Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 813 - Yemen War Mosaic 813

Yemen Press Reader 813: 4. Juli 2022: Der überraschende Erfolg des Waffenstillstands im Jemen – Treffen der Saudis mit der Hisbollah sicherte den Waffenstillstand im Jemen und den Rücktritt von Hadi – Ändern wir die Art, über den Frieden im Jemen zu reden ...

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Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

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... Reparationen für Zivilisten im Jemen – Datenbank über Waffenexporteure, die Kriege befeuern – und mehr

July 4, 2022: The Surprising Success of the Truce in Yemen – Saudi-Hezbollah Meeting Secured Yemen Ceasefire and Hadi Resignation – Let’s Change the Way We Talk about Peace in Yemen – The Case for Reparations to Civilians in Yemen – Database on Arms Exporters Fueling Wars – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12b Sudan

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage

cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B P)

The Surprising Success of the Truce in Yemen

Building on Diplomacy Requires Decoding the Houthis

But the extension of the truce does not mean that peace is imminent. Most important, although the Houthis’ demands addressed in the UN truce agreement—namely, the reopening of Sanaa’s airport to international flights and the loosening of restrictions on the Hodeidah port—have been met, the Yemeni government’s demands that the Houthis restore access to the roads connecting the government-controlled city of Taiz with the rest of the country have not.

Without progress on Taiz, the country’s second most populous city and a vital industrial hub before the war, direct talks over ending the conflict permanently are unlikely to go anywhere. But some kind of movement, literal or figurative, is desperately needed.

The truce remains fragile. A combination of power shifts on the battlefield, the threatened expansion of Houthi cross-border attacks, a reshuffling of power within the Saudi-backed government, and a series of crushing economic and humanitarian crises have aligned to create a moment of opportunity for progress. The world cannot let this opening go to waste. Establishing serious talks, let alone reaching a peace agreement, will require the UN and other international players to achieve something that has previously proved impossible: extracting major concessions from the Houthis over Taiz. To do that, the international community must first understand who the Houthis are and what they want.


For years, the Houthis have been variously described as Islamist extremists who seek to install a hyperconservative theocracy in Yemen, Iranian proxies, anti-Western revolutionaries, and even terrorists, after being designated as a terrorist group by the Trump administration. None of these labels gives the full picture.


Since at least 2019, the Houthis have proposed a broad plan to end the war that includes a cease-fire, a transitional period of internal dialogue overseen by a neutral non-Yemeni third party, and reconstruction. But they have also set conditions. In 2020, the Houthis made the reopening of Sanaa International Airport and an end to the restrictions on ships entering the Hodeidah port a condition to dialogue of any kind. Only then, the Houthis said, would they pursue peace. In and of themselves, these are reasonable demands that would help alleviate the suffering of the Yemeni population. But for diplomats seeking to mediate an end to the war, the devil is in the details.

The Houthis have long maintained that the only path toward peace would be a halt to Saudi-led airstrikes and a complete withdrawal of foreign forces from Yemen; in exchange, the Houthis would end their own cross-border attacks—but, importantly, not the ground fighting. Only after these steps are achieved would talks over ending the war with the Saudis begin, followed by discussions about Yemen’s political future. In the Houthis’ view, therefore, agreeing to halt both the air and ground war according to the terms of the UN truce in exchange for a partial effort to address their demands would be a significant concession.

The Houthis’ Yemeni rivals consider the Houthis’ approach to be a nonstarter. Anti-Houthi forces both inside and outside the country fear that the Houthi proposal would allow the entire country to fall under Houthi control, which they see as synonymous with the installation of a repressive theocracy. If the Saudi-led coalition were to withdraw its support for anti-Houthi forces in Yemen, the Houthis would be the most powerful faction in the war-torn country. For the Saudis, agreeing to the Houthis’ conditions in their entirety would effectively mean ceding victory to the group to no advantage other than ending the drain on Saudi resources; in particular, the Saudis would fail to obtain the vital security guarantees related to border security that they have pursued throughout the conflict. Despite these reservations, most armed groups on the ground rely on either Saudi Arabia or the UAE for support and had little choice but to agree to the truce once Riyadh and Abu Dhabi decided it was in their interests. But many in the anti-Houthi camp are quietly hopeful that the truce will not hold and that the Saudis will again pursue complete victory over their Houthi rivals.

The Houthis have done little to build trust among their rivals.

And the movement’s current leaders have said they are committed to a republican system, do not seek to restore the imamate, and even, with some caveats, hope to install a democracy.

But many of the Houthis’ Yemeni opponents believe that Houthi rule would entail a caste-based theocracy allied with Iran. Notably, in most areas they control, the Houthis have built a police state that suppresses any speech critical of the movement; enforces conservative social norms, including music bans and the separation of the sexes; and imposes the group’s ideology in schools and government institutions. In addition to this record of repression, moreover, another element of Houthi governance has stoked fear and suspicion in Yemen’s Gulf neighbors: the group receives military backing from Iran.

Until now, the main challenge has been creating an opportunity for progress. With the truce in place and prospects for direct talks between the Houthis and their various opponents seen as promising, that moment has arrived.

With the government having made concessions to enable movement on Sanaa’s airport and Hodeidah’s port, all eyes are now on the rebels to see whether they will work with the government to reopen the roads in and around Taiz.

With many anti-Houthi Yemenis fearful that the truce is a prelude to a sudden Saudi withdrawal, a peace deal will only become more difficult the longer negotiations stall regarding Taiz. If the truce is to be a step toward a sustainable end to the war, the Houthis must likewise work to build confidence with their opponents.


The truce and the Taiz negotiations are a stress test for peace efforts in Yemen. It is not unthinkable that if the Saudis and the Houthis can find the right set of border security agreements, Riyadh might pressure the Yemeni presidential council to move toward negotiations with the Houthis without Taiz’s roads being reopened. Some diplomats might breathe a sigh of relief, as might officials in the Biden administration, who badly need some kind of foreign policy win.

But pressuring the Saudis and Yemen’s government to work out a settlement with the Houthis without addressing any of their rivals’ demands would be setting any peace process up for failure. If the Yemeni government conceded, it would quickly lose legitimacy on the ground, and fears would rise among the Houthis’ rivals that the group was set to dominate the country for decades to come. Many Yemeni groups would pledge to fight on, with or without Saudi support. The war would become more intractable. Getting the Houthis to agree to reopen at least some of the roads that the government proposes will be a hard slog and will require careful diplomacy with Houthi officials in Sanaa. But any effort that lets Taiz—and Houthi concessions—fall by the wayside is a recipe for further disaster – by Peter Salisbury and Alexander Weissenburger

(** B P)

Saudi-Hezbollah meeting secured Yemen ceasefire and Hadi resignation

Exclusive: Saudi delegation met Hezbollah deputy Naim Qassem in Beirut in March when direct talks with the Houthis fell through

A secret meeting between a Saudi delegation and Hezbollah in Lebanon paved the way for the ceasefire in Yemen, multiple sources have told Middle East Eye.

The meeting is extraordinary because both sides regard each other as bitter foes and Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s general secretary, has repeatedly denied acting on behalf of the Houthis in Yemen, although it is hardly a secret that the movement is trained by and models itself on the Lebanese organisation.

At the meeting in late March, Naim Qassem, Nasrallah’s deputy, presented the Saudis with a list of demands as a condition for an immediate ceasefire in Yemen.

They included the removal of Yemen's President Abd Rabbuh Mansour Hadi, the lifting of the blockade of key port city Hodeidah and Sanaa airport, and an exchange of prisoners, not all of whom were Yemeni but some who were Shias imprisoned in Bahrain and other Gulf states.

Three weeks later, most of this came to pass, although not all the prisoners on Qassem’s list were freed.

The extraordinary diplomatic move started at one of the Saudi and Iranian face-to-face meetings in Baghdad.

A Gulf source told MEE: “The Saudis asked the Iranians to open the Yemeni file. The Iranians insisted that Yemen was an independent state and that they did not intervene in Yemeni affairs. The Iranian side said the only thing they could do was on smoothing relations.”

According to the source, the Saudis said any smoothing of relations could only happen with a direct meeting between them and the Houthis.

Here accounts differ. Gulf sources say the Iranians pushed for the two sides to meet and the Houthis rejected such a meeting. Sources close to Hezbollah say the opposite. "The Saudis did not want [to meet] them because they don’t want to recognise Ansar Allah,” one source close to Hezbollah said, using the Houthi movement’s official name.

The Iranian side then offered Nasrallah as its spokesman. “The Saudis were reluctant. They stormed off, but then they came round to the idea and sent a delegation to Lebanon,” said a Gulf source.

On arrival in Beirut, the Saudi delegation was told it would be met by Qassem, not Nasrallah himself. They rejected this and immediately returned to their hotel. The next day they were contacted by Hezbollah and persuaded to meet Qassem.

The meeting lasted 25 minutes, short considering the complexity of what was being discussed.

The Saudi delegation began with standard diplomatic Middle Eastern lines: “We are all Arabs, all brothers, we must come together.” This was brushed aside by Qassem who pulled out a piece of paper and presented it to the Saudis.

It had on it a list of around a dozen demands, which began with the removal of Hadi and the installation of a broad-based presidential council, and continued with a prisoner exchange and the lifting of the siege on Hodeidah and Sanaa airport.

“The Saudis asked Qassem what would be the response of the Houthis if these demands were met. Qassem replied: ‘Once you realise we are absolutely serious, there will be an immediate ceasefire’,” a source briefed on the meeting told MEE.

Three weeks later, the Saudis began to enact these measures and the Houthis announced a ceasefire – by David Hearst

(** B P)


The Yemeni peace process has so far not brought the political solution that so many Yemenis over the last seven years have been longing for in the hope of restoring security and enabling the return to a dignified and self-empowered life. Experts have pointed for years to the weaknesses of the process’ formal framework, and for much longer, academics have criticized the underlying logic of peace processes such as the one led by the United Nations in Yemen. Peacebuilding and peace-making are complex exercises that cannot be reduced to a linear process with a specifically defined end goal. Rather, building peace is messy, requiring flexible approaches and, most of all, creativity.

The Yemen Policy Center together with its cultural magazine Al-Madaniya created a space in which different angles and perspectives could be creatively discussed: the Kaleidoscope. Within the Kaleidoscope space, we looked for inspiration for a discussion on peace beyond these narratives. In contrast to conventional approaches, the Kaleidoscope created a space for a variety of formats, allowing ideas to flourish unrestricted by the at times restricting norms of academia and journalism. This mixture of formats not only allowed for diverse voices to participate in the Kaleidoscope but also allowed for the imagination to shape some of its contents.


Contributors to the Kaleidoscope project critiqued the concept of ‘peace’ that underlies discussions about the war in Yemen. This not only highlights the need for a discussion about peace and the future of the country but also opens up new perspectives for such a debate. The main takeaway from the contributions is that a more nuanced understanding of ‘peace’ is required. With regards to ‘national peace’ between the conflicting parties, participants noted that notions of peace remain vague, and so discussions about how peace might be achieved in Yemen have so far been unrealistic and are divorced from reality, leaving the concrete conditions for peace not fully recognized.

The Kaleidoscope showed that the understanding of ‘peace’, as the term is used primarily but not only by non-Yemeni actors, is based on a false, often simplified perception of the Yemeni conflict. The argument is that certain perceptions of the war in Yemen are repeated mantra-like in the media, although they do not correspond to the facts on the ground. These narratives not only lead to misperceptions about Yemeni conflict parties but also negate the ability of Yemeni society to act. At the same time, conversations with communities across the country reveal that there is a lack of imagination with regards to what a political solution could look like that is inclusive and corresponds to the needs of the people but at the same time takes into account power dynamics in Yemen.

To shift our perspective,discussions on peace in Yemen should, on the one hand, acknowledge the conditions on the ground. On the other hand, discussions on how to achieve peace in Yemen must not begin and end with the parties to the conflict. Instead, they must start with the realities of life for the Yemeni people. Within Yemeni communities ‘peace’ was described as a situation in which the communities could be free from the fear of physical harm and able to pursue their work in exchange for a salary and care for their family. This includes the freedom of residents to move around unrestricted by military roadblocks and go to work without fear. The respondents described loss of their income, losing the jobs they had trained their whole lives for, and war trauma as the main consequences of the war for communities.*

One contribution argued that Yemen could not achieve sustainable peace if the reconstruction of infrastructure was not prioritized. Other approaches included a call for rural development, as a significant number of the conflict parties’ fighters are recruited in underdeveloped rural areas. The reconstruction of the country’s agriculture sector was highlighted as a necessity if past mistakes, which have caused Yemen’s dependence on food imports, are not to be repeated.


The narrative of war and peace is also shaped by Western media coverage of Yemen. During a panel event, Yemeni experts argued that the international press focused primarily on Saudi Arabia’s role in the conflict, creating the perception that the war could end if only Saudi Arabia withdrew. This, however, misunderstands the role of the Houthis in the conflict. This media coverage and the anti-war campaigns, which are primarily directed against the sale of European and North American weapons to Saudi Arabia, influence each other and reinforce the focus on the Saudi role in the war alone. Women and activists who are losing their freedom of expression and experiencing human rights violations in public spaces by the Houthis are – in contrast to Saudi violations – hardly mentioned in the discourse.

Furthermore, Kaleidoscope participants criticize how Yemeni society is mainly portrayed as a victim, while the rich history and culture, as well as political, economic, and social activities within Yemeni society, are ignored. This ‘victim’ perspective is also reflected in materials used by humanitarian organizations to raise funds for their campaigns. The portrayal of poor Yemeni people and starving children violates Yemeni people’s dignity.

To shift our perspective, contributions to the Kaleidoscope highlight issues that are central to understanding Yemeni society, but are often left out by international observers. This concerns, for example, the social class order or caste system that continues to shape Yemeni society today. This order serves as the basis for the Houthis’ claim to power and is thus an essential social dimension of the conflict. In an article for Al-Madaniya, this order was illustrated through a discussion of a Yemeni novel. The author argues that the novel’s narratives reveal that the class order persists to this day, despite past social upheavals that aimed to abolish these social classifications. This order was also addressed in an episode of the Kaleidoscope podcast. In the episode, a cultural worker talks about how he recognizes this common thread in Yemeni history in his work in the digitization of cultural heritage. A more nuanced discussion of the war and how to end it will require a better understanding of Yemen’s society.


Contributions to the Kaleidoscope also considered the role of Yemeni media. Critical voices point to limited freedom of expression and the way Yemeni media have become a tool of the conflict parties. One article deals with media narratives in Houthi areas and shows how successful the media are in influencing public opinion. A contribution to Al-Madaniya shows how popular incitement in the media serves the conflict parties and how it drives the people in Yemen apart.


Many contributions to the Kaleidoscope tell in direct and indirect ways women’s experiences of the patriarchy in Yemen. They show how women are affected by society’s violent structures. Many Yemeni women are eager to contribute economically and politically, but they are restricted by social norms and gender-based violence. Women have shared stories in the space of the Kaleidoscope about how they had to go to great lengths to be able to take up work, including divorce from unsupportive husbands.


The content within the Kaleidoscope shows how little trust Yemenis have in formal institutions, especially in Yemeni state institutions. This lack of trust has various causes. One reason is that state institutions are often weak and cannot always assert themselves in the country’s armed society. For example, an author on Al-Madaniya describes how women who have been granted custody of their children by the courts cannot assume that the decision will be implemented. The article tells the stories of women whose children were kidnapped by their fathers after the court decision. The weakness of the institutions is also shown in the research contribution and the podcast episode on the resilience of police at the local level; often police cannot assert themselves against armed groups. Likewise, contributors criticize widespread corruption: while state employees build villas for themselves, the population sits in the dark without food, medicine, or water.

To change our perspective,let us remember that Yemenis want functioning state institutions and hope for more security and stability. This desire is expressed through community and private sector contributions to keep local institutions functioning. Research on police resilience at the local level and opinion pieces on corruption in the country have also shown the need for a nuanced discussion on corruption. This is because there needs to be a clearer distinction between constructive and destructive forms of corruption, and for this reason, above all, transparency needs to be strengthened. Informal networks that are now taking over state functions show which services Yemenis would like to see in a state and/or where there are still gaps, such as in the protection of women.

(** B H K P)

“Returned to Zero”

The Case for Reparations to Civilians in Yemen

For nearly eight years, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen, the Ansar Allah (Houthi) armed group, and other warring parties have failed to provide reparations to civilian victims of their frequent, serious international-law violations in Yemen. UN member states should take immediate steps to support reparative justice in Yemen, according to a joint report, “Returned to Zero”: The Case for Reparations to Civilians in Yemen, released today by Mwatana for Human Rights and the Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School.

“Returned to Zero” is the first detailed study of the right of civilians to receive reparations and of the international legal obligations of state members of the Saudi/UAE-led Coalition, the Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen, and the Ansar Allah (Houthi) armed group to provide those reparations. The 170-page report examines the most significant mechanisms that warring parties have established to respond to civilian harm their forces caused during the nearly decade-long, ongoing armed conflict in Yemen. The report finds that existing, warring-party mechanisms are grossly inadequate—both in relation to the scale and severity of the harm done to civilians in Yemen and to the international legal obligations that warring parties hold.

“The warring parties have failed civilians twice—first, with the direct and indirect damage they have done to civilians during this awful war and, second, with their glaring failure to provide reparations to the civilians they have harmed,” said Radhya Almutawakel, the Chairperson of Mwatana for Human Rights. “Reparations, along with criminal accountability, are not a luxury, but a necessity to end the cycle of violence and grievances in Yemen.”

The Saudi/UAE-led Coalition, the Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen, and the Ansar Allah (Houthi) armed group have repeatedly and publicly promised to provide some form of assistance or redress to civilian victims of their abuses. Warring-party promises have, so far, outpaced any actual assistance provided to civilians, the report demonstrates. In 2020, 2021 and 2022, civilians interviewed by Mwatana said that warring parties in Yemen were more likely to repeat their wrongs than to remedy them.

The Saudi/UAE-led Coalition and Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen have made limited condolence payments to civilian victims of airstrikes, and the Ansar Allah (Houthi) armed group has set up committees to hear complaints against members of the group, in both cases, it can not be considered reparation at all.

Even where warring parties made efforts to respond to civilian harm, these responses were grossly inadequate, the report finds. The Saudi/UAE-led Coalition and Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen have made condolence payments to only a tiny fraction of civilian victims of Coalition airstrikes. These condolence payments were framed as “voluntary” and “humanitarian.” They came without an apology. The payment process—which followed investigations that were not independent, impartial or credible—was non-transparent, ineffective, and far from thorough, the report shows. Some civilians had to sign a receipt that said they had received payment for a Coalition “mistake.”

Ansar Allah’s redress committees operate entirely non-transparently and lack independence and impartiality. In most cases, those who made petitions to the Ansar Allah committees told Mwatana that they received no form of ascertainable assistance at all. Others were exposed to risk and reprisals, the report finds.

“Returned to Zero” is the product of many years of research. The report’s authors reviewed public statements, reports, and documents produced by the warring parties and the bodies they established to respond to civilian harm. Between May 2020 and January 2022, Mwatana conducted 81 reparations-focused interviews with civilian victims, their family members, and human rights lawyers, with a focus on those who had been promised or who had sought some form of assistance or reparation from warring parties. The Lowenstein Clinic conducted international legal research, drafted the report, and analyzed the warring parties’ civilian-harm responses in Yemen, based on Mwatana’s investigations.

Many of the civilians interviewed for the report described direct and indirect physical, social, psychological, and economic costs they bore as a result of warring party attacks. Without assistance or reparations, civilians have struggled to get back on their feet.

After an airstrike killed her husband, four sons, daughter-in-law and grandson and destroyed her home, “Noria” (a pseudonym) explained, “Nothing was left for us except the clothes that we were wearing.” She found a temporary place to live but could not afford it. “I am tired of being evicted by people because I can’t pay rent.”

“Salma” (a pseudonym), whose 14-year-old son lost both his legs in a landmine explosion, said, “Our suffering started with landmines since 2015, and our suffering continues until now. We can no longer cultivate, herd or log wood.” Ansar Allah planted the mines.

International law violations by the warring parties in Yemen have caused, and continue to cause, civilian harm on an enormous scale. Individuals who have suffered gross violations of international human rights law and serious violations of international humanitarian law have a right to a remedy, including reparation. Reparations are meant to restore the injured party, as far as possible, to their position before the wrong occurred. They are a form of justice. In Yemen, no warring party has made reparations to the civilian victims of their violations, the report concludes.

In interviews with Mwatana, harmed civilians expressed a variety of priorities for justice. Some mentioned full monetary compensation, while others preferred an international court to try perpetrators. Still others wanted revenge. Over and over, civilian victims said that those who were responsible for the wrongs should provide the reparation.

In an effort to support the realization of civilians’ right to reparation in Yemen, “Returned to Zero” makes recommendations to the warring parties, to other states, to UN bodies, and to global civil society.

The report calls on the UN Security Council to refer the situation in Yemen to the International Criminal Court and to establish an international reparations mechanism for Yemen. Because the UN Security Council has, so far, abysmally failed to take appropriate action to ensure accountability for grave international law violations in Yemen, the report also calls on the UN Human Rights Council or the UN General Assembly to take immediate steps to facilitate accountability for Yemen. Such steps should include creating an international criminally focused investigative mechanism and calling on warring parties to meet their reparations obligations to civilians in Yemen.

“Failing to provide reparations is choosing to impose the costs of war on civilians,” said Kristine Beckerle, Cover-Lowenstein Fellow with the Allard K. Lowenstein International Human Rights Clinic at Yale Law School. “Reparations have so far been neglected by the warring parties in Yemen and under-prioritized by those with influence, including other states. States with the power to support reparative justice in Yemen should not keep asking civilians to wait.”

and also

and full report:

and shorter Yale report:

and shorter media report:

and thread by K. Beckerle:

(** B K P)

Die Wege der Waffen

Deutsche Rüstungsfirmen beliefern weltweit kriegführende Staaten. Eine neue Datenbank macht besonders bedenkliche Exporte in Kriegs- und Krisenländer öffentlich.

Dennoch bekamen Staaten, die an dem Krieg beteiligt sind, zwischen 2015 und 2020 zahllose Waffen und Rüstungstechnik von deutschen Firmen.

Das zeigt die Datenbank ExitArms, die die Nichtregierungsorganisationen Facing Finance und urgewald an diesemMontag online gestellt haben. Die beiden NGOs aus Berlin setzen sich für Menschenrechte und Umwelt ein. Dank intensiver Recherche kann das Projekt den Weg von Waffen an Kriegsparteien zeigen. Zum Start haben die Organisationen sich auf die Jahre von 2015 bis 2020 konzentriert, 2021 soll bald folgen.

ExitArms arbeitet mit Zahlen des schwedischen Friedensforschungsinstituts SIPRI und eigenen Recherchen in öffentlich zugänglichen Quellen.

ExitArms aber will die Profiteure der Rüstungsdeals klar benennen, die jeweiligen Konzerne, und zudem bald auch deren Finanziers offenlegen, also die Banken und Fonds, die mit Krediten und Aktienkäufen die Produktion und Forschung unterstützen.

Facing Finance und urgewald geht es auch darum, dem von den Organisationen ausgemachtem "Whitewashing" der Rüstungsindustrie entgegenzutreten – von Hauke Friederichs


(** B K P)

Waffenexporte in Kriegsgebiete: Deutschland an vorderster Front

Datenbank "ExitArms" schlüsselt weltweite Rüstungslieferungen in Krisenregionen auf. 41 Hersteller mit Sitz in der Bundesrepublik versorgen 16 Konfliktparteien

Keine deutschen Waffen in Krisengebiete? Eine seit Wochenanfang im Internet abrufbare Datenbank straft eine wiederholt bemühte Behauptung Regierender in Deutschland Lügen. Allein zwischen 2015 und 2020 waren hiesige Rüstungsunternehmen in mehr als 200 Fällen an Transaktionen im direkten Umfeld laufender kriegerischer Konflikte beteiligt.

Die Bandbreite der Geschäfte reichte dabei von der Lieferung schweren Kriegsgeräts, von Kleinwaffen über die Bereitstellung von Radarsystemen bis hin zu Maßnahmen der Instandsetzung und Modernisierung vorhandener Anlagen.

Hervorgeht dies aus dem Verzeichnis "ExitArms", einem gemeinschaftlichen Projekt der Nichtregierungsorganisationen Facing Finance und Urgewald, das am Montag der Öffentlichkeit vorgestellt wurde.

Ein wahres El Dorado für die globale Rüstungsindustrie ist der Jemen. Insbesondere seit dem Eingreifen der durch Saudi Arabien angeführten Militärallianz auf Seiten der Regierung in Sanaa vor sieben Jahren laufen die Geschäfte bombig wie nie. Zwischen 2015 und 2020 gingen dort mehr als 600 Transaktionen mit Tötungsgerät und allem, was dazu gehört, vonstatten. Hauptempfänger waren mit großem Abstand das Regime in Riad sowie die VAE, bei den Lieferländern liegen die USA, Großbritannien und Frankreich ganz weit vorne.

Die BRD – ob mit einheimischen Unternehmen oder über Auslandstöchter – mischt ebenfalls eifrig mit. Knapp 40 Transaktionen schlüsselt die Datenbank auf, zweimal mit dabei ist die Daimler AG (Dieselmotoren), zweimal auch die Hensoldt AG (Radarsysteme), viermal Airbus, darunter ein Geschäft mit 23 leichten Helikoptern, und achtmal Rolls Royce. Dazu verkaufte die Flensburger Fahrzeugbau GmbH vier Bergepanzer an die VAE, Rheinmetall zwölf "Fuchs"-Spürpanzer an Kuwait, Thyssen-Krupp vier Fregatten an Ägypten und H3-Aerospace mehrere Militärflieger an Jordanien.

Dabei gehört es ausdrücklich zu den politischen Grundsätzen der Bundesregierung, von Exporten von Kriegswaffen in Länder abzusehen, "die in bewaffnete Auseinandersetzungen verwickelt sind, sofern nicht ein Fall des Artikels 51 der VN-Charta vorliegt", oder "in denen ein Ausbruch bewaffneter Auseinandersetzungen droht oder bestehende Spannungen und Konflikte durch den Export ausgelöst, aufrechterhalten oder verschärft würden".

Für das deutsche Engagement in Kriegsgebieten bestehe "erheblicher Erklärungsbedarf", äußerte sich der Geschäftsführer von Facing Finance, Thomas Küchenmeister, gegenüber Telepolis. Der proklamierte Exportstopp, etwa im Falle des Jemen-Krieges, "funktioniert augenscheinlich nicht". Überrascht zeigte er sich von der Umtriebigkeit von Airbus und dessen Tochtergesellschaften. "Die gehören zu den Top-Lieferanten." – von Ralf Wurzbacher

(** B K P)

Database On Arms Exporters Fueling Wars is a project of two non-governmental organizations, Urgewald and Facing Finance. It aims first and foremost at creating the basis for German and international financial institutions to systematically divest from companies that supply weapons and weapon systems to warring states. At the same time, can also serve as an instrument for civil society organizations to easily obtain information for respective campaigning. Studies by peace researchers show that arms supplies often contribute to fueling conflicts and reinforcing human rights violations committed in them. Through loans, underwriting, insurance and investments, the finance industry plays a key role for the international arms industry. But financial institutions that want to move war-fueling companies out of their portfolios, often face a very practical hurdle: lack of information. This is where comes in. It is the first, publicly available database allowing a systematic divestment from companies that supply warring states with arms.

Using the SIPRI Arms Export Database as a starting point, Urgewald and Facing Finance research arms deliveries to warring states on company-level. The current status of the database, looking at the years 2015 to 2020, covers around 500 firms from 45 countries that were involved in arms exports to 33 states with high intensity violent conflicts (limited war or war according to the Heidelberg Conflict Barometer), for which there was no UN Security Council mandate. Involvement is defines as either direct involvement, through subsidiaries or via joint ventures. It includes the manufacturing, repair, modernization, refurbishment, design, sale and supply of weapons, as well as the supply of dual-use products and the licensing of arms production. thus offers an information base for investment strategies and credit policies with binding exclusion criteria for arms exporters to warring states.

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(A H P)

Al-Houthi holds coalition responsible for outbreak of epidemics in Yemen

Member of the Supreme Political Council, Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, on Monday blamed the US-backed Saudi-led coalition for the emergence of diseases in Yemen.

“The diseases that spread in the Republic of Yemen are the result of epidemics that the Americans and their coalition tested in Yemen,” Al-Houthi explained in a tweet on “Twitter”.

Al-Houthi stressed that “the US-led coalition bears, previously and currently, the responsibility for the spread of diseases and epidemics in Yemen.”

cp2 Allgemein / General

(* A K P)

Interactive Map of Yemen War

(A K)


(A K P)

[Sanaa gov.] 5th Military Region receives 33 returnees [defected from the enemy’s side]

The returnees official at the Fifth Military Region, Brig. Gen. Riyad Baldhi has said that the region received 33 returnees coming from the West Coast front.

and also, with photo:

(? B K P)

Film: The current situation in Yemen. Meri Pehchan With Faiza Naqvi || 30-06-2022

(A E H)

World Bank Increases Funding to Expand Electricity Access in Yemen

The World Bank has approved an additional US$100 million for the second phase of the Yemen Emergency Electricity Access Project, which is designed to Improve access to electricity in rural and peri-urban areas in Yemen and to plan for the restoration of the country’s power sector. This new funding builds on activities supported by a US$50 million parent project, which began in 2018.

The grant from the World Bank’s fund for the poorest countries, the International Development Association (IDA), will provide 3.5 million people, of whom an estimated 48% (1,680,000) are women and girls, with new or improved services to electricity. It will also provide around 700 public services facilities and 100 schools with new or improved electricity services, helping Yemenis to have better access to critical services. The project will be implemented by the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) in collaboration with local stakeholders.

Yemen's rural and peri-urban electrical power sector was not spared from the ravages of the war. The few rural and peri-urban areas that received power from the grid before the conflict began in 2015 have either seen their infrastructure destroyed or cannot get electricity because too little is being generated by the main grid.

Without electricity, health facilities have been unable to operate after sunset, nor store medicines, nor run medical equipment; water wells have been unable to pump clean drinking water contributing to the outbreak of water-borne illnesses; and educational institutions have struggled to function. Even in cities where critical power infrastructure remains intact, assets often sit idle due to fuel shortages. All these factors contribute to Yemen's humanitarian crisis, which disproportionately affects Yemen's poorest and most vulnerable rural and peri-urban residents.

The World Bank has helped develop solar energy solutions for schools, health facilities, and drinking water facilities and has encouraged the development of a private sector-driven market for generating renewable, off-grid electricity.

(* B H P)

Sustaining Yemen: Ensuring Humanitarian Aid Amid Shifting Conflict Dynamics

Jacob Kurtzer: All of us who are joining the call today are well aware of the human toll of seven years of conflict in Yemen. Unfortunately, the global picture has become so convoluted and complicated, with crises in Ukraine, Afghanistan, and elsewhere, that Yemen has fallen off the radar a bit – a crisis which captured so much attention in terms of resources and the media is not really in top of mind anymore. And that’s unfortunate, because the impact of the conflict on the civilian population has been extreme, and the needs remain quite dire.

We’re at a moment where there’s a tenuous diplomatic breakthrough that may offer a chance to recapture some humanitarian gains or consolidate some of those which have been made already. But it’s tenuous, and we know that there have been moments of hope and optimism in the past that collapsed. So to help us understand this moment and what it means for the humanitarian picture, what it means for humanitarian action and access, what it means for the human rights of Yemeni civilians who have been caught up in the crossfire, we’re once again extremely grateful to have an esteemed panel with us today.

Radhya Al-Mutawakel is the co-founder and chairperson of the Mwatana Organization for Human Rights. Summer Nasser is the CEO of Yemen Aid. Amanda Catanzano is the director for humanitarian policy at the International Rescue Committee. And Paul Harvey is a partner at Humanitarian Outcomes. Thank you all so much for being with us today.

Radhya, you’re joining us today from Yemen, and so I’d like to start with you and maybe get a picture from inside Yemen of the situation today. Your organization obviously, by its name, focuses on the situation for human rights for Yemeni civilians. Can you tell us a little bit, from your perspective, what the ceasefire that’s been announced means for the picture – for the achievement of human rights for Yemeni civilians? And maybe more broadly, what the overall picture looks like, you know, from before this diplomatic breakthrough, and what we need to understand here in Washington and around the world about the picture with respect to the human rights conditions inside Yemen today?

Radhya Al-Mutawakel: So ceasefire, it’s like a step. But it’s not an end of violations in Yemen. So the war is Yemen, it’s not only the airstrikes and the ground shelling. It’s much more than this. And even if there is a ceasefire, even if parties to the conflict are committed to the ceasefire, and they are not, still the Yemenis are facing daily violations by all parties to the conflict, that is making their life miserable.

So we in Mwatana tried for many years to document the starvation as a weapon of war, because the starvation is used as a weapon of war in Yemen by all parties to the conflict. But it was very difficult to document it from a human rights perspective. So it take us very long in order to do this. And we documented, like, a pattern of airstrikes and landmines and preventing humanitarian aid by the Saudi and Emirati-led commission, by Houthis, in a very – in a very – in certain areas, that can – we tried to prove the pattern, the intent, to prove that parties to the conflict are using starvation as a weapon of war.

But this is even not all the reasons that led to starvation in Yemen. There are many details that has nothing to do with the very direct violation for the international humanitarian law, but still affect the daily lives of Yemenis. For example, one of these things is the salaries. I mean, millions of Yemenis are not receiving their salaries since 2016 in the public sector. This is one of the things that really broke the backs of Yemenis. And this has nothing to do with the ceasefire. With the truce, with the ceasefire, Yemenis are still not receiving their salaries.

So that’s why we in Mwatana, whenever we say that Yemen is the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, human rights NGOs, they add “man-made” crisis. So because we believe, even among the war, Yemen doesn’t have to – doesn’t have to have to be the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. It happened only because of the huge lack of accountability, because of the attitude of parties to the conflict.

So there are many violations that we have documented in the ground, are very proved, whether it is airstrikes, or landmines, or ground shelling, or preventing the access of humanitarian aid. This is – many of these supply issues still continue. Besides, there are many other files like the detention, forced disappearance, torture. I mean, even this space of civil society is shrinking in Yemen by parties to the conflict.

I don’t want to be pessimistic when I talk about the truce. It’s a step. We hope that it’s going to be a step towards something bigger. But we can’t say that really changed the daily lives of Yemenis. And it didn’t even prevent them from the violations of parties to the conflict.

(* B H K)

'All I saw were hands and legs': The landmines sowing tragedy and chaos in war-torn Yemen

The chilling incident in January, in the western province of Hodeidah, is all too common in Yemen, where mines are a constant threat and hobble economic activity and aid.

Landmines are part of the legacy of the war in Yemen, long the Arab world's poorest country, where Iran-backed Houthi rebels have been fighting a Saudi-led coalition since 2015.

This month, the UN said 19 civilians had been killed and 32 injured during the truce, mostly by landmines, homemade bombs and other ordnance.

According to the UN-linked Civilian Impact Monitoring Project, landmines, unexploded shells and other explosive detritus were responsible for 338 civilian casualties in 2021, including 129 fatalities.

They are among the victims caused every day around the world by landmines, the United Nations says.

Almost a third of Yemen's landmine casualties were reported in the Hodeidah province, even though it has been spared much of the fighting after a 2018 ceasefire agreement aimed at protecting its Red Sea port, a lifeline for the country.

Hodeidah province is "a strategic centre" for the north, which is largely controlled by the Huthi rebels, said Ibrahim Jalal, a researcher at the Middle East Institute in Washington.

"The indiscriminate spread of landmines across multiple Yemeni governorates creates dozens of victims every day, including farmers, travellers and other civilians," he told AFP.

"People are living under numerous uncertainties," he said, explaining that mines complicate the transport of aid and take a heavy toll on the agriculture-dependent economy.

Experts estimate that at least one million mines have been planted during Yemen's years of turmoil, often with tragic results.


(* B H K P)

Yemen: Explosive remnants of war the biggest killer of children since truce began

Landmines and unexploded ordnance have been the biggest killers of children in Yemen since a truce was announced in April, Save the Children said today. The uptick in deaths from these weapons is understood to be the result of families moving to previously inaccessible areas following the decrease in hostilities.

New analysis from the child rights agency shows that landmines and unexploded munition were responsible for over 75% of all war-related casualties among children, killing and injuring more than 42 children between April and the end of June.

Since the truce began after seven years of conflict, the number of casualties related to armed conflict has fallen significantly, with 103 civilians killed in conflict during the three-month period. In the three months prior to the truce, 352 civilians were killed.

However, incidents related to landmines and unexploded ordnance have continued at a similar level, with an estimated average of one incident a day, resulting in the death of 49 civilians including at least eight children. In the three months prior to the truce, 56 civilians were killed by landmines and unexploded ordinance.

Explosive remnants of war remain a legacy threat from the fighting, posing a lasting hazard to civilians across the country even after hostilities cease. Children, in particular, have a heightened vulnerability to unexploded ordnance and landmines due to low-risk awareness and high inquisitiveness. Moreover, the sense of relative safety has resulted in a heightened mobility among civilians, and especially displaced people, who may feel confident to return to areas where hostilities have de-escalated.

Save the Children's Country Director for Yemen, Rama Hansraj, said:

(*B H K P)

Kein Ende in Sicht: Die drittgrößte Stadt des Jemen ist seit 2015 belagert

Landminen um die Stadt, Hauptverkehrsrouten geschlossen. Vier Millionen Menschen leben seit sieben Jahren im Ausnahmezustand. Daran ändert auch der verlängerte Waffenstillstand nichts.

Die drittgrößte Stadt im Jemen, Taiz, befindet sich seit sieben Jahren im Ausnahmezustand. Auch nach dem Anfang Juni für weitere zwei Monate verlängerten Waffenstillstand zwischen der mit Saudiarabien verbündeten jemenitischen Regierung und den vom Iran unterstützten Houthi-Rebellen herrscht in der Stadt offenbar wenig Hoffnung auf eine baldige Beendigung des Belagerungszustandes.

die Houthis bereits im Juli 2015 sämtliche Hauptverkehrsverbindungen in die Stadt abriegelten und im Jahr darauf auch die Wasserversorgung der Stadt unterbrachen. Die Versorgung der Stadt sei nur mit Unterstützung von Hilfsorganisationen und nur über langwierige und gefährliche alternative Routen durch die Berge möglich.

Die Anwältin und Menschenrechtsaktivistin Eshraq Almaqtari betonte, dass sich der Großteil der von der Belagerung betroffenen Gebiete außerhalb der eigentlichen Stadt Taiz befindet. Durch den Krieg sei den Menschen und insbesondere den Frauen dort die Möglichkeit genommen, von der Landwirtschaft zu leben. Auch beklagte sie die große Anzahl von illegalen Anhaltezentren, die zum Teil in Schulen eingerichtet seien.

Der Wirtschaftsexperten Mohammed Alhoribe bezifferten den durch den Krieg verursachten ökonomischen Schaden in Taiz, einst eine der Städte mit dem höchsten Einkommen im Jemen, mit 2,6 Milliarden US-Dollar (2,47 Mrd. Euro).

Der Menschrechtsaktivist Riyadh Aldubai schließlich gab zu bedenken, dass die Houthi handfeste ökonomische Interessen hätten, die Belagerung aufrechtzuerhalten, da sie die verbliebene Industrie in der Region kontrollierten und von den Betrieben auch Abgaben einheben.

(* B H P)

Film: Environmental Pathways for Reconciliation in Yemen

This session explores the conflict in Yemen with a particular focus on its environmental dimensions. It puts emphasis on why it is important and indeed possible to consult in more depth about the needs, rights, and perspectives of Yemenis to chart paths towards peace and reconciliation. The session is for those who seek a deeper understanding of the environmental aspects of Yemen’s conflict and ways to engage with the population more widely.

(* B H P)

Yemen needs new financing to cushion wheat supply shock

Yemen is searching for new wheat suppliers but will need help to pay for increasingly costly imports, an official and a main importer said, as the World Food Programme warned of cuts to food aid for millions already living on the brink of famine.

Disruption to global wheat supplies due to the Ukraine war and a sudden wheat export ban by India risk deepening Yemen's hunger crisis and pushing up food price inflation that has already doubled in just two years in some parts of the country.

Ukraine and Russia are both major grain exporters and the conflict between them has seen world wheat prices soar. Yemen imports 90% of its food.

The WFP's country director in Yemen, Richard Ragan, told Reuters the number of people in the Arabian Peninsula country living in near-famine conditions could rise to seven million in the second half of 2022 from around five million now.

The U.N. body feeds 13 million people a month in Yemen, where the economy has been wrecked by years of war, but has since January reduced rations for 8 million of them. It may soon have to make further cuts, after raising only a quarter of the $2 billion it needs for Yemen this year from international donors.

"We're taking food from the poor and feeding the hungry," Ragan said. "In June we will have to make some tough decisions about possibly even going down to just feeding five million, those who are really most at risk."

Yemen's grain requirement is about 4 million tonnes a year and "we're coming in at around 25 percent of that", he said, adding that the WFP itself had seen food and fuel cost increases of about $25-$30 million per month.

Yemen has enough wheat to last three months, the trade minister in Aden told Reuters last week, adding that the ministry was pressing for a $174 million Saudi aid tranche to be used to finance essential imports including wheat.

Saudi Arabia earlier this month agreed to pay the final installment of a deposit promised in 2018.

"The government and importers are looking for alternate markets to import wheat, like Brazil and others, to make up for the 45% of wheat needs that were coming from Ukraine and Russia," Trade Minister Mohammed Al-Ashwal said.

HSA Group, one of Yemen's largest food conglomerates, which also supplies aid agencies, has called for foreign help in the form of emergency mechanisms such as a special import finance fund and a standardised 60-day period for payment.

The firm, which has wheat stocks for Yemen up until August, has been sourcing wheat from France and India instead of Ukraine and Russia, but now there is uncertainty over Indian supplies.

"We're all lining up in India now ... If no mechanism is put in place to help position the Yemeni private sector, we are afraid other countries will just push us to the back of the queue," HSA spokesperson Mohamed Hayel Saeed said.

"India was a major market given its proximity within the region and also the price of Indian wheat is around $100 less than the European wheat," he added.

Last August, the World Bank's International Financial Corporation provided HSA with up to $75 million in debt financing for its Yemen operations. =


(* B P)

Biden’s trip to Saudi Arabia is a chance to end the war in Yemen

When U.S. President Joe Biden visits Saudi Arabia next month, he has an opportunity to advance his goal of ending the war in Yemen. Biden said early in his administration that ending the war is a top priority, a major and correct policy shift from his predecessors. In Jeddah he can press Saudi King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to do more by lifting the remainder of the blockade of northern Yemen and making the truce permanent.

The cease-fire is most endangered by the continuing siege of Taiz, the country’s third largest city, by the Houthi rebels. The Houthis have offered to open back roads into the city but not the main thoroughfares. The Zaydi Shia Houthis rejected a compromise proposal from the United Nations last week in talks in Amman, Jordan. Biden can encourage the Saudis to offer incentives to get a deal to fully open Taiz.

The biggest incentives would be further easing of the Saudi blockade of the Houthi-controlled north. More fuel should be allowed into Hodeida, the main port, as well as unlimited amounts of food, medicine, and other humanitarian supplies. The cease-fire has also opened the airport in Sana’a to commercial flights to Amman and Cairo, Egypt. It should be opened to other destinations and facilitate more flights for Yemenis seeking medical assistance. Yemen’s own health infrastructure has been devastated by the war.

Biden should also press the Saudis and their Gulf partners to withdraw their troops from the parts of southern Yemen that they occupy. The Saudis are in the Mahra governorate next to Oman and the Emiratis control the islands of Socotra and Perim. All of this territory should be placed in the control of the Saudi-supported new provisional authority created in April to replace the feeble government of Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Yemen is unlikely to be reunited anytime in the foreseeable future, but it should at least recover its territorial integrity from foreign forces.

The Houthis are a very difficult part of the problem. They are virulently anti-American, dating to the invasion of Iraq, closely tied to Iran and Hezbollah, and often intransigent in negotiations. But they are here to stay. Reopening the Yemeni economy to the world will help encourage a more flexible Houthi regime in the parts of Yemen the rebels control, which includes 80% of the population of Yemen.

Biden has tremendous leverage with the Saudis, who are eager to restore their tarnished reputation damaged by the war and the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. As the Economist recently put it, the best way to improve your image is to improve your policy.

The United States is crucial to the Saudi war effort and will remain so for years to come.

Hence Biden’s opportunity to help them get out of the mess the crown prince recklessly got them into seven years ago – by Bruce Riedel

(* B P)

The Guardian view on imminent disaster in Yemen: it can be prevented

A decaying oil tanker threatens a massive spill. The international community must seize the chance to stop it

It is both disgraceful and absurd that the United Nations should be forced to rattle a tin to prevent a major environmental and humanitarian catastrophe that, without intervention, is all but inevitable. The UN needs just $20m more – chump change, in terms of international funding – to begin unloading more than a million barrels of oil from a fast-decaying tanker moored off the coast of Yemen, in the fragile ecosystem of the Red Sea. Yet it has been forced to take the rare step of turning to the public to crowdfund cash, after governments failed to stump enough up. In the week of the UN’s Oceans conference, it is still waiting to amass sufficient funds.

The FSO Safer holds more than four times the oil spilled by the Exxon Valdez in 1989. When the war in Yemen broke out in 2014, normal maintenance halted on the ageing ship. It is now beyond repair, kept afloat largely through the heroic efforts of a seven-strong crew; the captain says it is a miracle that disaster has not struck already. The former chief executive of the company that owns the ship has described it as a “bomb”. A stray cigarette butt, a bullet or even static electricity could spark a huge explosion. Two years ago, a burst pipe almost led to it sinking.

The consequences would be horrifying

and also (subscribers only)


(A P)

Arab Parliament warns against Houthi misusing Safer FSO file

The Arab Parliament on Sunday warned against Houthi misuse of the derelict FSO facility of Safer for political bargains and blackmail.

My remark: The Arab Parliament is a saudi puppet organisation.


(A P)

The current situation of the Safer reservoir is getting worse day by day,which may result in a major environmental disaster in the Red Sea region. as a result of the suspension of periodic maintenance work in it since 2015 due to the war&the Saudi coalition siege imposed on Yemen (text in image)

(* B P)

"The Road to Peace Runs Through Taiz" was the title of a flagship report by @BrettSc0tt @deeprootyemen

in June 2020. This is even more true today as the fragile truce in #Yemen hinges on making progress in #Taiz. I will try to explain why in this (long!) thread.

Requiring AnsarAllah (aka Houthis) to open the main roads to the city of Taiz has been on the UN-led negotiations table since Stockholm (Dec2018) through to the Joint Declaration efforts (Starting April2020) and finally the (ongoing) truce announced on 1st April 2022.

Before explaining where negotiations stand today, let's zoom out a bit to understand the context. Map below shows Taiz governorate in black borders, and green overlay shows AA-controlled areas of Yemen. You can see the main "highway" connecting Sana'a-Dhamar-Ibb-Taiz-Aden.

Zooming in a bit, the city of Taiz is comprised of 3 districts shown in black border below, home to over 1 million people by latest estimates, and increasingly known as the "enclave" as Houthis surround from 3 sides, and a high rugged mountain range from the 4th side.

Zooming in further, you can see Taiz had 3 main entrances linking it to the rest of the country: main eastern entrance towards Hawban & the Sana'a-Aden highway (w/ 4 sub-roads), a northern entrance, and a northwestern entrance. All (in red) have been blocked by AA since 2015.

In addition to blocking the direct access to the city, the main roads connecting Taiz to Aden port and Hodeidah port (for commercial goods, in a country importing 90% of its food) have also been blocked as shown in this map:

So to go from Taiz city east to Hawban area and from there take the highway north, people of Taiz have had to take an alternative road (highlighted in blue), mostly unpaved, v. narrow, and frequently cut-off by floods. The 15 mins trip to Hawban became a 6-8 hours ordeal.

To go to/from Aden, people of Taiz have also had to take an alternative route (highlighted in purple) through difficult terrain.

The alternative road to Aden goes through the infamous "Haijat Al-Abd", a difficult, snake-like uphill part of the road where trucks always get stuck or flip over. (P.S you can see my home village Al-Akahila at the very top of that hill).

This situation has made #Taiz city one of the most affected places by the conflict in #Yemen, not only due to direct destruction from military operations, but also due to a disastrous humanitarian crisis caused by sky-rocketing prices of basic commodities due to the siege. (maps)

(B P)

#YIF2022 sought to ensure demographic and gender representation when bringing Yemenis to Stockholm to explore ways to support peacemaking. @SanaaCenter chairman @almuslimi urges Yemeni parties and the int’l community to strive for balanced representation moving forward.

(* C)

The forgotten massacre of Yemeni pilgrims in Tanomah, Sadwan of Saudi Arabia

Ninety-nine years ago, gangs of Abdulaziz Ibn Saud committed a massacre against Yemeni pilgrims in Tanomah and Sadwan in the Asir region of Saudi Arabia on their way to perform the pilgrimage. No justice has been served to this day.

In 1923, gangs belonging to the founder of Saudi Arabia Abdul Aziz Ibn Saud shot dead over 3,000 Yemeni pilgrims heading toward Mecca to perform the annual Hajj.

When they arrived in Tanomah and Sadwan in Asir of Saudi Arabia, the gangs called Al-Ghatghat started shooting the pilgrims, killing 3,105 peaceful pilgrims, according to Professor Hamoud Al-Ahnoumi, author of the book titled "The Great Massacre of Pilgrims...The massacre of Yemeni pilgrims in Tanomah and Sadwan by Ibn Saud’s gangs in 1923."

Al-Ahnoumi told Al Mayadeen English, citing Yahya bin Ali Al-Dhari's manuscript archived at the Great Mosque of Sanaa, that one of the scholars, Ahmed Al-Washli who arrived from Mecca, said: "the number of survivors was about 500 people, of whom 150 continued their way to Hajj."

Speaking about what pushed Ibn Saud to commit this crime, Ahnoumi said this massacre was a British "acceptance test" for him to be its man in the region.

"Britain was preparing Ibn Saud to be its first man and main agent in the region, who would implement its disruptive and differentiating project, but it wanted him to carry out an acceptance test that would qualify him to be its man who could carry out any ugly thing it asked of him," Ahnoumi said.

He added, due to the fact that Yemenis would not allow Ibn Saud to control the Two Holy Mosques with the UK's support, the two sides committed Tanomah and Sadwan massacre to prevent Yemenis from defending the two holy sites, stressing that the "Tanomah massacre took place in 1923 and the storming of the Two Holy Mosques by Ibn Saud with British support took place in 1924."

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

(A P)

US-Saudi Aggression Continues to Seize Diesel Ships

Yemen Petroleum Company (YPC) announced that the US-Saudi aggression continues to detain two diesel ships, increasing the suffering of Yemeni People.

The official spokesman for the company, Issam Al-Mutawakil, stated that the coalition of aggression seized two diesel ships, "Sea Hart", loaded with 28,959 tons, and "Bernice Khadija", loaded with 28,775 tons.

In a tweet Al-Mutawakil stated, Saturday, that US-Saudi aggression still moody about entering fuel ships despite the truce.

(A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Transport Minister: Stumble of Flights to Cairo Continues

Minister of Transport in the Salvation Government confirmed that the remaining flights to Jordan were scheduled for the remainder of the truce period, with a flight every Wednesday and Friday.

Minister Abdulwahab Al-Durra revealed in a press statement on Saturday evening that flights to Cairo from Sana’a Airport are still stumbling, except for one flight.

(A P)

269 passengers leave Sana'a Int'l Airport for Jordan

(A P)

286 passengers arrive at Sana'a Int'l Airport from Jordan

and also

(A P)

Sana'a International Airport Director said:The first month of extending the armistice has passed (the third month since the armistice agreement) and commercial flights between Sanaa and Cairo have not been implemented except for one flight on 1/6/2022. Al-Shayef indicated that the violation of the armistice decision by the coalition takes place in light of international silence and the anticipation of people by humanitarian cases when commercial flights to #Cairo are implemented.

(A P)

New civil flight takes off from Sana'a Airport carrying 275 passengers

and also

(A P)

270 passengers arrive at Sana'a Airport coming from Jordan

(A P)

Princess Halima ship arrived at Hodeida

The Yemeni Oil Company announced on Wednesday arriving of oil ship was detained by coalition’s troops at Hodeida province.

The official spokesman of the company, Essam Al-Mutawakel said: “The ship “princess Halima” arrived at Hodeida port after it was detained by coalition for 13 days”.

(A P)

Sanaa reacts to coalition’s statements about ports, airports, salaries

The National Salvation Government in Sanaa has said that the opening of ports, airports and employees’ salaries are fundamental rights for the Yemeni people and not a concession or a favour from anyone, calling on the Saudi-led coalition to lift its blockade.

Commenting on statements by Saudi-led coalition loyalists, Abdul Malik al-Ajri, a member of the national negotiating delegation, said: “They consider ports, airports, salaries and services as a concession! First, this is not a concession from you, it is a fundamental right of the people. Secondly, the aggression is the one that besieges the ports, closes airports, controls gas, oil, electricity, most land ports and 80% of resources, and it is the one who has to lift its blockade, restore all services and cover the salaries.” =

(A P)

YPC: US-led aggression seizes 2 diesel ships

The Yemeni Petroleum Company (YPC) reported that the US-led aggression coalition detained 2 diesel ships, in a new violation of the announced truce.
The company's official spokesman Issam Al-Mutawakil explained to the Yemeni News Agency (Saba) that the coalition seized 2 diesel ships, "Sea Hart", loaded with 28,959 tons, and "Bernice Khadija", loaded with 28,775 tons.

and also

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

(* B H)

Film: Jemen: Der Krieg, die Folgen und giftiger Müll

Eine Mülldeponie in der Nähe der Hauptstadt Sanaa kann seit Jahren medizinischen Mülle nicht mehr getrennt entsorgen. Es wird mit Umweltproblemen gerechnet. =

(* B H)

Yemen's mountain of trash piles on the country's woes

The al-Azraqain landfill receives hundreds of tons of trash a day, including dangerous untreated medical waste generated by hospitals in Sanaa.

More than seven years of conflict in Yemen have devastated the economy, displaced millions, and wreaked havoc on the environment.

Bahauddin al-Hajj is the data manager at the landfill.

"We have no solution but to bury it the medical waste with the garbage. It is mixed with garbage and buried. This may cause issues in the future, health issues - chemicals may leak into the groundwater, meaning this will affect the environment, this is one of the biggest threats to the environment."

Waste management officials in Sanaa say Saudi-led airstrikes destroyed a medical waste processing incinerator at the landfill site in 2015.

Houthi administrators say they are looking for support from NGOs to rebuild the facility.

In 2021 the United Nations Development Programme inaugurated a waste-to-energy system in Yemen in a bid to "revolutionize the governorate’s approach to addressing waste management."

The plant built southwest of the capital is expected to transform up to five tons of solid waste a day.

But that's only a fraction of the 1,870 tons of waste dumped at al-Azraqain [with film] =


(* B H)

Film: Yemen's Sanaa faces medical waste crisis

Waste management officials in Yemen’s capital Sanaa say they’re facing a crisis as medical waste is being dumped into landfill sites. With no safe way to destroy it, they say years of potentially harmful rubbish could contaminate water supplies.

(B H)

Photos: This is Ali from Hajjah governorate(Abbs area), he died on Saturday, aged 20, after suffering from severe acute malnutrition(SAM). #Yemen. (Source: Eissa Alrajihi Facebook account)

(B E H)

Film by HSA Group: Saudi war in Yemen: End U.S. support

As part of our partnership with @IFC_org, we were delighted to welcome a delegation from the @WorldBank Group to visit our Aden Mills site. In partnership with IFC, we will mobilise $75 million of working capital to support Yemen’s #FoodSecurity

(B H)

Yemen Education Cluster - Humanitarian Dashboard (January - April 2022)

Yemen: Education Cluster Coverage and GAP Analysis (as of April 2022)

Yemen: Increased Inclusive Classroom Capacity (as of April 2022)

Yemen: Education Cluster School Learning Materials (as of April 2022)

Child Protection AoR Sub - People Reached By District as end of May 2022

Child Protection AoR People Reached By Governorate as end of May 2022

(B H)

UNOCHA: Daily Noon Briefing Highlights

In Yemen, humanitarian needs remain extremely high despite the current truce, with 19 million people expected to go hungry this year.

The UN Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen urgently needs additional funds to continue its work. With its current resources, the Mission will be forced to suspend operations at the end of August.

(B H)

UNOCHA: Yemen Funding

(B H)

Yemen: Humanitarian needs overview

(B H)

Film: Meet 45-year-old widow, Fathiya

(A H)

Yemen Friends: Video von unserem Hilfsaktionsprojekt im June 2022 im Jemen

Wir haben 81 bedürftige Flüchtlingsfamilien in drei verschiedenen Regionen in der Hauptstadt Sana'a mit lebensnotwendigen Lebensmitteln versorgt.

(B H)

Jemen: Seham holt täglich Wasser

Mit nur 12 Jahren hat die im Jemen lebende Seham eine sehr wichtige Aufgabe, auf die ihre ganze Familie angewiesen ist: Jeden Tag nimmt Seham ihre Plastikbehälter und wartet in einer langen Schlange, um sie mit Wasser zu füllen, bevor sie die schweren Kanister nach Hause zu ihrer Familie trägt.

Auf den folgenden Fotos nimmt Seham uns mit auf ihren täglichen Weg durch Altstadtstraßen von Sana’a. Im Herzen der jemenitischen Hauptstadt müssen viele Kinder wie Seham Extremes leisten, um das Nötigste zum Überleben zu erhalten.

(A H)

Medikamente im Jemen eingetroffen

Die Notapotheke der Welt im Einsatz für Gesundheitseinrichtungen im Jemen: eine große Lieferung mit 313 Paketen und über 11 Tonnen medizinischen Hilfsgütern hat unsere Partner im Jemen erreicht.

Enthalten waren u.a. Schmerzmittel, Antibiotika, Wurmmittel, Medikamente gegen Herz-Kreislauf-Erkrankungen sowie Masken, Skalpelle und Kanülen.

(B H)

Yemen: Humanitarian Response Plan (YHRP) 2022 - Funding Status (29 June 2022)

(B H)

Child Protection AoR Need and Response Dashboard 2022

(B H)

ACAPS Thematic report: Social impact monitoring report: January - March 2022 (29 June 2022)


The Social Impact Monitoring Project (SIMP) report is scheduled to be produced quarterly in 2022. With the Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen (IRG) and the de-facto authority (DFA) in the north of Yemen (also known as the Houthis) agreeing on a truce starting 2 April, the first two editions of the 2022 SIMP reports covering the first six months of the year will mirror each other. They will focus on three themes that emerged from a review of available data across the first three months of 2022. This approach is intended to compare the impact of these themes on people before and during the truce.

The three highlighted themes are:

conflict and its associated impacts (across the country)

cultural and religious control (in DFA-controlled areas)

decreasing purchasing power (across the country)

(* B H)

UNICEF Ma’rib Response Humanitarian Action Update, May 2022, Issue Number 6


144,690 people accessed safe water for drinking, cooking and personal hygiene. 167,186 people reached with critical water, sanitation and hygiene supplies and services and with messages on appropriate hygiene practices.


385,878 children under 10 vaccinated against polio. 18,045 children vaccinated against measles. 67,361 children and women accessed primary health care in UNICEF-supported facilities.


2,276 children under 5 with Severe and Moderate Acute Malnutrition received curative services.

Child Protection

19,856 vulnerable children reached with mental health and psychosocial support services (MHPSS).


5,448 children accessed formal/non-formal education activities.

Rapid Response Mechanism

75,824 vulnerable displaced people received RRM Kits containing food, family basic hygiene kits and female dignity kits.

Social and Behaviour Change

44,130 people participated in engagement actions for social and behavioural change including COVID-19 RCCE.

Situation Update

Between 1 January and 28 May 2022, a total of 7,644 people [1,274 Households (HHs)] were displaced within or to Ma’rib governorate, predominantly as a result of the ongoing conflict. Cumulatively, a total of 86,094 people (14,349 HHs) have been displaced since 1 January 2021.

(B H P)

Bridges to Peace and Solidarity

We are building bridges to peace in Yemen and beyond, through health, mental health and education.

We are a team of passionate and committed international development researchers and experts from around the world. We specialize in human rights, medical and psychological health, tele-mental health, and peacebuilding. We are primarily dedicated to rehabilitating and supporting victims of war in Yemen. Bridges to Peace and Solidarity (BPS) is a registered Canadian non-profit organization.

Our primary activity at Bridges to Peace and Solidarity is running a tele-mental health and learning network that facilitates the urgent need for health and psychoeducational training, support, and assistance to groups, individuals, and communities experiencing war-related trauma in Yemen, in the MENA region, and beyond. We offer crisis counseling and mental health training, and we build capacity in crisis intervention and community trauma response.

We aim to build sustainable community resilience and to overcome mental health trauma while moving the peace and human rights agenda forward for conflict-affected communities on the ground in Yemen and the MENA region.

We are building bridges of solidarity, peace-building, and capacity-building in Yemen. War has isolated Yemen from the international community, a reality now compounded by the pandemic. By building local education, health, and mental health capacities, rebuilding social resilience, and providing friendship and hope, we help to ensure sustainable peace and development in Yemen.

(B H)

Millions of Yemenis to go hungry as UN forced to slash food aid

UN’s World Food Programme says it will have to ration the food aid it sends to Yemen as a result of a lack of funding.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has announced further dramatic cuts to food aid in Yemen, leaving millions of Yemenis already suffering through war unable to get enough food.

The WFP said on Sunday that it was forced into the rationing as a result of not receiving enough funding, global economic conditions and the continued knock-on effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

“Critical funding gaps, global inflation and the knock-on effects of the war in #Ukraine have forced @WFP in #Yemen to make some extremely tough decisions about the support we provide to our beneficiaries,” the organisation said on Twitter.

The WFP, which is the food-assistance branch of the United Nations (UN) added that “resilience and livelihood activities, and school feeding and nutrition programs” would be cut for four million people, leaving it available for only 1.8 million people.

Nearly eight years of fighting between Saudi-backed government forces and Houthi rebels in Yemen has created what the UN has called the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

The planning minister in the Saudi-backed government warned on Friday that Yemen’s wheat stockpile could be depleted by mid-July and urged European Union states to help secure new markets to replace Ukrainian and Russian wheat.

and also

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

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Yemen: Total IDP in hosting sites

(B H)

Migration along the Eastern Corridor, Report 27 | as of 30 May 2022

The Horn of Africa and Yemen is one of the busiest and riskiest migration corridors in the world travelled by hundreds of thousands of migrants, the majority of whom travel in an irregular manner, often relying on smugglers to facilitate movement along the Eastern Route. This regional report provides monthly updates on the complex migratory dynamics through Djibouti, Somalia, Yemen and Ethiopia based on diverse data sources and consultations with key informants in the four countries. Moreover, it provides information on the main protection concerns for migrants along the journey, information on the spill over effects of the conflict in Northern Ethiopia observed at the border between Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan, a specific focus on children and information on the returns from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia, Somalia and Yemen.

(B H)

Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, covering the period from 21 to 30 June

IDP Response

0n 22 June, UNHCR conducted a field mission to launch the non-food items (NFI) distribution in Raymah governorate, targeting 589 displaced families.
Furthermore, UNHCR led a joint mission together with the Supreme Council for the Management and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (SCMCHA) and Jeel Al Bina (JAAHD), UNHCR's shelter partner in Al Hudaydah to launch NFI distributions in Jabal Ras district targeting 1,290 families who were forced to flee their homes due to conflict.

Based on the flood preparedness assessment for 2022, it is expected that 70% of IDP sites in Taizz will be affected by the rain this year. The sites host about 666 displaced families. 30% of which will be exposed to more severe floods than others.
In the Ibb governorate, comparing the average precipitation in 2021, about 2,200 households will be affected by heavy monsoon rainfall. About 1,000 of them are IDPs.

(A P)

IDP Hosting Sites in Yemen

As part of their regular programming, the CCCM Cluster and partners, with the support of REACH, are implementing the Site Report to build a profile of IDP hosting sites in Yemen. This activity is carried out to inform a more targeted, evidence-based humanitarian response. The findings presented here provide an overview of basic information on population demographics, site conditions, service access, site threats and community needs. A total of 531 IDP hosting sites out of 2,340 IDP hosting sites in Yemen were surveyed, with a total population of 567,011 individuals out 1,592,494 individuals.

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

(A P)

PM: US Aggressively Seeking to Assert Control over Yemeni Energy Reserves, Plunder Them

The prime minister of Yemen’s [Sanaa] National Salvation Government stated that Washington is aggressively seeking to establish control over energy reserves and ports in Yemen’s Eastern provinces of Hadhramaut and Al-Mahrah and loot them.

During a meeting with Hadhramaut and Mahra provincial governors, Luqman Baras and Al-Qatabi Ali Hussein Al-Faraj respectively, in the capital Sana’a on Saturday, Abdulaziz bin Habtoor strongly condemned a recent visit by the US ambassador to the country’s energy-rich Eastern provinces, stating that Steven Fagin’s trip falls within the framework of US attempt to dominate Yemen's oil wells and ports.

He underscored that occupier’s plots in the two provinces must be directly confronted, lauding popular resistance and steadfastness in the face of Saudi-led acts of hostility and schemes which are in flagrant violation of Yemen's sovereignty

(A P)

Houthi militia blow up three houses in Amran

The Houthi militia laced three houses with bombs and remotely blew them up in Amran, north Yemen, last Wednesday, local sources have said. The houses belong to Ali Jubran Sayla's family whose members fought alongside the army./Multiple websites

The Civil Organization for People Impacted by House Bombings says the Houthi bombing of houses is an organized terrorism the militia exercises against whoever opposes their ideology/Al-Thawrah


(A E P)

Just be4 the Eid holiday, Houthis ystrdy increased fuel prices for the third time since the start of the UN-borked truce, & for the 5th time this yr. The official price of 20ltr of gasoline now is 14,000 Yer. Be4 the truce: 9900. In 2014 when they protested agnst fuel hike: 4000

(A P)

Houthis loot 84 billion Yemeni rials from the revenues of the national CDMA operator Yemen Mobile in just one year/Almanarah Net

(A P)

Houthis are planning to bury 130 dead bodies in the morgues of Sana'a and other provinces controlledby the militia in the coming days under the pretext these dead people could not be identified. Are the Houthi militants trying to get rid of prisoners they had killed by torture?/24 Post


Film: Sweets and clothes popular market in Sanaa preparing to receive customers. #Yemen Shot by my mobile camera.

(A K P)

Houthi supervisor, chief of operations of al-Najda police in #Yemen eastern Al-Jawf and director of Barat's security Abu Yaser and his son were killed in clashes with tribesmen from Dahm yesterday, tribal sources said. Two tribesmen were injured too.

(* B P)

Women subjected to immoral methods in Houthi prisons

Women in the prisons of the pro-Iran Houthi militia are subjected to immoral methods and horrific physical and mental torture, SAM Organization for Rights and Liberties said in a statement on its official Twitter account.
Women imprisoned by the pro-Iran rebels are prevented from using toilets except once or twice a day and they are exposed to horrible torture methods during long interrogations, including electric shocks, beatings and freezing water baths among others.
A human rights report found that the Houthi militia had kidnapped more than 1,700 women since 2014, according to the organization.

(A B P)

Houthi militant murders his father

The crime of murdering parents and near relatives is increasingly becoming a normal incidence in Sana'a and other north Yemen provinces where the militia rule and run a massive re-education campaign for young men to turn them into bigoted loyalists to the militia's theocratic leader Abdulmalik Al-Houthi.

Usually the sons kill their fathers for not being to tolerate their slightest difference with the Houthi Shiit beliefs.

(A P)

How Houthis have weaponized Yemen's telecommunication system

The Regain Yemen organization tracking organized crimes and Houthi financing has said in a report that the Houthis are investing in an intelligence system through the country's telecommunication system./The Arab Network for News website

(A P)

A self-styled "security supervisor" in the Houthi militia slapped his shoes on the face of a civilian who criticized the militia's black markets and shot him dead in a public road in Raymah governorate on Sunday./Multiple websites

(A P)

The Houthi militia distribute financial gifts to the militia's self-styled tribal chieftains in north Yemen Hajjah governorate/Yemen Time

(A P)

Houthis are preparing to block all social media websites and set on cyber espionage/Taiz Time

(A P)

Film: The first lesson of Mr. Abdul-Malik al-Houthi from the series of lessons of the era of Imam Ali "peace be upon him" by Malik al-Ashtar 01-12-1443

(A K P)

Houthis say recruited thousands despite Yemen's truce

The Houthi group has recruited thousands of new fighters as part of the central region, the Iranian-backed group said on Tuesday, despite the UN-brokered truce in Yemen.
The military central region celebrated the graduation of 3,000 servicemen as part of a new batch called 'vehement war', the Houthi-run Saba news agency said.
Most of this batch's recruits were attracted from summer centers organized by the Houthi group annually for school children in some provinces under the group's control, say observers.
The announcement comes one day after the President of the Yemeni Leadership Council warned against Houthi recruitment.

(A P)

Seizure of large quantities of drugs, repackaging plant in Capital

The Ministry of Interior announced Thursday the seizure of large quantities of drugs and a plant for the recycling and packaging of these substances in one of the homes in the capital Sana'a.

(A P)

Anticipating famine, Houthis stock up on wheat for themselves

Houthi terrorists controlling north Yemen's highlands have reportedly begun stocking up on grains mainly wheat for the use of the supremacist leaders from the Houthi caste in anticipation of a famine in the country, local sources have said.

(A P)

One more detainee dies due to brutal torture in Houthi militia’s jail

and also

(A P)

The Houthi militia cordon the houses of Saleh-era army officers who are hiding arms and weapons in Sanhan,a Sana'a outskirt and the birthplace of the slain president Ali A. Saleh/Yemeni Sport

(A P)

Unprecedented rise in cooking gas prices in Sana'a/Yemen Voice

(A P)

The Houthi militia pay salaries secretly to a selected group of senior members within the militia around Sana'a city/Saudi website 'Al-Watan'

(A P)

Sana'a security authorities damage tons of drugs

Sana'a security authorities have damaged and burnt tens of tons of hashish and other drugs in the Yemeni capital, the Houthi-run interior ministry said on Sunday.
Nearly 40 tons of hashish and 2 million pills of drugs were damaged in Sana'a outskirts, in the presence of counterdrugs officials, the ministry added in a statement.


(A P)

Revolution Leader: Hajjah has a historical record in confronting foreign invasion

Leader of the Revolution Sayyed Abdulmalik Badr al-Din al-Houthi affirmed on Wednesday that Hajjah province is one of the provinces that has a historical record in confronting foreign invasion, that it has been clear since the first day with its great contribution that shows the faith values.
The Leader of the Revolution said in his speech during his meeting with dignitaries and people of Hajjah: “I am happy to talk to you on this day and we are in an important stage in which we are talking to our people about what concerns us all, from a position of feeling responsible before God Almighty towards ourselves and our people.”
He added: "We are in this country, for the eighth year, confronting the brutal American-Saudi aggression, and with the praise of God Almighty, and with his help, support and victory, we have overcome difficult stages and great challenges."


(A P)

Houthi leader calls for reinforced military units to face coalition

The Houthi leader on Wednesday called for the establishment of a striking force to counter any attacks launched by the Saudi-led coalition, as his group "keeps on developing ballistic missiles."
"In the military aspect, we achieved great results, mainly the prevention of the aggression from occupying the country," Abdul Malik al-Houthi added in televised speech.
The Arab coalition "is expected to repeat their attempts, so we have to reinforce fronts continually, build military divisions, mobilize and train recruits, and form brigades and striking force to fend off the enemy's attempts.
"We reached an advanced level of military capacities that many Arab countries don't possess. We produce long-range ballistic missiles that can outreach any point in the aggressive coalition's neighboring countries," he said.
The production of variable missiles continually improves

and also


(A P)

Houthis brag of their future victims: Children who concluded radicalization courses in the "summer camps" participated in a parade in Alsabeen Square in Sana'a today. The children who were indoctrinated with sectarianism and murder ideologies will be time-bombs and cannon fodder on the war frontlines in the days to come./Anaween Post

(A P)

Children of Houthis' extremist and sec summer camps marching with guns today in Dhahyan, Saada governorate. (photo)

(A P)

As people prepare to celebrate Eid Al-Dhaha, the Houthi militia controlling Sana'a have shocked the city's population with a new increase in gas prices. According to a statement by the militant-controlled national gas company,the increases that will be implemented as of next Saturday and a cylinder of gas that now costs YR 6000 will be sold for YR 9000. /Akhbar Al-Arab website

(A P)

The Houthi militia are launching a massive campaign for recruitment of children to military camps and warfronts forcing dozens of families in Al-Qafr district to send their children to the military camps./Multiple websites

(A P)

The Houthi militia close a number of restaurants in Sana'a after they have failed to pay nefarious taxes to the militia./Almashehad Alyemeni

(A P)

Al-Houthi: Any military alliances in the region will only lead to more wars

Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, a member the Supreme Political Council in Sana’a has said that the creation of a new coalition in the region would push it into more wars.

“Any military alliances in the region will not lead to stability, but to more wars,” Al-Houthi said in a tweet, =

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp6 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-812 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-812: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose

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