org/military-situation-in-yemen-on-january-20-2022-map-update/
(* B H K P)
Film: Yemen A God Cast special
80% of the population are in need of humanitarian aid. 3M people displaced 70% of children don't have access to clean water and sanitation. 3M children don't have enough food to eat. 2M children are out of school. Guest: Aisha Jumaan
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GRiTho-IlTc
(* A K P)
US-Marine stoppt "staatenloses" Schiff im Golf von Oman
Die US-Marine hat nach eigenen Angaben in internationalen Gewässern im Golf von Oman ein aus dem Iran kommendes Schiff mit chemischem Material an Bord gestoppt. Wie die Marine mitteilte, befand sich das "staatenlose Schiff" auf einer Route, die in der Vergangenheit "für den Schmuggel von Waffen" an die Huthi-Rebellen im Jemen genutzt worden sei.
Den Angaben zufolge durchsuchten US-Marinesoldaten das bereits am Dienstag gestoppte Schiff. An Bord fanden sie demnach 40 Tonnen eines chemischen Düngemittels, das außer zu landwirtschaftlichen Zwecken auch zur Herstellung von Sprengstoff verwendet werden kann.
Wie die US-Marine weiter mitteilte, waren auf demselben Schiff im Februar des vergangenen Jahres Tausende Maschinengewehre vom Typ AK47 und weitere Waffen entdeckt worden.
(* A K P)
US detains smuggling ship
The U.S. Navy announced Sunday it seized a boat in the Gulf of Oman carrying fertilizer used to make explosives that was caught last year smuggling weapons to Yemen. The British royal navy said it confiscated 1,041 kilograms (2,295 pounds) of illegal drugs in the same waters.
The interdictions were just the latest in the volatile waters of the Persian Gulf as American and British authorities step up seizures of contraband during the grinding conflict in Yemen and ongoing drug trafficking in the region.
The U.S. Navy’s Mideast-based 5th Fleet said its guided-missile destroyer USS Cole and patrol ships halted and searched the sailboat, a stateless fishing dhow, that was sailing from Iran on a well-worn maritime arms smuggling route to war-ravaged Yemen last Tuesday. U.S. forces found 40 tons of urea fertilizer, known to be a key ingredient in homemade improvised explosive devices, hidden on board.
Authorities said the vessel had been previously seized off the coast of Somalia and found last year to be loaded with thousands of assault rifles and rocket launchers, among other weapons. U.N. experts say weapons with such technical characteristics likely come from Iran to support the Houthi rebels. The Navy turned over the vessel, cargo and Yemeni crew to Yemen’s coast guard earlier this week.
My comment: Fertilizer? LOL. The US occupies the role of policeman of the world.
(B H K P)
Saving Yemen
As is the case in all wars, ordinary people are of course the chief victims of the fighting. Reports from the region are somewhat limited, but it is obvious that the latest fighting will lead to an escalation in tensions, and the possibility of further attacks. This must not happen. The war is a futile one, serves no real purpose and has behind it only power agendas. It helps no one. It solves no problems, and indeed only adds to them in so many ways, creating vast unrest and instability in the region. The countries in the region and the rest of the world, including the West, must unite to put an end to this war, set up a stable government in San'a and ensure there is no further fighting so that some normalcy can be restored to Yemen, and the misery of people reduced as quickly as possible.
https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/927315-saving-yemen
(* B K P)
Escalating Conflict Endangers Prospects of Peace in Yemen
The trajectory of the conflict seems to be stuck in a vicious cycle involving attacks and counter-attacks. This leaves little prospects for a peaceful resolution as it gradually blurs the distinction of being a civil war and a sub-conventional conflict – overflowing into Saudi Arabia and UAE. With its material and training support, Iran has been pushing forward its agenda of expanding its sphere of influence in an attempt to challenge Arab influence in the region.
The recent sequence of events could act as a catalyst to bring Riyadh and Abu Dhabi closer to aid the coalition’s resistance against the Houthis by overlooking some major divergences that have tested their cohesion in the past.
With the attack on UAE bringing out realisations to the Emiratis of the possibility of the state’s territory becoming a target for the Houthis, the coalition is likely to see a revitalised role with both the Arab regional powers being keen on uprooting the Houthi clout in Yemen before concentrating on other strategic interests.
It was only recently Yemen’s internationally recognised government forces reclaimed the southern province of Shabwa. This was considered as a significant move, but the response in the form of an attack by Houthis on the UAE has cast into doubt whether there is any possibility of peace. Perhaps the announcement of ‘liberation of Shabwa’ had provoked the Houthi reaction.
The Houthis are not currently attacking UAE’s infrastructure as they did earlier this year, for example when seized an Emirati ship in the Red Sea off Hodeida. Despite lingering speculation, conflict escalation was contained. Now there seems to be a well-founded fear that UAE and Saudi Arabia may intensify the conflict even if it is at the cost of disrupting the likelihood of a peaceful resolution. Not responding strongly and decisively would be a loss of face for UAE and Saudi Arabia considering the Iran angle.
Three important scenarios emerge during this crisis. Firstly, Saudi Arabia and UAE would perhaps pressurise the world leaders and major powers to condemn the attack and follow it up with more sanctions towards Iran and call out Iran as a habitual sponsor of terrorism.
Secondly, the pressure to impose sanctions or other coercive measures would invariably bring the US into the crisis
Thirdly, the Iranian regime is hinting at and targeting the clamour around the Abraham Accords by using its proxies. Tehran would want to target the strategic triangle between Abu Dhabi, Tel Aviv and Riyadh (even though it hasn’t signed the Accords) to resist it from becoming a trigger for other states which are yet to normalise their relations with Israel.
At a juncture when a crucial development in the slated dialogue between the Arab Gulf states and Iran was highly anticipated, the recent attacks will force Saudi Arabia and UAE to reconsider such a move. While a step was kept forward to move towards considering an engagement with Iran, this escalation could cause Riyadh and Abu Dhabi to pull back, further endangering stability in the region.
The repercussions of these events do not sting these regional rivals as much as they hit hard on war-torn Yemen. The scenario in Yemen in the midst of recent violence only draws more attention to the layers of complexity that have to be unfolded in order to resolve the conflict.
https://www.e-ir.info/2022/01/22/opinion-escalating-conflict-endangers-prospects-of-peace-in-yemen/
(A K P)
Yemen’s Supreme Political Council vows Saudi massacres will not go unpunished
Yemen's Supreme Political Council said the massacres committed by the Saudi-led coalition “will not go unpunished,” condemning international silence on the atrocities against the Yemeni people.
The council said in a statement on Friday that “those who are silent on the massacres” should “swallow their tongues when the screams of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab of Emirates [UAE] and their users rise,” in an apparent reference to the United States and the ‘Israeli’ regime.
According to the statement, the targeting of telecommunication networks means the coalition aims to “commit more crimes away from the media.” Referring to the coalition members as “dirty tools of the Zionists and the Americans,” the council stated, “Despite your crimes, you will fail as before.” The statement emphasized that the Yemeni army and allied fighters from popular committees will “respond forcefully to all aggressors.”
(B H K)
Film (in Dutch): De bloedige burgeroorlog in #Jemen blijft de golf-regio teisteren. Volgens de VN is het de grootste humanitaire ramp van de wereld met inmiddels meer dan 100.000 doden.
https://twitter.com/Nieuwsuur/status/1483911279576297476
(* B H K P)
Civilian deaths and injuries in Yemen in startling escalation as global leaders turn attention to other crises
The IRC highlights today appalling figures showing rising attacks on civilians in Yemen. Alongside the danger represented by the drone attack in Abu Dhabi, there is growing evidence that Yemen’s deadly war needs international attention now.
Without reinvigorated efforts to secure peace and hold those responsible for violations to account, the crisis will continue to deteriorate, needs will rise, and Yemenis will suffer unnecessarily. The IRC is calling for all parties to engage with the UN Special Envoy to implement a ceasefire, make meaningful commitments to advance peace through diplomatic means, and for the reinstatement of the GEE to hold those responsible for violations in Yemen to account.
David Miliband, President and CEO of the International Rescue Committee, said: “Drone attacks in Abu Dhabi on the 17th January and ongoing retaliatory airstrikes in Sana’a are only the most recent evidence of growing violence and impunity in Yemen. The alarming escalation in attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure after the scrapping of the Group of Eminent Experts on Yemen (GEE) - the only mechanism instituted to ensure a modicum of accountability for violations of international humanitarian law - speaks volumes of the extent that the system designed to protect civilians in conflicts worldwide is failing them. When scrutiny is removed, impunity prevails.
“The disbanding of the GEE is a damning example of political interest taking precedence over the rights and safety of civilians, over international law itself, and of the impunity which has come to characterize so many of the world's worst conflicts, including Yemen. Seventy percent of the victims of war today are civilians
(* A K P)
Houthis call on foreign companies to leave UAE as conflict escalates
https://www.aninews.in/news/world/others/houthis-call-on-foreign-companies-to-leave-uae-as-conflict-escalates20220122062220/ = https://www.lokmattimes.com/international/houthis-call-on-foreign-companies-to-leave-uae-as-conflict-escalates
(* B K P)
2022 Portends Another Bloody Year for Yemen’s “Forgotten War”
The international community’s impotence over Yemen has meant the conflict faces an excruciating eighth year, as violence enflames on various new fronts and a deeper Emirati and Iranian entrenchment risks further exacerbating wider geopolitical tensions.
No end to the violence
The Saudi kingdom has upped its pressure against the Houthis, despite a temporary lull in Saudi airstrikes on Yemen following Biden’s lukewarm pressure. Indeed, this “business as usual” approach between Washington and Riyadh has given the latter a green light to renew its war efforts. Saudi Arabia has also raised security threats from the Houthis, which have continued firing projectiles at the kingdom.
“Saudi Arabia is stuck in a complicated situation in Yemen,” Hesham al-Ziady, a Yemeni journalist based in Sanaa, told Inside Arabia. “The war is exhausting the Saudi’s treasury without even achieving the main goals that were announced at the beginning of the Arab Coalition’s military intervention in 2015.”
Despite the financial burden of the war, Al-Ziady claimed that Saudi Arabia seeks to prolong Yemen’s conflict to expand its geopolitical influence in the country. This includes keeping the internationally recognized government dependent on Riyadh’s support, while both the Saudis and the Emiratis have empowered domestic factions in a “divide-and-rule” fashion, he explained.
Meanwhile, Fuad Rajeh argued that the Saudis could acquire further military support from its Western allies should it prove that it can defeat the Houthis.
The conflict has also drawn in the UAE more deeply, despite its past focus on the south, an alleged withdrawal from the war in 2019, and its past rapprochement with the Houthis’ Iranian backers.
Ultimately, Yemenis are held hostage by these various actors’ attempts to gain their own spoils of Yemen. After nearly seven years of war and a countrywide economic collapse, the Yemeni people are still facing severe shortages of humanitarian aid and no end in sight to the conflict.
https://insidearabia.com/2022-portends-another-bloody-year-for-yemens-forgotten-war/
(* B H K P)
Audio: Wir müssen über den Jemen sprechen
Der Krieg im Jemen zieht sich seit fast sieben Jahren hin – die UNO spricht von der schlimmsten humanitären Krise weltweit. Drohnenangriffe Anfang der Woche in Abu Dhabi kurbeln die Gewaltspirale nun ein weiteres Mal an. Doch wo liegen die Ursprünge dieses Konflikts? Welche mächtigen Verbündeten treffen im Jemen-Krieg aufeinander? Wie verheerend ist die Lage für die Zivilbevölkerung derzeit? Und wann könnte im Jemen endlich Frieden einkehren? Antworten liefert Gudrun Harrer, sie ist Nahostexpertin und leitende Redakteurin beim STANDARD.
https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000132716428/wir-muessen-ueber-den-jemen-sprechen?ref=rss
(A H P)
Iran, Saudi Arabia and the UAE must rein in proxies and work towards rebuilding Yemen
The first step to address this tragedy is to end the fighting. But, unfortunately, the parties in the conflict and their regional backers are keen on escalating the conflict further rather than finding a solution. If the fighting over the last seven years holds any lesson, it is that there can be no military solution to Yemen’s problems. To dial down tensions, there have to be talks, not only between the rebels, separatists and the government but also between their backers — Iran, the UAE and Saudi Arabia. If these regional powers agree to rein in their proxies and work towards rebuilding Yemen, that would also help them restore stability and security in the Arabian peninsula.
https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/editorial/yemens-tragedy/article38299316.ece
(A K P)
Das Beharren der saudischen Koalition auf Massaker verschlimmert Jemen-Konflikt
Der Sprecher der Houthi-Ansarullah-Bewegung im Jemen gab an, das Beharren der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Koalition auf Massaker am jemenitischen Volk verschärfe den Konflikt in dem vom Krieg heimgesuchten Land.
Mohammed Abdulsalam, der auch Chefunterhändler der Ansarullah-Bewegung ist, sagte am Mittwoch in einem Tweet: „Das Beharren der Aggressionskoalition auf brutalen Massakern beendet den Konflikt nicht, sondern verschärft ihn.“
Er betonte, dass der Jemen das Recht habe, sich für die Verbrechen der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Aggressoren zu rächen.
(* A K)
Saudi-led coalition starts operation in Yemen to 'paralyze Houthis capabilities'
The Saudi-led Arab Coalition in Yemen on Thursday announced a large-scale military operation against Houthi rebels, state-run media said.
According to the official Saudi Press Agency, the coalition has launched a "widespread operation to paralyze the capabilities of the Houthis in a number of (Yemeni) provinces."
It said the military operation is being carried out in response to "the threat and the principle of military necessity to protect civilians from attacks."
The news agency added that the coalition is also "tracking the terrorist leaders responsible for targeting civilians," referring to Houthi leaders and commanders.
Meanwhile, the Houthi-run Saba News Agency said the coalition carried out four attacks on al-Hudaydah city in western Yemen, as well as six more on Sanaa.
(* A K)
Yemen Loses Internet Connection After Saudi-Led Airstrike
Yemen has lost its connection to the internet after Saudi-led airstrikes targeted a site in the contested city of Hodeida.
Yemen lost its connection to the internet nationwide early Friday after Saudi-led airstrikes targeted a site in the contested city of Hodeida, an advocacy group said, plunging the war-torn nation offline.
NetBlocks said the disruption began around 1 a.m. local and affected TeleYemen, the state-owned monopoly that controls internet access in the country. TeleYemen is now run by the Houthi rebels who have held Yemen's capital, Sanaa, since late 2014.
Yemen was “in the midst of a nation-scale internet blackout following airstrike on (a) telecom building,” NetBlocks said, without immediately elaborating.
The San Diego-based Center for Applied Internet Data Analysis and San Francisco-based internet firm CloudFlare also noted a nationwide outage affecting Yemen beginning around the same time.
Remarks: I realy doubt the reason was the airstrikes indeed. Airstrikes were btw 10:15pm and 10:29pm. While Houthis announced internet service has stopped at 1:25am.
https://twitter.com/Alsakaniali/status/1484313993795686400
My comment: Evidence clearly shows that internet stopped about 10:something pm: https://twitter.com/DougMadory/status/1484347244882976770 and https://twitter.com/netblocks/status/1484326860511088646
As @Almohaimed points out, there are two alternative internet cable landings in Aden & Al-Ghayda that could restore service if the Hodeidah one is indeed damaged.
https://twitter.com/Macoombs/status/1484320311541526532
@Almohaimed is told that the electricity generator that operates TeleYemen’s intl internet gateway in Hodeidah is damaged, but the internet cable is intact. “Finding a replacement for the damaged generator is easy, but it seems the Houthis are in no hurry to fix the defect.”
https://twitter.com/Macoombs/status/1484590754886414338
Regardless of how the internet outage was caused, the Houthis, Saudi-led coalition and others are now free to carry out attacks and other shady activities in an information blackout.
https://twitter.com/Macoombs/status/1484606181150580736
and
(* A K P)
What is life without internet like in Yemen?
Since Friday, most of the governorates of the Republic of Yemen have witnessed a complete interruption of the Internet, following the destruction of the Communications Corporation. The situation at home has become very different from the past days, while all social networking sites are witnessing a small appearance of Yemeni activists and politicians after the continuous outage of the Internet. Many Yemenis are facing a big problem in the process of communicating with their colleagues and relatives at home and abroad, as some of them resorted to communicating with others through text messages. The Yemenis hope to quickly develop radical solutions to restore the internet service to work again... stressing that life seems to change a lot in light of the continuing internet outage.
https://adengad.net/public/posts/593769
and
(* A P)
The estimated cost of internet outage in #Yemen per day is 3,942,008 USD. Its the 3rd day for Yemeni People without internet.
https://twitter.com/AhmadAlgohbary/status/1485048765706903553
An official source in the Yemeni General Establishment for Communications to Saba: We demand the @UN to visit the communication building and see the extent of the damage caused on this important and vital facility. #Saudi & #UAE are responsible for the Internet blackout.
https://twitter.com/AhmadAlgohbary/status/1484921379061436418
(A K P)
David Miliband warns of escalating attacks on civilians in Yemen by Saudi-led coalition
The International Rescue Committee (IRC) headed by former British foreign secretary David Miliband, has today highlighted figures showing rising attacks on civilians in Yemen.
David Miliband, President and CEO of the International Rescue Committee, said: “Drone attacks in Abu Dhabi on the 17th January and ongoing retaliatory airstrikes in Sana’a are only the most recent evidence of growing violence and impunity in Yemen. The alarming escalation in attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure after the scrapping of the Group of Eminent Experts on Yemen (GEE) – the only mechanism instituted to ensure a modicum of accountability for violations of international humanitarian law – speaks volumes of the extent that the system designed to protect civilians in conflicts worldwide is failing them. When scrutiny is removed, impunity prevails.
“The disbanding of the GEE is a damning example of political interest taking precedence over the rights and safety of civilians, over international law itself, and of the impunity which has co
(* B P)
The Yemeni Uprising: A Product of Twenty Years of Grassroots Mobilization
Abstract and Keywords
Conventional frameworks for understanding the Yemeni uprising that began in 2011often fail to incorporate the role of mobilized publics and previous forms of contestationsin the buildup to the uprising, and in the continued struggle for the social, political, andeconomic transformation of Yemen. The purpose of this chapter is to highlight thelegacies and intersectionalities of various forms of contestations that developedinYemen since 1990, represented by the activities of the Huthis in the North, al-Hirak inthe South and civil society, including youth and women, and to explore their impact onthe uprising and the pro-democracy movement since 2011. Political actions taken toaddress corruption, unemployment, and lack of basic human rights had created anoppositional identity that facilitated collective actions during the uprising in 2011.
The departure of Zayn al-Abidin Bin Ali from Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak from Egypt in January and February of 2011 respectively clearly instilled Yemenis with hope. Yet it is too simplistic to treat them as the sole catalysts of the movement that emergedin Yemen in the winter of 2011. For two decades before the fall of Bin Ali, Yemen witnessed an array of political actions against injustice, massiveunemployment, population growth, a failing economy, and absence of basic rights. These included the creation and maintenance of a coalition of opposition political parties, social movements such as the Huthis in North Yemen and al-Hirak in the South, andthe continuous weekly protests in Freedom Square. These forces, I argue, were essentialto creating a vibrant – if often violently suppressed – oppositional identity, and ultimately made possible the consolidation of collective actions that erupted in the capital Sanaa on January 15, 2011
cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade
Siehe / Look at cp1
(B H P K)
Film: Endless line of trucks full of food, stranded in Hodeida, unable to reach #Sanaa & other gov's due to acute shortage of fuel, vessels of which r illegally detained by the #USA-#Saudi coalition. Those criminals care less about millions of civilians & continue their brutal blockade
https://twitter.com/mamashami/status/1484234243895173127
Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp3 – cp19
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-784b-yemen-war-mosaic-784b
Vorige / Previous:
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-783-yemen-war-mosaic-783
Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-783 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-783:
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose oder / or http://poorworld.net/YemenWar.htm
Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:
(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)
http://poorworld.net/YemenWar.htm
http://yemenwarcrimes.blogspot.de/
Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:
http://yemendataproject.org/data/
Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:
Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:
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