... Das politische Überleben der Islah steht auf dem Spiel – Der Separatismus des Südens ist auf dem Vormarsch – Houthis sollten dringend Straßen nach Taizz öffnen – Häusliche Gewalt gegen Frauen während des Krieges im Jemen – Jemenkrieg führt zu Wassermangel – und mehr
September 1, 2022: Yemen’s war victims tell their stories – Origins of the Houthi supremacist ideology – Saudi Arabia’s divided anti-Houthi coalition – Emirati-backed forces eye Yemen’s energy heartland – Islah's political survival hangs in the balance – Southern separatism is on the march – Houthis should urgently open Taizz roads – Domestic violence against women during the war in Yemen – Yemen’s war could cause it to run out of water – and more
Schwerpunkte / Key aspects
Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2: https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-821b-yemen-war-mosaic-821b
Klassifizierung / Classification
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
cp2 Allgemein / General
cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade
cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation
cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees
cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis
cp6 Separatisten und Aden-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Aden government in Southern Yemen
cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks
cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia
cp9 USA
cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf
cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries
cp12b Sudan
cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade
cp13b Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage
cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy
cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism
cp15 Propaganda
cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids
cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War
cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle
cp19 Sonstiges / Other
Klassifizierung / Classification
***
**
*
(Kein Stern / No star)
? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating
A = Aktuell / Current news
B = Hintergrund / Background
C = Chronik / Chronicle
D = Details
E = Wirtschaft / Economy
H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions
K = Krieg / War
P = Politik / Politics
pH = Pro-Houthi
pS = Pro-Saudi
T = Terrorismus / Terrorism
Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject
(B K P)
Audio: Sieben Jahre Bürgerkrieg im Jemen
https://www.mdr.de/mdr-aktuell-nachrichtenradio/audio/audio-2115918.html
(B H K P)
Es bleibt die größte humanitäre Krise
Seit April hält die brüchige Waffenruhe im Jemen zwischen den Huthis und der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Allianz. Laut UN sind seit 2015 mehr als 380.000 Menschen durch den Krieg und die Folgen getötet worden. Jetzt gibt es Hoffnung auf Frieden.
Fotos aus dem Jemen kommen auf meinem Handy an, neue Entwicklungen der humanitären Lage angesichts der heftigen Überschwemmungen. Menschen, die eh schon durch den Krieg vertrieben wurden, haben jetzt auch noch ihre Zelte verloren – stehen vor dem Nichts. Geschickt hat die Bilder eine Mitarbeiterin einer Hilfsorganisation aus dem Jemen, mit der ich kürzlich ein langes Hintergrundgespräch hatte.
Unsere Hauptansprechpartner im Jemen sind die Hilfsorganisationen und UN-Organisationen, die vor Ort sind
https://www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de/jemen-huthis-saudi-arabien-100.html
(B H K)
17 Millionen Einwohner in akuter Not
Im Jemen spielt sich aktuell eine global wenig beachtete humanitäre Katastrophe ab. Trotz einer seit einigen Monaten geltenden Waffenruhe ist eine friedliche Zukunft für das arabische Land äußerst ungewiss. Und die Bevölkerung leidet: Im Jemen befinden sich aktuell rund 17,4 von insgesamt 29,8 Millionen Einwohnerinnen und Einwohnern in akuter Not. Darauf macht Misereor mit Blick auf die am 1. September anstehende Verleihung des Aachener Friedenspreises an seine jemenitische Partnerorganisation Mwatana for Human Rights aufmerksam.
Das Katholische Werk für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit beruft sich auf Zahlen der Vereinten Nationen. Die Betroffenen könnten aus eigenen Mitteln nicht mehr ihren Lebensunterhalt bestreiten und seien auf Nahrungsmittelhilfen angewiesen, berichtete Karin Bräuer, Länderreferentin für den Jemen bei Misereor. "Die Zahl der Kinder ohne ausreichende Versorgung mit Lebensmitteln ist eine der höchsten weltweit." Ein weiteres Problem: "Durch die jahrelangen militärischen Auseinandersetzungen wurden mehr als 4,3 Millionen Menschen innerhalb des Landes vertrieben."
Zudem wurden und werden im Jemen zahlreiche Menschenrechtsverletzungen begangen. "Sie tragen zur fortgesetzten Konfliktdynamik bei - im Vertrauen darauf, dass die verbreitete Straflosigkeit weitergehen wird", so Bräuer. "Die Opfer sind sich ihrer Rechte oft nicht bewusst, erfahren weder Gerechtigkeit, noch erhalten sie eine Entschädigung."
Mwatana for Human Rights setzt sich seit vielen Jahren für die Opfer von Menschenrechtsverletzungen ein. Die Organisation dokumentiert die Zerstörung ziviler und kultureller Güter und unterstützt die Betroffenen von Menschenrechtsverletzungen und willkürlichen Verhaftungen. In sozialen Medien, Filmen, Broschüren und Radiokampagnen schärft Mwatana das Bewusstsein von Menschen für ihre Rechte, ermutigt und qualifiziert sie für menschenrechtliches Engagement. Misereor freut sich sehr, dass die wichtige Arbeit seiner Partnerorganisation durch den Aachener Friedenspreis eine große Anerkennung erfährt.
Misereor hat sich zuletzt im Jemen im Bereich Ernährungssicherung und der Bekämpfung von Mangelernährung engagiert. Insbesondere profitierten davon Kinder unter fünf Jahren sowie schwangere und stillende Frauen. Angestrebt wird in nächster Zeit ein Projekt zur nachhaltigen Sicherung des Lebensunterhalts bedürftiger Personen.
cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important
(**B H K)
‘They robbed me of my children’: Yemen’s war victims tell their stories
It is as if time has stood still since I began writing and recording the testimonies of victims’ families.
The scars of war don’t go away. They stay in our souls and our memory. They remain alive in the memory of all those who have experienced war and suffered its destruction, those who have lost their loved ones. You cannot forget the horror of this war or our tragedy simply because the world wants to pull the curtain down over it, to hide the victims and reward the executioners. So, then, these witness testimonies, their voices, are a finger in the eyes of the murderers and the hunting dogs they hide behind. They are a memory against forgetting, against feigning ignorance, against indifference. They are comfort and peace for the souls of all of those who have been killed and the loved ones who are left behind with nothing but memories.
‘In every house in this city, there is a story that must be put to bed’
As told by Sumaiyya Ahmed Saeed, from the city of Taiz in Yemen’s south-west. On 20 August 2015, at 4.30pm, the Houthi militia targeted a group of children playing next to a shop that belonged to Sumaiyya’s husband, Muhammad Qasim Rashid al-Khadami, in Taiz’s al-Dhaboua neighbourhood. Three of their children – Usaid Muhammad Qasim Rashid al-Khadami (8), Rahma Muhammad Qasim Rashid al-Khadami (6), and Ezzedine Muhammad Qasim Rashid al-Khadami (2) – were killed, as was Sumaiyya’s father-in-law, Ahmed Ali Ahmed al-Khadami (50), and a number of other children from the neighbourhood.
‘I dream of the moment just before the missile fell’
As told by Ahmad Abdel Hameed Sayf, from al-Qutay, a village in the western governorate of Hodeidah. On 26 January 2017 at 5.40pm, Arab coalition aeroplanes attacked the house of Ahmad’s brother, Fahmi Abdel Hameed Sayf, in al-Qutay. Fahmi’s wife, Asma Abdel Qader Yassin Sharaf (30), was killed, as were three of their children – Muhammad Fahmi Abdel Hameed Sayf (12), Malak Fahmi Abdel Hameed Sayf (3), and Malakat Fahmi Abdel Hameed Sayf (1 1/2) – along with another girl, Nisreen Hassan Zayd Muhammad (10), three women, and two of their neighbour Abdel Kareem Abdel Hameed’s children. Fahmi and Asma’s son Ammar Fahmi Abdel Hameed Sayf (8) was injured and his left leg was amputated. SabaFon, the mobile phone company that was the nominal target of the attack, refused to compensate the families or pay for any treatment.
‘I stood silent that day among the rubble, looking at what was no longer there’
As told by Sabah Abda Ahmad Fare, from the Erat Hamdan area of Sana’a. On 2 June 2015 at 5.30pm, Arab coalition aeroplanes targeted Sabah’s house. Two of Sabah’s children – Noura Ali Ahmad Muhammad al-Qabali (19) and Shuhab Ali Ahmad Muhammad al-Qabali (5) – were killed. Her daughter’s friends Lubna Sultan and Ishraq al-Zaifi were also killed. Four of her neighbor Qaid al-Atmi’s children were killed: Rudaina al-Atmi, Ameera al-Atmi, Abdo al-Atmi and Adeeb al-Atmi. The coalition destroyed Sabah’s house, which her husband, Ali Ahmad Muhammad al-Qabali, had built himself. – by Bushra al-Maqtari
https://www.theguardian.com/news/2022/aug/25/yemen-war-victims-stories-they-robbed-me-of-my-children
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Analysis: Origins of the Houthi supremacist ideology
Introduction
One of the several, often overlooked challenges facing Yemen is the supremacist and divisive ideological basis of the Houthi movement. The movement’s ideology has rebellion and violence at its core, a recipe that can perpetuate crises within a society. This analysis aims to shed light on the ideological fault lines that fuel the current conflict in Yemen. The article starts by highlighting the nature of this ideology, which suggests that Ahl al-Bayt — descendants from the family of the Islamic Prophet1 — are, by divine decree, considered to be more deserving of the right to greater political and religious rule than other socio-political components. The article then looks into the background of the Houthis and argues that the ideology is a catalyst for conflict rather than peaceful political competition, and that so long the Houthi political goal of Hashemite dominance remains unrealised, the Houthi desire for conflict will not recede.
The Yemeni civil war is a result of a supremacist and divisive ideology
The supremacist and divisive practices of the Houthis served as a catalyst for political conflict that undermined stability and contributed to their rebellion in 2014. Rebellion was an inevitable goal for the Houthis once they had acquired the necessary means during and after the chaotic events of 2011-2012. Alziady (2021) explains that:
“The Houthi family claims its Hashemite origin and being descendants of Prophet Muhammed which in result according to their ideology gives them the right to declare their Imamate, after more than 50 years of its end. Under the leadership of Hussein Al-Houthi, the movement transformed from being a religious-cultural movement to a military entity seeking to restore the glory of the Imamate.” (p.805).
Stipulating that those who do not believe in the divine right for Ahl al-Bayt to rule are traitors, Jarudi Zaydism spread through Yemen via the support of Houthis and the movement found itself in continuous war with its Islamist, secularist, leftist, or Southern secessionist opponents. This is because Houthi ideology fuels conflict on an unprecedented scale by dividing Yemeni society into those who are fit and those who are not based on a belief in divine rule. In the aftermath of the 2014 coup, Houthi authorities replaced government and military officials with Hashemite Zaydi officials who are appointed for their identity rather than merit (Ghanem, 2019). The war, in the context of the political dispute and the aforementioned societal division, inevitably led to social fragmentation. As Ghanem describes it, the war “exacerbated long-standing grievances and created new fractures in Yemen’s social fabric” (Ibid). The conflict is a political struggle for power based on an ideological self-perception of superiority that has its roots in the onset of the Islamic civilisation.
One of the manifestations of the Houthis’ desire for war is religious schools and training camps in which, through training courses on Zaydi faith and Houthi values of supremacy and rebellion, they encourage the youth to join the fight (Alziady, 2021). The essence of their education is building and sustaining the preference of Hashemites over other ranks of Yemeni society. This is done not only via these schools, but through media and the public sphere too. The ramification of this policy is that the Houthis raise generations that believe in and are ready to sacrifice themselves for the Houthi cause. The Houthi narrative was strengthened by the Saudi intervention in 2015 as the Houthis then framed their actions as a defence against foreign aggression. The patriotic narrative also gained traction among young Yemenis, including many non-Zaydis and non-Hashemites, as fighting for one’s country was deemed patriotic.
The Houthis have stated their preference for Hashemite dominance multiple times. So long as that vision is not realised, the Houthis’ desire for war is unlikely to recede. The Houthis, and before them the extreme Zaydi political movements throughout the centuries that tried to achieve this vision, framed the 2004 war as divine and excluded other Yemenis who refused this divine rule, calling them traitors.
The Houthis have stated their preference for Hashemite dominance multiple times. So long as that vision is not realised, the Houthis’ desire for war is unlikely to recede. The Houthis, and before them the extreme Zaydi political movements throughout the centuries that tried to achieve this vision, framed the 2004 war as divine and excluded other Yemenis who refused this divine rule, calling them traitors. Human rights groups have pointed out multiple atrocities such as violent threats, extrajudicial executions, and other criminal activities including against those from their own group who disagree with the leadership. Throughout history, various incarnations of a Zaydi revival movement attempting political life failed largely because an extreme wing within managed to control the movement from behind the scenes. In our modern times, this extreme tendency – The Houthis – could not have agreed to a republican system as it sees society as legitimate only under a ‘Wilaya’ system.
A way forward?
Yemeni society is suffering from atrocities committed by various local and international actors. This article attempted to explain the local context of the conflict i.e. the conflict amongst the Yemenis themselves over how society ought to be governed. The damage from this war affects the Yemeni people primarily – by Noman Ahmed and Mahmoud Shamsan
https://www.commonspace.eu/analysis/analysis-origins-houthi-supremacist-ideology
My comment: This is an anti-Houthi opinion article.
(** B P)
Saudi-Arabiens zerstrittene Anti-Huthi-Koalition: Zerfällt der Jemen?
Zwischen den Fraktionen des im April 2022 gegründeten Präsidialrats unter der Führung Saudi-Arabiens brechen zunehmend Gegensätze auf, die die staatliche Einheit des Jemen gefährden
Im August haben Giants-Milizen des von den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten unterstützten Südübergangsrats nach drei Tagen schwerer Gefechte die Kontrolle über Ataq, Hauptstadt der südjemenitischen Provinz Schabwa, übernommen. Zuvor war die Stadt in den Händen von Kräften, die der Islah-Partei nahestehen. Diese wird von den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten (VAE) seit langem als ein Zweig der Muslimbruderschaft betrachtet, als islamistische Organisation eingestuft und in der gesamten Region bekämpft.
Das Brisante an dem Zwischenfall: Beide Seiten sind Mitglieder im Präsidialrat (Presidential Leadership Council, PLC), der im April von Saudi-Arabien und den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten eingesetzt wurde, um die Anti-Huthi-Kräfte zu einen und genau solche Kämpfe der jeweiligen Fraktionen untereinander zu verhindern.
Der Konflikt in Schabwa ist ein Lackmustest für den Präsidialrat. Der international anerkannte, aber äußerst unpopuläre Exilpräsident Abed Rabbo Mansur Hadi, der maßgeblich von Saudi-Arabien abhängig ist, hatte seine sämtlichen Befugnisse im April an den neuen Präsidialrat abgegeben. Beobachter halten die widersprüchliche Agenda der einzelnen Fraktionen im Präsidialrat für einen zentralen Hemmschuh für dessen Handlungsfähigkeit.
Jemens letzter Sargnagel?
Für Alexandra Stark, Senior Researcher beim Think Tank New America, sind die jüngsten Auseinandersetzungen ein Symptom für die tief verwurzelten und bereits lange andauernden Probleme der Anti-Huthi-Koalition: Die einzelnen Fraktionen sind tief zerstritten und "nur nominell durch das gemeinsame Ziel geeint, die Huthis zu besiegen, darüber hinaus aber verfolgen sie unterschiedliche Interessen und Ziele“, so Stark gegenüber Qantara.de.
Viele Beobachter stellen sich daher die Frage, ob die jüngsten Auseinandersetzungen in der Provinz Schabwa zum letzten Sargnagel für den Jemen als geeintem Staat werden. Die Einnahme der Stadt Ataq durch die VAE-nahen Giants-Brigaden wurde von den Südjemeniten gefeiert. Insbesondere als die Sieger symbolisch die Flagge des vereinten Jemen einholten und durch die Fahne des ehemals unabhängigen Südjemen ersetzten.
Nach Auffassung von Alexandra Stark läutet der jüngste Konflikt nicht unbedingt das Ende der Bemühungen des Präsidialrats ein. Der Konflikt stelle aber durchaus eine ernste Herausforderung dar: "Selbst wenn es dem Präsidialrat und den gegnerischen Huthis gelingt, den Waffenstillstand aufrechterhalten und eine Art Friedensabkommen auszuarbeiten, werden damit nicht die anderen, altbekannten Probleme des Jemen gelöst. Diese reichen zurück bis in den Bürgerkrieg von 1994 und davor, also in die Zeit noch vor der Vereinigung der beiden jemenitischen Staaten.“
Widerstrebende Interessen im Präsidialrat
Für Asher Orkaby, wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Davis Center der Harvard University und Dozent an der Harvard Extension School, sind die Brüche nach dem Abkommen von Riad 2019 nicht zu kitten. Letztlich sei das Abkommens nicht imstande gewesen, das schwache Bündnis zwischen der im saudischen Riad ansässigen international anerkannten jemenitischen Regierung und dem von den VAE unterstützten Südübergangsrat (Southern Transitional Council) zu festigen. Der Südübergangsrat strebt in erster Linie nach der Unabhängigkeit für den Süden. "Auch wenn beide Gruppierungen im Präsidialrat vertreten sind, halten die Spannungen an, da dieser im Süden des Jemen weder legitimiert noch stark präsent ist“, sagte er gegenüber Qantara.de.
Die Vorfälle in Schabwa ließen "auf neue Allianzen im Präsidialrat schließen“, meint Susanne Dahlgren, Wissenschaftlerin am Middle East Institute in Washington, USA, und Dozentin an der Universität Tampere in Finnland. Die "Anti-Islah-Allianz“ im Präsidialrat habe seit den Kämpfen um Schabwa offenbar die Unterstützung des Vorsitzenden, Raschad al-Alimi, erhalten. Zudem beobachtet Dahlgren das Aufkommen eines neuen Narrativs, das "die Versuche der Islah, die Kontrolle im Süden zu erlangen, mit den Vorstößen der Huthi im Norden verbindet.“
Einige Beobachter befürchten, die Zwischenfälle von Schabwa könnten die Einheit des jemenitischen Staates gefährden. Abdulghani al-Iryani, Senior Researcher am Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies, hält diese Einschätzung allerdings nicht für unbedingt zutreffend – von Stasa Salacanin
https://de.qantara.de/inhalt/saudi-arabiens-zerstrittene-anti-huthi-koalition-zerfaellt-der-jemen
and English version:
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Saudi Arabia’s divided anti-Houthi coalition
Rescuing the state of Yemen
United Yemen’s future looks increasingly doubtful. August 2022 saw fierce fighting between members of Saudi Arabia's anti-Houthi coalition forces in the southern Yemen governorate of Shabwa
After three days of heavy combat, UAE-backed Giants Brigades and Shabwa Defence forces secured control over the city of Ataq, formerly held by Islah-affiliated forces, which the United Arab Emirates has long viewed as an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamist group opposed by Abu Dhabi across the region.
The latest tensions are a crucial test for the ruling Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), established in April by Saudi Arabia and the UAE, in an attempt to unite the anti-Houthi forces and prevent in-fighting between the different factions. The council assumed its powers from the internationally recognised, yet highly unpopular, president-in-exile Hadi, greatly influenced by Saudi Arabia. Many observers claim that the conflicting agendas of PLC members pose a major obstacle to the council’s operational powers.
The last nail in the coffin?
For Alexandra Stark, senior researcher at New America think tank, the latest round of fighting is indicative of one of the anti-Houthi coalition’s inherent and long-standing problems: disunity among its military factions, who are "only nominally united by the common goal of defeating the Houthis, but beyond that, have different interests and goals", as she told Qantara.de.
Many are therefore wondering whether the latest flare-up will turn out to be the last nail in the coffin for a united Yemen. The seizure of Ataq, for example, was celebrated by southerners, especially when the victors symbolically lowered the flag of united Yemen and replaced it with the pre-unity flag of South Yemen.
In Stark’s opinion, this latest event is not necessarily the death knell of the PLC's efforts, though it does pose a serious challenge. It does, however, illustrate a broader issue: "Even if the PLC and the Houthis are able to maintain the truce and work out some sort of peace agreement, that will not solve other, long-standing issues that stretch back to the 1994 civil war and before that, to when Yemen was two separate states."
In similar vein, Asher Orkaby, a research associate at Harvard University’s Davis Center and a lecturer at the Harvard Extension School observes that fractures were evident in the aftermath of the 2019 Riyadh Agreement and the ultimate failure of the latter to fix the tenuous alliance between the Riyadh-based ROY and the UAE backed STC (Southern Transitional Council). "Tensions continue even under the PLC, because the council does not have legitimacy or a strong physical presence in the country's south," he told Qantara.de.
The Shabwa events, however, do "indicate a new alliance emerging inside the PLC," says Susanne Dahlgren, a scholar at the Middle East Institute and lecturer at Finland-based Tampere University. This 'anti-Islah alliance' appears to have won the support of PLC Chairman Rashad Muhammad al-Alimi since the battle of Shabwa. She has also noticed an emergence of a new narrative that links "the attempts of Islah to gain control in the south with Houthi advancements in the north."
While some observers fear that bloody rivalry may threaten the unity of the Yemeni state, Abdulghani al-Iryani, senior researcher at Sana'a Center for Strategic Studies said that this is not necessarily true. According to al-Iryani, what it does threaten is "the possibility of restoring Yemeni unity in the context of a simple centralised state dominated by the northern elites, as envisaged by several Yemeni factions, including Islah." He continued: "Miscalculations by regional actors, specifically UAE, in considering the option of declaring a southern state, while leaving Saudi Arabia with an ally of Iran – the Houthis – controlling the north, will perpetuate instability in Yemen." – by Stasa Salacanin
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Emirati-backed forces eye Yemen’s energy heartland
The battle for control of the Yemeni heartland and its energy resources has reached a turning point. Yemen’s internationally recognized institutions are, once again, in crisis. In fact, the current infighting within the “government camp” between the secessionist forces close to the Southern Transitional Council (STC) and the Saudi-backed Islamist political party Islah threatens both the long-stalled implementation of the 2019 Riyadh Agreement and the political legitimacy of the newly-established Presidential Leadership Council (PLC). This is very bad news for Saudi Arabia, which has invested a great deal in the PLC in an effort to unify the anti-Houthi camp and prevent a new offensive on Marib.
In recent weeks, the southern secessionist forces, informally backed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE), have seized most of the southern governorate of Shabwa, including the energy fields and the main urban center of Ataq, as well as conquering Shaqra and Ahwar, towns in the coastal governorate of Abyan, as part of a military operation to “cleanse it of terrorist organizations.” In both Shabwa and Abyan, the official Yemeni army and the forces of the Saudi-backed Islah party were defeated or forced to withdraw. There are two key dynamics at play with regard to the UAE-backed forces’ success: They are prevailing not only through military means on the ground, but also through appointments and economic power in local and national institutions; and unlike their previous strategy in 2015-19, these forces are now aiming to control Yemen’s energy fields.
The intra-government battlefields: Shabwa and Abyan
On Aug. 21, the UAE-backed forces seized oil and gas fields in eastern Shabwa. This occurred following weeks of intermittent clashes between, on the one side, the STC-affiliated Shabwa Defense Forces (formerly the Shabwani Elite Forces) and the Giants Brigades (deployed at the governor’s request) and, on the other, Islah’s forces, army units, and the governorate’s pro-Islah Special Security Forces. Islah, which is closely associated with part of the Salafis and the local Muslim Brotherhood, usually rallies Yemen’s conservative and tribal elements.
As the violence erupted, the PLC established a military committee for de-escalation, authorizing the pro-UAE governor of Shabwa to stabilize the area. On Aug. 23, the STC launched a military operation called “Arrows of the East” in Abyan, starting from the coastal center of Shaqra. The operation aims to target “terrorist organizations” — a wide-ranging term that includes, in the STC’s view, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), the Houthis, and especially the Muslim Brotherhood. PLC President Rashad al-Alimi has ordered the STC to cease its military operations in Abyan until the Riyadh Agreement is implemented, which would include troop redeployment and security sector unification; however, the STC has thus far not halted its offensive. Instead, it is possible that the UAE-backed southern forces will extend their offensive into Hadhramawt, a key oil-rich southern governorate whose northern valley is still controlled by Islah. During a meeting with Hadhrami notables, STC leader Zubaidi expressed the intention to include Hadhramawt in “these operations,” answering “popular demands… [to] liberate” the valley.
The decline of Islah: A problem for Saudi Arabia
Against this backdrop, the political and military power of Islah has visibly declined. The party, which widely capitalized on post-2011 transitional institutions, no longer seems able to preserve its military and political position.
Islah’s decline is a problem for Saudi Arabia because, unlike the UAE-backed forces, Islah supports a united Yemen and used to be supported mainly by northern tribes with ties to the republican elites. If the Houthis hold most of the north and Hodeida in the west, and the Emirati-backed groups fighting for greater autonomy or even secession prevail in the rest, Riyadh can only rely on small, marginal areas of the country. Thus, it is no surprise that the diplomatic talks that Saudi Arabia and the Houthis are holding in Oman, without representatives from Yemen’s recognized institutions, focus on securing the Yemeni-Saudi border, Riyadh’s essential — and minimum — goal in Yemen now.
How the UAE-backed forces are winning: Politics, salaries, and weapons
Within the government camp, the Emirati-backed forces enjoy a political advantage: Their leaders were co-opted by the internationally recognized institutions and this enhanced their political legitimacy. The heads of the STC, the National Resistance Forces (NRF), and the Giants Brigades are all members of the PLC, which was established in April under Saudi pressure. In a recent cabinet reshuffle, Alimi appointed four new ministers that are aligned with the STC, including the defense minister, who commanded the anti-Houthi troops in Marib. Since late 2021, pro-Emirati governors have replaced pro-Islah ones in three regions in the south of Yemen: Shabwa, Hadhramawt, and Socotra.
The Emirati-backed forces also have an economic advantage. Since 2015, they have received higher salaries than the army units and Islah forces. More importantly, their salaries are paid regularly, thus encouraging local recruitment, co-optation by the Emirati-backed forces, and the shifting of alliances on the ground.
The new UAE-backed forces’ strategy: From the rimland to the heartland
The Emirati-backed forces in Yemen are following a different strategy than before. They still control Yemen’s rimland — the coasts, islands, ports, and energy terminals — but they are now working to seize the heartland. From 2015 to 2019, with the support of the Emirati troops on the ground, these groups took the southern coastline along with its port cities and maritime infrastructure, competing and clashing with Islah and, to a lesser extent, AQAP. In Shabwa, for instance, the UAE-backed forces organized ground operations against AQAP and managed to gain control of the Balhaf terminal, the only liquefied natural gas facility in the country.
The UAE-backed forces are now attempting to take control of strategic internal routes, transport links between energy-rich regions like Marib and Hadhramawt, and possibly access to oil and gas fields in Shabwa and in “the government’s triangle of power”: in other words, the heartland of Yemen. Controlling these areas would complete the forces’ economic “supply chain,” boosting financial revenues and the prospects for a micro-state that is completely autonomous from recognized institutions – by Eleonora Ardemagni
https://www.mei.edu/publications/emirati-backed-forces-eye-yemens-energy-heartland
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Yemen war: Islah's political survival hangs in the balance
Rival factions have been fighting for control in the key strategic territory of Shabwah.
The multifaceted conflict in Yemen is about to claim another victim: the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated al-Islah party. With the devastating civil war set to enter its eighth year, a rebalancing of political actors is delivering major defeats for Islah, a party that shared power for decades with Yemen’s deposed president, Ali Abdullah Saleh.
The loss of a major centre of gravity in the southern oil-rich province of Shabwah threatens Islah’s political survival, and could mark the most significant shift in the country’s power balance since the war broke out in 2015
A highly valued strategic territory, Shabwah was under Islah’s control for years, providing the group with direct access to the Arabian Sea.
The conflict in Shabwah between Islah and the Southern Transitional Council is a consequence of a rivalry that extends back to the 1994 civil war. Tensions intensified recently amid the heavy-handed response to civilian protests by Shabwah’s former governor, who is affiliated with Islah. His successor has vowed to bring to justice those accused of crimes against civilians, and has dismissed a number of Islah-affiliated officers.
Amid months of major shifts within Yemen’s political establishment, Islah has suffered defeats across various fronts. Party affiliates in the national army have been accused of abandoning bases to the Houthi rebels and of committing crimes against unarmed civilians. Islah has lost political prominence and key government postings, and has found itself dislodged from its traditional sphere of influence.
The dismissal last year of former Shabwah governor Mohammed Bin Adyo, which came in accordance with the 2019 Riyadh Agreement, ushered in a major shift in the balance of power. Islah was weakened politically under the agreement brokered by Saudi Arabia. Bin Adio’s replacement, Awadh bin al-Wazir al-Awlaqi, has empowered southern elements, as the new governor has rallied local tribes against the Houthis.
Awlaqi’s decision to remove key military commanders prompted jubilation across Shabwah. The cleansing of local security forces affiliated with Islah also sparked clashes between security units and political confrontations within the Presidential Leadership Council, the executive body of Yemen’s internationally recognised government. Ultimately, Islah’s representative in the council tendered his resignation over the Shabwah issue, but later rescinded it.
The ongoing political conflict has diminished hopes for a peaceful transition in Yemen, as the shifting power balance has downgraded Islah’s status in government. The conflict also threatens the UN-brokered truce that has been in place since April. Islah cannot afford another military or political defeat, and any further losses in Shabwah could lead to new clashes in other parts of the country.
Clearly, Islah is suffering the consequences of campaigns targeting the Muslim Brotherhood across the Arab world, as the party has been accused of threatening the transition process in Yemen. This hostility emerges from a perceived ambition of Islah to monopolise the Yemeni government.
Southerners believe the only way to tame Islah is to deliver a major defeat, removing the party’s influence from all southern territory.
The latest accusations against Islah centre on its alleged relations with Houthi elements.
Some Yemeni media outlets have accused Islah of inciting a confrontation with the Presidential Leadership Council, while some Islah-affiliated outlets have challenged the credibility of the council. This could further fragment the fragile coalition standing against the Houthi rebels, complicating the task for the UN when it comes to extending the country’s truce – by Fernando Carvajal
https://www.middleeasteye.net/opinion/yemen-war-islahs-political-survival-hangs-balance
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Southern separatism is on the march in Yemen
The separatist Southern Transitional Council's victory in Shabwa and military advancements in the south represent a threat to Yemen's fragile ceasefire, and could fracture the country and its people.
Over the last four years of the conflict in Yemen, gains by separatist forces have magnified significantly. Aden, Dhale, Lahj, Socotra, and Abyan provinces are all under the control of the Southern Transitional Council (STC), a military and political body seeking to secede from northern Yemen.
The council did not earn these gains diplomatically or politically. Instead, bloodshed and violence had preceded any advances on the ground.
This development demonstrates two realities: the separatists' military preparedness to extend their presence in all southern provinces, and the pro-secession vision of the Saudi-led Arab coalition, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
Today, only two southern provinces remain outside the control of the STC: Hadramout and Al-Mahra. The STC has supporters there but has not subdued these two regions militarily.
Hadramout at present accommodates anti-secession military forces. This is a concern for the STC, which deems weeding out the threat there a prized aim.
On Thursday, 18 August, the STC branch in Hadramout said that the defeat of the First Military Region forces in Hadramout is a matter that cannot be postponed. This declaration came after the local authority in Hadramout brought down the former southern state flags hoisted by STC supporters.
Besides their military muscle, the separatists enjoy substantial political power represented by Aidrous Al-Zubaidi, the chief of the STC and deputy head of the Presidential Leadership Council (PLC), which has been the UN-recognised authority in Yemen since April this year.
The victory of southern secessionists in Shabwa made it clear that the coalition favours ending Yemen's unity, which came into being in 1990.
"Practically speaking, Shabwa no longer belongs to Yemen, and it has fallen to the STC with the military support of the Arab coalition that seeks to control the entire south before engaging in any talks with the Houthis," said Abdulsalam Mohammed, the head of Abaad Studies & Research Centre.
According to Mohammed, the PLC formed in April based on Gulf-sponsored talks does not seem keen on merging the armed groups under the Defence and Interior ministries. "Instead, the mission of this council is to legitimise the presence of these armed groups," he added.
"These regional powers had the scheme to hand over the southern provinces to armed militias just as happened in northern Yemen,” explained Adel Dashela, a Yemeni political researcher and author, to The New Arab, adding that the strategy of Riyadh and Abu Dhabi has been evident since the beginning of the war – by a Yemeni journalist
https://english.alaraby.co.uk/analysis/southern-separatism-march-yemen
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Menschenrechtsgruppen fordern die Huthis im Jemen auf, die Taiz-Blockade zu beenden
Sechzehn Rechtegruppen forderten am Montag die Houthi-Rebellen im Jemen auf, ihre Belagerung der drittgrößten Stadt des Landes zu beenden.
Die Gruppen, darunter Human Rights Watch und Amnesty International, sagten in einer gemeinsamen Erklärung, die Houthi-Blockade von Taiz habe die Bewegungsfreiheit stark eingeschränkt und den Fluss von lebenswichtigen Gütern, Medikamenten und humanitärer Hilfe für die Einwohner der Stadt behindert.
„Houthi-Restriktionen haben Zivilisten gezwungen, gefährliche und schlecht gewartete Bergstraßen zu benutzen, die die einzige Verbindung zwischen der belagerten Bevölkerung der Stadt Taiz und dem Rest der Welt darstellen“, sagte Michael Page, stellvertretender Direktor für den Nahen Osten und Nordafrika bei Human Rights Watch.
Seit März 2016 belagern die Houthis das von der Regierung gehaltene Taiz, die Hauptstadt der gleichnamigen Provinz Mocha am Roten Meer und ein weiteres von Norden nach Süden über die Provinzen Dhamar und Ibb nach Sanaa.
In der gemeinsamen Erklärung heißt es, dass von Houthi bemannte Kontrollpunkte die Bewohner daran hinderten, lebenswichtige Gegenstände wie Obst, Gemüse, Kochgas, Dialysebehandlungspakete und Sauerstoffflaschen mitzubringen. Sie hätten auch „einige dieser Gegenstände rechtswidrig beschlagnahmt“, hieß es.
„Die Belagerung von Taiz ist zu nichts weiter als einer Karte auf dem Verhandlungstisch geworden“, sagte Radhya Al-Mutwakel, Vorsitzende von Mwatana for Human Rights
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Yemen: Houthis Should Urgently Open Taizz Roads
Restore Freedom of Movement, Humanitarian Acces
Houthi forces, also known as Ansar Allah, should immediately open vital roads in and around Taizz, Yemen’s third-largest city, and restore freedom of movement for all civilians to prevent further deterioration of the already grave humanitarian crisis in Taizz, sixteen human rights groups said today.
The main roads in and out of the city of Taizz have been closed since 2015 by Houthi forces, severely restricting freedom of movement for civilians and impeding the flow of essential goods, medicine, and humanitarian access to the city’s residents.
“Houthi restrictions have forced civilians to use dangerous and poorly maintained mountain roads that are the only connection between Taizz city’s besieged population and the rest of the world,” said Michael Page, deputy Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Opening the main roads would help immensely to alleviate the suffering of a population that has been in near-total isolation for seven years.”
The International Committee of the Red Cross has said that “the severity of food and water needs is dangerously acute in Taizz.”
Houthi forces should ensure that all civilians can safely leave any area of potential danger and that any restrictions on freedom of movement are only temporary and for reasons of imperative military necessity, considering the ongoing truce, the groups said. The Houthis should ensure free and safe movement for all humanitarian personnel and facilitate the delivery of food, medical supplies, and other essential items and services to the civilians in the city and throughout the governorate.
There has been little progress on opening the roads, despite UN efforts.
The Houthis have blocked access to the main roads leading northeast, toward the Hawban region, as well as the roads leading north and northwest, linking Taizz city with the rest of Yemen. A trip from Taizz city to the Hawban region would take approximately 10 or 15 minutes before 2015, but now takes 6 to 8 hours. To leave Taizz city, residents have been forced to take the mountainous, unpaved al-Aqrodh road, a more than 60-kilometer detour that circles far around the city. Al-Aqrodh is winding and narrow, with sharp switchbacks and numerous government and Houthi checkpoints.
One resident of Taizz city told the groups, “There are daily casualties and accidents because of the state of the road; it is full of suffering and losses every day.”
The main roads connecting Aden to Taizz are also closed by the Houthis, forcing civilians to take the notoriously treacherous Haigat Al-Abd road to Aden. “Some people call it the death road,” the resident of Taizz city told the groups. “It is full of holes and not in good condition, but the people do not have any substitute.”
Residents of rural areas of Taizz governorate have long traveled to Taizz city for essential health care, such as dialysis or chemotherapy. Prior to the Houthi forces’ siege of the city, these routes were manageable. Today, journeys that previously took one hour can now take up to eight hours, causing sick patients to suffer needlessly for hours on rugged mountain roads.
During the rainy season, the danger of these alternative mountain routes increases dramatically because the unpaved dirt roads easily flood and fill with debris.
The road closures severely inhibit the efficient movement of food, medicines, and other essential goods in and out of the governorate – by 16 Human Rights groups
https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/08/29/yemen-houthis-should-urgently-open-taizz-roads
and media report: https://apnews.com/article/middle-east-yemen-blockades-sanaa-human-rights-watch-01be29656956d4823255ab8c48f08a19
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Fragile Walls: A study of domestic violence against women during the war in Yemen (2014 - 2021)
Gender-based violence (GBV) remains an international phenomenon that is widespread across the world. It affects millions of women and girls as one of the most common violations of human rights. In an international survey published in 2013, the World Health Organization (WHO) estimated that nearly one in three women aged 15 years or older had experienced physical and/or sexual violence, or both, at least once in their lives.[1] Other forms of violence also prevail in Arab countries, including “honor” killings; early, forced and temporary marriages; sexual harassment in public spaces; and harmful practices such as female genital mutilation (FGM) and the denial of rights and access to education and basic services for women and girls.[2]
In Yemen, there is insufficient data on the phenomenon of violence faced by women and girls in society, the public sphere, and in the private sphere (what is known as domestic violence). Domestic violence is generally dealt with as a family affair. It takes place within the confines of homes and others may not interfere because the violence is practiced by family members, such as the father, husband or brother, who possess authority granted to them by Yemen’s patriarchal society. The latter is governed by patriarchal customs and traditions. In Yemen, there is no law on domestic violence. Instead, incidents of domestic violence are governed by general provisions of national law, which include many discriminatory provisions that allow for, and condone, violence against women.
The spread of domestic violence indicates an imbalance in the social structure of the family as the first, solid protection for family members. It also constitutes a defect in societal values and norms, and a failing in the structure of the state, and its various laws and institutions, including the police and judicial institutions. Moreover, violent behavior within the family affects children and women, since they lack a sense of security and stability, which negatively affects their development and their physical and mental health.
The present study examines the phenomenon of domestic violence against women during the ongoing armed conflict in Yemen, particularly from 2014 to 2021. The goal of this qualitative study is to determine and shed light on the prevalent patterns, conditions, and causes of violent behavior towards women within the family, with a specific focus on physical forms of domestic violence. Additionally, the research aims to uncover the ways though which survivors, society, the police, and judicial institutions have dealt with cases of domestic violence. This study also seeks to identify common characteristics present among female survivors and victims of domestic violence, as well as among the perpetrators of such violence. The research makes a critical contribution due to the limited studies and data collection focused on domestic violence against women in Yemen. Nonetheless, the study has certain limitations due to the difficulties faced by the study team in researching this sensitive and novel topic. Ultimately, the study and its recommendations seek to contribute to the promotion and protection of women’s rights and freedoms in the case of violence.
From Executive Summary
For more than seven years, the armed conflict has continued to exacerbate the situation of women and girls in Yemen. In a society suffering from escalating levels of violence, deteriorating living conditions, and the collapse of state institutions, women face gender-based violence both in the public and private spheres. The latter includes domestic violence against women, which concerns harmful and abusive behavior by immediate and extended family members directed towards women and girls within the family. This violence can take many forms, including physical, sexual, economic, and psychological abuse and threats of abuse. Violence against women constitutes a serious violation of women’s human rights and gravely endangers their health and well-being. It is deeply rooted in power inequalities between men and women, the abuse of power, and harmful norms and practices.
The study starts with examining the extent to which the protection of women from domestic violence is incorporated in national and international legal frameworks. It is shown that, in contrast to the strong international legal framework for the promotion and protection of women’s rights, the Yemeni legal system lacks a law dealing with the protection of women from domestic violence. Instead, there are several legal loopholes that contribute in one way or another to the phenomenon of domestic violence against women. Based on the results of the qualitative research, the study proceeds with discussing the most prominent patterns of domestic violence against women during the war the armed conflict, including homicide, rape in the family, and physical assault, among other patterns. The study also addresses the obstacles faced by female survivors seeking to access justice for the domestic violence they endured. The views of the interviewed survivors and relatives of victims about the causes of domestic violence are also discussed. This discussion is followed by an analysis of the characteristics of domestic violence survivors, victims, and perpetrators identified in the cases studied. Finally, the main results of this study are outlined and, on this basis, a set of recommendations addressed to several key actors is presented.
https://mwatana.org/en/fragile-walls/
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YEMEN’S WAR COULD CAUSE IT TO RUN OUT OF WATER
The war has caused extensive environmental degradation, making the country more vulnerable to climate change.
For years, experts have warned that Yemen is at great risk of completely running out of potable water in the next few decades. Today, the situation is dire: The majority of people living in Yemen have no access to clean water, and Yemen’s freshwater share per capita is only 74 cubic meters — drastically below what is considered to be the “water poverty line” of 1,000 cubic meters per capita.
Already one of the most water-poor countries in the world, climate change is having devastating impacts on Yemen’s water supply, a phenomenon that is already well underway as droughts and flooding, rather than regular rainfall, have become increasingly common. But climate change is not the only causal factor behind Yemen’s rapidly decreasing water supply. The conflict may be an even greater contributor to this catastrophe.
While challenges with resource management predate the war, the deterioration of government institutions has led to a breakdown in the management of waste, water, food, land, and broader infrastructure across the country. For example, there has been little-to-no control over the drilling of wells or irrigation across the country. Communities and farmers have drilled wells and irrigated farms as needed, often without attaining any permissions to do so, resulting in the over-extraction of groundwater supplies. In some cases, this over-extraction has decreased water pressure in wells, leading to many of them drying up.
Where waste facilities have broken down due to lack of management and resources or have become inaccessible due to warfare, waste has overflown in residential areas, impacting the health of residents. For example, in Taiz, the waste management facilities are located on the frontlines, making them inaccessible due to fighting.
Furthermore, in areas where individuals have been displaced, waste and sewage infrastructure have often not been developed and are failing to meet increased demand. Thus, many families resort to digging sewage holes next to their homes and shelters, which can have a significant impact on the groundwater supply — particularly where they have been dug deep enough to tap into the groundwater.
Both the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthis, two of the main warring parties in the conflict, have been responsible for destroying critical infrastructure through ground and aerial attacks. Airstrikes conducted by the coalition have damaged or destroyed water sources and farmland across the country. A study from 2017, using data from the Yemen Data Project, found that agricultural land was the most frequently hit target by the Saudi-led coalition in most governorates across the country between March 2015 and August 2016.
In addition to the immediate damage these attacks have had on the environment — both in the immediate destruction of and damage to land and water — they also lead to long-term damage, as broken down irrigation systems may leave the land to dry out and become non-arable. Explosive weapons have also been shown to have long-term pollutant effects on water, air, and soil.
One of the most significant environmental impacts of the war has been the prolific laying of landmines across the country.
The combination of the restrictions on imports and the country’s related dire economic circumstances have meant that even as severe climate events increase, the country has little to no resources to manage these events, such as through the rerouting of flood waters. As the war continues in Yemen with no end in sight, it remains impossible to predict the extent of devastation and destruction that will be done upon the environment, and how long the effects of the damage that has already been done will last – by Niku Jafarnia
https://inkstickmedia.com/yemens-war-could-cause-it-to-run-out-of-water/
cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics
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Yemeni women at the forefront of the COVID-19 response
Dr Adham Rashad Ismail Abdel Moneim, the WHO Representative to Yemen explains, “The Yemen COVID-19 Response Project Results Framework included a target of females accounting for one in three COVID-19 vaccinators. One year later however, women make up more than half the COVID-19 vaccination workforce.”
Several key enablers of success contributed to this target being so dramatically exceeded.
First, the partnership between the Bank and WHO on the Yemen COVID-19 Response Project from April 2020 onwards, built on the foundations of the Emergency Health and Nutrition Project since 2017, in which gender-responsive and gender-sensitive programming was integral to the project management approach.
http://www.emro.who.int/yemen/news/yemeni-women-at-the-forefront-of-the-covid-19-response.html
(A H)
One new COVID-19 case reported in Aden
http://en.adenpress.news/news/35548
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Huthi-Rebellen im Jemen gegen Impfungen: „Religionsideologische Gründe“
Ein Junge erkrankt an Polio. Geimpft war er nicht – sein Vater glaubte den Mythen der Huthi-Rebellen. Im Jemen steigen die Fallzahlen.
Haschim ist eines von zwölf Kindern im Bezirk Razih, seiner Heimat im Gouvernement Saada, das an Polio erkrankt ist. Die meisten von ihnen seien zwischen sechs und zwölf Jahre alt, erzählt Haschims Mutter. Der Vater des Jungen, Mohammad Hussein, ist fest überzeugt: Woran sein Sohn leidet, kann nicht Polio sein. Seine Vorfahren, die Väter und Großväter, seien auch nicht geimpft gewesen, Impfstoffe eine „Verschwörung gegen Muslime“.
Im September 2014 übernahm die Huthi-Gruppe die Kontrolle über das Gouvernement Saada. Seitdem hat sie Impfungen behindert. Denn Impfstoffe seien, so die Propaganda der Gruppe, „eine jüdische Industrie, die darauf abzielt, die Gesellschaft zu zerstören“. Sie schwächten außerdem die sexuellen Fähigkeiten von Männern und verursachten bei Frauen Sterilität. Von den Huthi bestimmte lokale „Kulturaufseher“ wiederholen die Verschwörungsmythen in ihren jeweiligen Bezirken.
Abdul-Malik al-Huthi – Anführer der Huthi-Rebellen – sagte in einer Fernsehansprache im März 2020 über das Covid-19-Virus: „Viren und Epidemien sind biologische Kriegsführung, hergestellt von entwickelten Ländern in Laboratorien.“ Und: „Es gibt Länder, etwa die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, die diese Viren zu nutzen versuchen, um Menschen zu töten sowie Ländern und Gesellschaften zu schaden.“
Unter den Bewohnern der von Huthi kontrollierten Gebiete haben sich diese Verschwörungstheorien mittlerweile verbreitet. Das zeigt exemplarisch die Menge negativer Kommentare auf der Facebook-Seite von Unicef im Jemen. Sowohl die Organisation als auch die von ihr geförderten Impfungen werden angegriffen. Manche behaupten, Impfstoffe beeinträchtigten den Verstand von Kindern.
https://taz.de/Huthi-Rebellen-im-Jemen-gegen-Impfungen/!5873992/
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Three COVID-19 cases reported in Aden
http://en.adenpress.news/news/35538
cp2 Allgemein / General
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Interactive Map of Yemen War
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Enforced disappearances in Yemen as a direct result of impunity
On August 30, the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, the persistent nature of enforced disappearance in Yemen, exacerbated by the impunity applied to all parties to the conflict, is underscored by the 31 undersigned local, regional, and international organizations, associations, and networks.
Since the beginning of the conflict in 2014, and after the military escalation in 2015, parties to the conflict have committed serious violations of international law and international humanitarian law. The Saudi/UAE-led Coalition, the Ansar Allah (Houthi) group, the internationally recognized Government of Yemen, authorities loyal to the Islah Party, and UAE forces and UAE-backed groups, including the Southern Transitional Council and the Joint forces, have committed–and continue to commit–enforced disappearance across Yemen.
Parties to the conflict have detained hundreds of Yemenis at official and unofficial detention centers, as confirmed by the research of civil society organizations. Detainees have been disappeared, tortured, and some have died in detention. According to Yemeni human rights lawyer Abdulmajeed Sabra, ‘enforced disappearance and other violations faced by civilians, including academics, journalists, human rights defenders or perceived opposition are intended to silence criticism of the authorities , and to strengthen their grip on power through the spread of fear.’ Radhya Almutawakel, the co-founder of Mwatana Organization for Human Rights, added ‘Yemen’s judiciary is unable to hold the real perpetrators of serious crimes accountable and does not have a mandate over non-Yemeni perpetrators. The judiciary is also unable to connect specific crimes to perpetrators, and demonstrate the chain of custody for the evidence it collects in order to meet the required legal standards.’
In this context, Sarah Al-Areqi, researcher at the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, says that “the international community should give the highest priority to the formation of an international criminal accountability mechanism to collect, preserve and analyze evidence, prepare case files and communicate with victims of violations and serious crimes, including enforced disappearance; a prelude to holding the perpetrators accountable.
The cases investigated during the mandate of United Nations Group of Eminent Experts on Yemen (GEE) provide reasonable grounds to believe that “parties to the conflict are continuing to engage in enforced disappearance, arbitrary detention and torture, including sexual violence, in violation of international human rights law and, depending on the level of nexus with the conflict, international humanitarian law. Such acts may also amount to war crimes, including cruel treatment and torture, committing outrages upon personal dignity.” In many investigated cases, “these violations are being committed against persons who are perceived as opposed to a particular party to the conflict, including human rights defenders and journalists.”
The right to truth in grave violations of human rights, for the victims and their families and societies is one of the forgotten aspects of the conflict in Yemen
According to the 2018 Stockholm peace agreement, Yemen’s parties to the conflict agreed to an exchange involving 15,000 detainees. But only about 1,056 were exchanged by October 2020, in a UN-backed deal facilitated by the Office of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for Yemen (OSESGY) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Moreover, several areas in Yemen have seen the release of arbitrarily detained persons by the local mediators. While these are considerable efforts, they are not sufficient when compared to those people who remain arbitrarily detained and forcibly disappeared by parties to the conflict.
https://www.globalr2p.org/publications/enforced-disappearances-in-yemen-as-a-direct-result-of-impunity/ = https://cihrs.org/enforced-disappearances-in-yemen-as-a-direct-result-of-impunity/?lang=en = https://mwatana.org/en/direct-result-of-impunity/
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Reclaiming Inclusive Peace: Scaling the Poetics of Conflict
Introduction
In conflict zones, peacebuilding processes are often driven by the binary framing of victim and perpetrator. Peacebuilding within such a narrative is mainly about securing truces like those being strung together in Yemen today,[2] ending an ongoing militarized war or signing a peace agreement. In the context of Yemen, there is also a tendency by the international community to localize and reduce the conflict,[3] emphasizing it solely as a civil war[4] while disregarding the roles of many countries involved that benefit directly or indirectly from the continuation of war; both local and international players tend to center the conflict around armed struggles.[5] Such tendencies not only dismiss the historical and racial aspects of the conflict but also the other sorts of conflicts, wars and struggles faced by people in everyday life in Yemen and the diaspora; they also neglect the challenges faced by women, marginalized groups, migrants and displaced people.
Even when focusing on armed conflict, framing can be narrow or selective. For example, Yemenis’ historical struggles such as those against colonialism and the imamate are often ignored. Similarly, the losses of life and struggles of those left behind by US drone strikes on Yemeni communities in the persistent “war on terror” and the modern vested interests of some parties in perpetuating war in Yemen tend to be disregarded along with related epistemic violence engendered in the form of exploitive financial, political and social systems.[6] War and peace, in other words, are usually understood from the international relations perspective, not through the lived experiences of people whose stories and histories are often neglected from the moment war is declared or peace is sought.
Peacebuilding events that focus on conflict and peace in their reductive forms make meaningful discussions on actually creating a peaceful and just society — or those on elements of peacebuilding such as transitional justice — a real challenge. They also can contribute to a sense that peace has been appropriated,[7] and that rather than being part of lived realities, peacebuilding is merely an industry that thrives on people’s miseries and acts against urgent needs and desires. Women, who historically have been excluded from negotiation tables, have long participated in alternative, non-linear forms of peacebuilding, often finding effective informal ways to maneuver around inequalities in order to address societal needs. While processes and mechanisms of inclusion in formal peace negotiations hold some importance, meaningful inclusion — hoped to bring about a truly just peace — does not necessarily follow from being granted a seat at a table where the game is played by the same old set of rules. What is missing in the dominant frames are the intersectional layers of lived experiences — how gender, race, class, nationality, religion and other social and global structures affect inclusive peacebuilding.[8] Navigating those dimensions and breaking silences existing within them so that the struggle of lived experiences is acknowledged helps sustain peace.
This policy brief, stemming from a December 2021 online workshop on meaningful inclusion in peacemaking processes, maintains it is crucial to build capacities to “hold space,” to allow people (in this case women) who otherwise are excluded or selectively and forcefully included, to be seen and heard without judgment.[9] It builds on the notion of “staying with the trouble” by Donna Haraway, a leading scholar in feminist theory.[10] It also keeps at the forefront Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s concept of epistemic violence, which holds that dominant ideology blocks authentic knowledge of marginalized people and that those in power must unlearn privileges alongside the oppressed in order to understand their needs and act accordingly.[11] During the workshop, nurturing participants’ capacities through artistic practices was intended to assist the women present in identifying what is at stake for them, rather than merely reproducing power inequalities such as those found within traditional formal peacemaking processes or in funding regimes for international assistance.
https://sanaacenter.org/publications/main-publications/18590
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83 Employees of Electricity Sector Killed by US-Saudi Airstrikes, Over 300 Others Injured: Ministry
The Ministry of Electricity and Energy announced Monday that the damages resulting from the crimes of the US-Saudi aggression that affected the electricity sector in Yemen amounted to 24 billion dollars, according to preliminary statistics.
During a press conference to reveal the effects and repercussions of the aggression and the siege on the electricity sector in Yemen, the Ministry of Electricity confirmed in a statement that the US-Saudi aggression launched 278 air raids, targeting the electricity sector in its various facilities, and more than 800 raids targeted near the electrical installations, causing severe damage.
The statement indicated that 83 employees of the electricity sector were killed by US-Saudi airstrikes, while over 300 others were injured.
For his part, Minister of Electricity and Energy Muhammad al-Bakhiti explained that the electricity sector was subjected to systematic destruction by the aggression and has become out of service.
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200754.htm
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More Than $3.6 Billion Losses to Roads, Infrastructure Due US-Saudi Aggression
The [Sanaa gov.] Ministry of Public Works and Roads, Ghaleb Mutlaq, reviewed, in a press conference, Monday, the damage and losses incurred as a result of the US-Saudi aggression on Yemen. He said that "the total losses of the ministry's projects due to the US-Saudi aggression exceeded three billion and 665 million dollars."
Mr. Mutlaq added that the cost of dealing with the damages of the stalled road network, which needs maintenance as a result of the US-Saudi aggression, exceeds one billion and 675 million dollars. He explained that the number of bombed bridges exceeded 100 bridges at a cost of $462 million, noting that the US-Saudi aggression targeted roads and bridges more than once.
Minister Mutlaq confirmed that the criminal raids of the US-Saudi aggression caused killed and injured engineers and road maintenance workers while performing their work in the field.
and also https://en.ypagency.net/271004/
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Film: Yemen human rights group readies report on war violations for global monitors in Geneva
The National Commission of Inquiry to investigate allegations of human rights violations held a press conference Monday in Yemen's temporary capital Aden. The National Commission will participate in the activities of the upcoming session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva. During the conference, the commission reviewed its tenth periodic report covering its work from July 1, 2021, to July 31, 2022, calling attention to violations committed during the mentioned period. The commission documented 40 violations related to humanitarian or human rights law, including targeting buildings, detonating mines, demolishing houses, and recruiting child soldiers. The commission also mentioned other issues related to human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, enforced disappearances, and attacks on press freedoms.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aSNQqhDUTlc
(B P)
America In Yemen: A Bilateral Plan To Consolidate Its Influence
The United States is firmly keen to consolidate the truce in Yemen after its diverse support for the Saudi and Emirati military operations reached a dead end, and international circumstances imposed them to de-escalate on this front in order to avoid any negative effects on oil supplies and maritime navigation. Therefore, Washington is forced to respond to the humanitarian demands of Sana’a. At the same time, it strengthens its control over vital areas within Yemen, through a series of military, political and “developmental” measures.
Although the armistice in Yemen would not have been achieved had it not been for the persistence of the Yemenis and their insistence on extracting their rights, the US administration treats it as one of its best foreign achievements.
It was an “achievement” that had to be dealt with as a result of the international situation resulting from the Ukrainian crisis, as the United States found an urgent need to quickly cool the Yemeni front, fearing that it would pose a threat to oil supplies and maritime navigation. Thus, what was impossible before that crisis became possible in a jiffy, and was even imposed on the Gulf countries, especially Saudi Arabia, which were forced to respond to some humanitarian demands that Sanaa had long made as a condition for any armistice or ceasefire. It seems that Washington, based on the same considerations, will work during the next stage to expand the scope of this response, after it has always used humanitarian files as a tool of war, which allows for more steps to be expected in terms of lifting the siege on Sanaa airport and the port of Hodeidah, and paying the Salaries of state employees in all governorates.
The United States considers that its interests are affected by what is happening in Yemen, and exiting this country will threaten its national security and strategic interests, especially with regard to maritime navigation and the protection of commercial sea lanes.
https://www.ansarollah.com/archives/543530
My remark: A Houthi viewpoint.
(* B H K)
Trinkwasser in Hudeida im Jemen mit radioaktiven Stoffen kontaminiert
Das jemenitische Ministerium [Sanaa-Reg.] für Wasser und Umwelt hat vor der Trinkwasserverschmutzung in Hudeida, der strategisch wichtigen Küstenprovinz des Landes, gewarnt und vor den ernsthaften Gesundheitsgefahren Alarm geschlagen, die sich aus der wiederholten Verschmutzung durch Schwermetalle, wie Blei, Quecksilber und Arsen, ergeben.
Während einer Pressekonferenz, die am Sonntagnachmittag in der jemenitischen Hauptstadt Sana'a stattfand, erläuterte das Ministerium die nachteiligen Folgen der strengen, von Saudi-Arabien geführten Blockade des Wasser- und Umweltsektors im Jemen.
Abdul Karim al-Safiani, stellvertretender Direktor der jemenitischen Wasserressourcenorganisation, erklärte, dass seine Organisation in einer Reihe von Süßwasserressourcen in der Provinz Hudeida hohe Konzentrationen radioaktiver Substanzen und giftiger Metalle entdeckt habe.
Er betonte, dass die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Militärkoalition seit 2015 mehr als 2.995 Wasseranlagen zerstört habe, darunter Dämme, Barrieren, Pumpen, Stauseen sowie Bewässerungssysteme und -netze.
Safiani gab außerdem bekannt, dass laut Statistiken internationaler Organisationen mehr als 20 Millionen Jemeniten keinen Zugang zu sauberem Trinkwasser haben.
(* B H K)
Report Warns Drinking Water in Yemen’s Hudaydah Contaminated with Radioactive Substances, Heavy Metals
The Yemeni Ministry of Water and Environment warned about drinking water pollution in the country’s strategic coastal province of Hudaydah, raising alarms about the serious health hazards derived from repeated exposure to traces of heavy metals, including lead, mercury, and arsenic.
During a press conference held in the Yemeni capital city of Sana’a on Sunday afternoon, the ministry elaborated on the adverse consequences of the tight Saudi-led blockade on the water and environment sectors of Yemen, presstv reported.
Abdul Karim Al-Safiani, deputy director of Yemen’s Water Resources Organization, stated that his organization has discovered high levels of radioactive substances and toxic metals in a number of fresh water resources in Hudaydah province.
He emphasized that the Saudi-led military coalition has destroyed more than 2,995 water facilities, including dams, barriers, pumps, reservoirs, and irrigation systems and networks, since 2015.
Safiani also announced that more than 20 million Yemenis, according to statistics provided by international organizations, do not have access to clean drinking water.
Abdulsalam Al-Hakimi, deputy minister of Water and Environment, also said that the damage to Yemen’s water and environment sector as a result of the ongoing Saudi-led aggression and siege is estimated to stand at more than $1.7 billion.
Hakimi stressed that irregular diesel fuel distribution and its high price have forced water pumping systems to decrease their capacity.
(A K P)
Al-Houthi denies Yemen has been subjected to Israeli bombing
A member of the Supreme Political Council, Mohammed Ali Al-Houthi, denied on Saturday reports published about targeting a site in Yemen by the Zionist entity army.
“Stopping the battle with the Saudi-led coalition depends on lifting the siege, and the coalition does not intend to break the siege, “which confirms that the battle continues and our forces are ready to continue repelling the aggression,” al-Houthi said in an interview with Al-Mayadeen TV.
https://en.ypagency.net/270646/ = https://hodhodyemennews.net/en_US/2022/08/27/mohammed-al-houthi-denies-claims-of-zionist-airstrikes-on-yemen/
(A P)
Al-Ezzi: the term of “civil war” is imposed by UK as a false description of the aggression on Yemen
Yemen’s Deputy Foreign Minister in the National Salvation Government Hussein al-Ezzi said that United Kingdom of Great Britain with America have imposed on the Security Council and the United Nations to use the term of “ civil war” as a false characterization of external aggression on Yemen.
“For years the envoys of the Secretary-General of the United Nations have been working to solve a problem that does not exist and are making great efforts to end an unknown war “a fictional war other than the war led by Saudi Arabia,” Hussein al-Ezzi tweeted .
https://en.ypagency.net/270696/ = https://hodhodyemennews.net/en_US/2022/08/27/deputy-fm-of-yemen-civil-war-is-nonexistent-it-is-a-war-of-foreign-aggression/
(B K P)
Saudi-UAE Regimes Use Policy of 'Divide and Conquer' to Loot Yemen's Wealth
Saudi Arabia and the UAE use the policy that Britain has used during its occupation in the southern governorates of Yemen which is dividing the people to control them. By this policy, the Saudi-Emirati occupation forces managed to tighten their control over the governorates of southern and eastern Yemen.
This made it easier for it to have a herd of mercenaries to implement what it dreamed of controlling the wealth of those provinces, islands and ports.
What helped them in achieving their goal is the presence of mercenaries who do not have a national spirit. This made it easy for the two occupying countries to implement what they came for, so it worked to create militias and armed battalions.
These armed groups were the tools of the Saudi-Emirati occupation in dividing the southern and eastern people and creating conditions to tighten control over them and plunder their wealth.
(* B H K)
Over 632 Thousand Children Under Five Suffer Acute Malnutrition Amid US-Saudi Siege: [Sanaa gov.] Health Ministry
The Ministry of Public Health and Population revealed Saturday some of the damages of the US-Saudi blockade and aggression on the health sector in Yemen.
During a press conference, the ministry stressed that the victims amounted to hundreds of thousands, adding that the limited opening of Sanaa Airport and the port of Hodeidah under the UN-sponsored truce does not meet the minimum needs of the health sector and the needs of patients.
It said the US-Saudi aggression killed 15,483 citizens and injured 31,598 others, noting that 25 percent of the victims were children and women.
The ministry indicated that the aggression destroyed 162 health facilities completely and 375 partially and put them out of work.
It revealed that 66 medical personnel were killed by US-Saudi direct bombing, and 70 ambulances were destroyed, while the aggression continues to prevent the payment of the salaries of health sector cadres and employees.
Regarding the repercussions of the siege on the health situation in Yemen, the ministry confirmed that the blockade has raised acute malnutrition rates to more than 632 thousand children under the age of five and 1.5 million pregnant and lactating women.
The Ministry indicated that 40,320 pregnant women and 103,680 children died during the 8 years of the continuous siege on Yemen.
The siege and intense bombardment with prohibited weapons caused a high rate of congenital abnormalities and miscarriages, with an average of 350,000 miscarriages and 12,000 malformations.
(* B K P)
Washington Exploits Truce in Yemen Sending Troops to Oil-Wealthy Places
No one knew that the truce in Yemen might mean the flock of more foreign troops into the country, joining occupation forces from the United States and Western Europe to the Saudi and Emirati forces.
Suddenly, the United States, Britain and France began to announce their presence clearly in the eastern regions of Yemen, far from any cover-up, which Western countries were practicing to hide their role in Yemen.
After US President Joe Biden informed Congress on June 12 of his intention to deploy US troops in Yemen, the eastern Yemeni governorates of Mahra, Hadramawt and Shabwa witnessed frantic movements of US, British and French forces.
These moves were launched by storming the house of the leader of the popular resistance in Al-Mahra Governorate, Sheikh Ali Salem Al-Huraizi, in the presence of American and British officers for the first time, a process that some observers considered to be the goal of announcing the direct presence of American and British forces in Yemen
The latest developments in this issue started Wednesday, through the words of former Yemeni Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qirbi, who revealed in a tweet, that “a corps of French forces arrived at the Balhaf port designated for exporting Yemen liquefied gas.
It seems that the arrival of the French forces in Balhaf represents a dangerous precedent on the scenes of the Yemeni events, as France has never expressed any position against converting the Balhaf facility to export liquefied gas into a military barracks at the hands of the Emirati occupation forces, although France owns (39.62%) ) from the Yemen Liquefied Gas Company.
However, Paris turned a blind eye to the exploitation of French investments for illegal purposes by Abu Dhabi
My remark: A Houthi viewpoint.
(B P)
Saudi Arabia Praises Truce in Yemen, While Suspiciously Preparing Militarily
The Saudi praise that it showed for world public opinion and changing from a major party in leading the war to a party that supports peace is unacceptable. The reality confirms that Riyadh and Washington are leading the war on Yemen, and it is not possible to turn, overnight, from tools of murder, to peace doves.
Amid the truce period, Saudi Arabia continues to rearrange its military ranks by deploying more air defense missile batteries. Which creates more doubts about US-Saudi intentions towards Yemen, and raises suspicions about whether the truce is just a tactic to launch a new phase of the war on Yemen?
Although the US air defense systems have proven ineffective in protecting military and vital facilities in Saudi Arabia and the UAE from Yemeni deterrent strikes, Riyadh still believes that it can obtain protection by relying on US air defenses, ignoring the issue of peacebuilding with Yemen, which is the factor key to the stability of Saudi Arabia.
(A P)
Film: Aden youth fight against war through their peace paintings
Smile of Child initiative held an exhibition of peace paintings yesterday, August 23, the first of its kind in Aden, in celebration of International Youth Day, International Children's Day, and International Day of Peace. A number of young artists participated in the exhibition to spread the message of peace
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a-3nvnV7vA0
(A P)
Yemenis Barely Celebrate GPC’s 40th Anniversary
Yemenis home and abroad are faintly celebrating the 40th anniversary of the founding of the General People's Congress (GPC), one of the largest political parties in Yemen. The reason behind this is that the GPC has faced fragmentation over the years and lost its decision-making power to Houthi militias.
Marking the occasion on August 24, GPC leaders kept exchanging cables of congratulations.
Founded by the slain Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, the GPC was used as a political lever to rule the country for over three decades.
(* B P)
Maroder Öltanker vor Jemens Küste kann laut UN jederzeit explodieren
Die Vereinten Nationen bitten erneut dringend um weitere Spenden für die Rettungsaktion. Eine Säuberung könnte im Extremfall 20 Milliarden US-Dollar kosten
Vor Jemens Küste liegt der 45 Jahre alte Öltanker FSO Safer. Der Tanker hat 1,1 Millionen Barrel Öl an Bord, die drohen auszulaufen. Der marode Tanker ist nach Angaben der Vereinten Nationen eine tickende Zeitbombe. "Die FSO Safer zerfällt weiter und könnte jederzeit zerbrechen oder explodieren", sagte Russell Geekie, Berater des UN-Koordinators im Jemen, am Dienstag per Videolink aus dem Jemen bei einer UN-Pressekonferenz in Genf. "Die unbeständigen Strömungen und starken Winde von Oktober bis Dezember werden das Risiko einer Katastrophe nur noch erhöhen."
An Bord des 45 Jahre alten Lagerschiffs befindet sich mehr als eine Million Barrel Öl. Durch den Bürgerkrieg wurde das Schiff vernachlässigt, die Anlagen an Bord sind nach Angaben von Geekie praktisch alle kaputt. Eine kleine Crew versuche von einem Nachbarschiff aus, das Schlimmste zu verhindern. Das Öl soll abgepumpt werden, um eine Umweltkatastrophe abzuwenden.
"Wenn wir nicht handeln, wird das Schiff zerbrechen, und die Katastrophe wird passieren", sagte Geekie. "Es ist keine Frage, von ob, sondern wann." Wenn das Öl nicht vorher geborgen wird, seien die Folgen für die Umwelt und zehntausende Menschen, die im Roten Meer vom Fischen leben, katastrophal. Die Säuberung dürfte dann 20 Milliarden US-Dollar kosten.
und
(A B P)
16 von 80 Millionen Dollar fehlen noch, um Umweltkatastrophe vor der Küste des Jemen zu verhindern
Die Vereinten Nationen benötigen noch rund 16 Millionen von insgesamt 80 Millionen Dollar, um eine Umweltkatastrophe vor der jemenitischen Küste zu verhindern.
Mit dem Geld soll Erdöl vom alternden Tanker "Safer" auf ein anderes Schiff gepumpt werden. Die "Safer" wird als Ölspeicher genutzt. Seit Ausbruch des Bürgerkriegs im Jemen wurde das Schiff nicht mehr gewartet. Die UNO hatte auf einer internationalen Geberkonferenz versucht, ausreichend Mittel für die geplante Rettung zu sammeln.
Gestern kam erstmals auch Unterstützung aus der Privatwirtschaft. Der größte Konzern des Landes, die HSA Group, werde 1,2 Millionen US-Dollar für die geplante Rettungsaktion spenden, teilte das Unternehmen mit. Es wäre eine unvorstellbare ökologische Katastrophe, sagte HSA-Geschäftsführer Nabil Hajil Said. Eine Verschmutzung, wie von der UNO vorhergesagt, hätte verheerende Auswirkungen für den Jemen.
(* B P)
FIVE QUESTIONS ON OIL TANKER FSO SAFER
The FSO Safer, moored off Yemen’s coast, is an aging supertanker at an advanced stage of decay, and it could soon break apart or explode. The resulting environmental and humanitarian catastrophe would further devastate Yemen. Potential consequences include ecological devastation and millions exposed to highly polluted air and cut off from food, fuel, and other life-saving supplies, as well as the loss of hundreds of thousands of fishing industry jobs. We spoke with Greenpeace’s Ahmed El Droubi about the situation.
1) How would you describe the potential threat of an oil spill from the FSO Safer tanker at this moment?
The threat is both extremely serious and urgent. Everyone who has any knowledge of the issues agrees that the situation is critical, that urgent action is needed to resolve it, and the impacts of not securely removing the oil from the Safer to a separate tanker would be devastating. Greenpeace’s briefing released earlier this year identifies the range of humanitarian and environmental impacts that a catastrophic spill or explosion would have not just on Yemen but also on other countries.
3) Why has the situation reached this point?
I note some of the reasons why we have reached this point above. More concretely, the United Nations and the de facto authorities in the region have agreed on a sensible and clear plan. This requires funding – US$80 million to enable the oil to be transferred and held in a second tanker. Thus far, a number of governments have pledged some finance to support the plan but at the time of writing they still need a further US$20 million. And, bear in mind that many of these ‘pledges’ are just that, and there is a need to actually get the money in the bank.
US$80 million is but a drop in the ocean compared with the money made by oil companies that have recently announced record profits averaging around US$7.2 billion in the first three months of this year. And not one single oil company has come forward to provide funding. The US$80 million needed also pales into insignificance when compared to the US$ 405 billion subsidies given to fossil fuels each year – mostly oil and gas companies – by the G20 governments.
https://www.yemenpolicy.org/five-questions-on-oil-tanker-fso-safer/
(A B P)
HSA Group pledges US$1.2 million to support the UN’s emergency FSO SAFER appeal
HSA Group, Yemen’s largest private company, has today announced a US$ 1.2 million donation to support the United Nations’ (UN) efforts to avert a major humanitarian, economic, and ecological disaster in the Red Sea. The donation is the first committed by a private sector organisation.
The FSO SAFER oil tanker is one of the world’s largest shipping vessels. Carrying over one million barrels of crude oil, FSO SAFER has been moored off Yemen’s Red Sea coast for over 30 years. The vessel has recently deteriorated beyond repair and could disintegrate or explode at any time, with its oil cargo spilling into the Red Sea.
HSA Group’s contribution will go towards the UN’s US$ 80 million target to fund an emergency operation to remove the tanker’s oil cargo and safely transfer it to another vessel. To date, the UN has received US$ 64 million in pledges from over a dozen governments. Less than US$ 16 million is now required to help ensure the critical mission can occur.
According to the UN, failure to reach the targeted amount could likely result in a major oil spill in the Red Sea.
(A P)
RSF and two Yemeni NGOs call for release of journalists held in Yemen
Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and two Yemeni NGOs – Marsadak and the Insaf Centre – call for the immediate release of three Yemeni journalists, each of whom is being held in one of three main warring regions in which Yemen is now divided. One was jailed last month, while the other two have been held for a year or more.
“These three cases of imprisonment show that all of parties to the Yemeni conflict, without exception, commit violations against journalists,” said Sabrina Bennoui, the head of RSF’s Middle East desk. “Depending on who controls the region, reporters are caught in the crossfire between three forces, not just two – between the internationally recognised government, the Southerners and the Houthis.
https://rsf.org/en/rsf-and-two-yemeni-ngos-call-release-journalists-held-yemen
(B P)
If anyone thought they could take their eye off #Yemen owing to the #truce, think again. It's more a lull than a ceasefire. Plus the Presidential Council is papering over major rifts. War may fragment: North vs South; South vs South; Islah vs separatists; Houthis vs coalition etc
https://twitter.com/Dr_E_Kendall/status/1562143574434750464
(* B P)
Saudi-Zionist Intelligence Coordination on Yemen, Qatar
The "European Microscope for Middle East Issues" revealed secrets of a joint intelligence coordination network between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist entity to promote Riyadh's narrative about the war in Yemen and the attack on the State of Qatar. It stated that the network receives huge financial budgets from Saudi Arabia, most of which go to the personal accounts of network members, while very limited amounts are spent on the activities organized by the organizations and associations involved in the activities of the network.
The network is intensifying its activities in light of the announced rapprochement and normalization measures between Saudi Arabia and the Zionist entity and cooperation between them and the UAE to serve their common interests. It also stated that the intelligence network is headed by Irina Zuckerman, who defines herself as a human rights lawyer and national security analyst based in New York, and presents herself as a specialist in security issues in the Middle East and North Africa, and US foreign policy.
It was also noted that Zuckerman had previously frozen her activities and disappeared from view for a while at a Saudi request after exposing her suspicious relations with Mohammad Al-Issa, "the head of the Muslim World League" of the Saudi regime, and then returned again to activity under the cover of following up on the Yemeni file.
For years, Zuckerman has been involved in the corridors of the US Congress, leading campaigns related to the Yemeni issue, including organized incitement against the State of Qatar and the Al Jazeera media network.
cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade
(A P)
Over 500 passengers travel through Sana'a Int'l Airport
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200897.htm
(A P)
Houthis approve new destination via Sana'a airport
The Houthi-run civil aviation authority has agreed to operate daily flights to Djibouti as a third destination from Sana'a international airport for two months.
The Sana'a-based authority gave Djibouti Airlines the permission to operate regular flights from the African Horn country to Sana'a airport, 26september.net said.
According to a memo posted by the Houthi-run website, the Djibouti daily flights will be kicked off on Thursday, 1 September, until 31 October.
https://debriefer.net/en/news-30752.html
and
(A P)
Unverified document shows that Yemen Civil Aviation granting permission to Air Dijbouti to begin daily flights from 1 September until Oct 31 through Sanaa International Airport. (document)
https://twitter.com/Naseh_Shaker/status/1564751669065392129
and also https://twitter.com/BashaReport/status/1564738914392440839
(B P)
A trip from Taiz city to the Hawban region would take approximately 10 or 15 minutes before 2015 but now takes 6 to 8 hours. To leave Taiz, residents have been forced to take the mountainous, unpaved al-Aqrodh road, a more than 60-kilometre detour that circles far around the city (photo)
https://twitter.com/SAM4rights/status/1564935320751448064
(A P)
Aggression coalition seizes gas vessel
The Yemen Gas Company on Tuesday confirmed that the aggression coalition has seized the gas tanker "LADY SARAH".
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200807.htm
(A P)
559 passengers travel via Sana'a Inte'l Airport
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200651.htm
and also https://www.ansarollah.com/archives/543689
(A P)
Sanaa announces flights for new destinations covering several countries
The Minister of Transport, Abdulwahab Yahya Al-Durra, has confirmed the opening of new destinations for flights through Sanaa International Airport in the coming period, according to the humanitarian truce.
The new destinations for flights include several countries besides Jordan and Cairo, Abdulwahab Yahya Al-Durra said in a statement carried out by Yemen News Agency (SABA) on Saturday.
https://en.ypagency.net/270704/
and also https://debriefer.net/en/news-30712.html
(A P)
YPC: Aggression coalition seized new diesel ship
The Yemeni Petroleum Company (YPC) announced on Saturday that the US-Saudi aggression had seized a new diesel ship, despite being cleared by the United Nations.
The company's official spokesman, Issam Al-Mutawakil, stated that the aggression coalition seized diesel ship "Tiara" despite their being searched and granted UN permits.
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200342.htm
and also https://en.ypagency.net/270624/
(A P)
560 passengers travel via Sana'a Int'l Airport
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200288.htm
and also https://en.ypagency.net/270587/
(A P)
YPC: Aggression coalition seizes 3 fuel ships
The Yemeni Petroleum Company (YPC) reported on Thursday that the US-led aggression coalition has detained 2 diesel ships, and a Mazut ship, despite being cleared by the United Nations.
The company's official spokesman Issam Al-Mutawakil, explained to Yemeni News Agency (Saba) that the US-led aggression coalition seized diesel ship "Sands" and the Mazut ship "Fos Power".
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200196.htm
(A P)
563 passengers travel via Sana'a Inte'l Airport
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200040.htm
(A P)
563 passengers arrive, leave Sana'a Int'l Airport
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3199751.htm
cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation
Siehe / Look at cp1
(* B E H)
Yemen Price Bulletin, August 2022
Wheat flour is the staple food for most households in Yemen; sorghum and rice are most often consumed as a substitute. Households are heavily dependent on imported wheat supplies reaching the regional trading centers of Sana’a City, Al Hudaydah City, and Aden City—critical markets that supply other urban and rural districts. Aden City, located in a trade deficit zone, is the reference market for the southern region and the largest wholesale market with significant storage capacity. Al Hudaydah is an important assembly, wholesale, and retail market in the most populous region in the country where most households are dependent on markets for staple foods. Sana’a City serves as a wholesale and retail market for households in northern and central Yemen, and Sayoun serves as a reference market of the east.
Wheat grain and flour prices are susceptible to the exchange rate of the Yemeni Rial (YER) and US Dollar (USD). There are currently two exchange rates split by monetary governance between the Sana’abased authorities (SBA) and the internationally recognized government (IRG). YER currency valuation has fluctuated in recent years due to foreign intervention in monetary policy, high seasonal demand, increased foreign trade and trade policy. Purchasing power is a significant food security constraint, as incomes from casual labor and livestock, the main income-generating activities for households and poor households, tend to fluctuate.
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/yemen-price-bulletin-august-2022
(B H)
Yemen, the forgotten country and the biggest Humanitarian funding gap
After more than seven years of war, the humanitarian situation in Yemen remains dire. Up to two-thirds of the population (just over 20.7 million people out of a population of 30.5 million) need humanitarian assistance. Out of which, at least 12 million Yemenis are in critical need. As a comparison, this would be the entire population of Sri Lanka needing humanitarian assistance, with the entire populations of Tunisia or Belgium in critical need.
This year, the overall humanitarian funding raised so far for Yemen is in sharp decline (40% coverage versus over 60% at the same time last year, per UNOCHA), while humanitarian needs remain unmet, and have likely increased, in addition, parts of humanitarian funding for 2022 were moved to other more recent humanitarian operations in other parts of the world.
2022 has also seen a reduction in the overall spending by countries on international humanitarian aid..
In Yemen, the overall annual budget that humanitarian organisations appeal for in support of the most vulnerable Yemenis is less than 5 billion US Dollars—no doubt a small portion of the annual cost of the war.
(B H)
Ghaleb Alsudmy: Yemen forgotten war taken souls of our children, thousands children died as result of hunger & there millions face the same fate due to war & siege. I can't sleep when see Fatima's pic. I wonder how the world can watch silently all these tragedies. (film) For Help http://gogetfunding.com/food-and-medicine-for-yemen
https://twitter.com/ghalebalsudmy/status/1565021690052182019
(B H)
SAMARITAN’S PURSE LAUNCHES NEW TEAM TO CARE FOR ACUTE MALNUTRITION AND OTHER ILLNESSES IN THIS WAR-RAVAGED NATION.
Samaritan’s Purse has been working to meet medical needs since August 2021 by offering essential health and nutrition services at two health facilities in Taiz Governorate. But much of the population lives far from either of these facilities, so we launched a mobile medical team in July that travels to 11 different sites in the region.
Comprised of a doctor, a nurse, a midwife, and a nutritionist, our mobile medical team is serving five camps of internally displaced people as well as six sites with vulnerable populations, including nomads. Between all locations, nearly 7,500 Yemenis now have access to medical care that were without it before.
https://www.samaritanspurse.org/article/medical-treatment-goes-mobile-in-yemen/
(B H)
Hassan, 10 years-old child from Hajjah governorate, suffering from severe acute malnutrition(SAM).
We took Hassan from his village in Abs area, Hajjah governorate to the capital Sana'a to get treatment. He has intestinal obstruction and acute malnutrition. Wishing you a successful surgery! May the procedures pass painlessly and swiftly!.
Hassan is recovering from malnutrition after some colleagues and I helped raise some funds for his treatment. Now, his nurse is recommending gluten-free food, which is rare in Sana’a. I'd be grateful if anyone knows where such goods are sold.
https://twitter.com/AhmadAlgohbary/status/1564376937107263489
(* B H)
Yemen: Situation Update - Humanitarian Impact of Flooding | As of 24 August 2022
SITUATION OVERVIEW
Heavy rains and flooding continued across Yemen into the third week of August. At least 18 governorates have been affected by flash floods and flooding, resulting in loss of lives, destruction of property and livelihoods, and damage to critical infrastructure such as roads.
Chances of continued flooding based on rainfall forecast analyses remain high until the end of August, according to the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations (FAO) agrometeorological update.
Mar’ib and Hajjah governorates are the worst-hit, with more than 13,000 and 9,000 households affected, respectively, while ongoing verification and assessments have not reached all affected areas. The majority of those affected are in displacement sites.
In Al Hodeidah, Hajjah, Rayhma, and Mahwit governorates, heavy rains and flooding persisted, causing injuries and damage to houses and other infrastructure such as roads, thus limiting access to affected areas. By 20 August, 113 schools, 10 health facilities, 94 water sources, and over 1,500 latrines were affected in those four governorates, including 42 health facilities and 86 schools in Raymah. In addition, several bridges and roads in Abs, Aslam, and Mustaba districts of Hajjah that are crucial for aid delivery were affected, and destroyed stairs have cut off a community in Mahwit. Health and nutrition facilities in affected areas have reported a seasonal spike in malnutrition and water-borne disease cases and cannot meet the growing needs.
Al Jawf Governorate also continued to experience heavy rains and flooding
(B H)
WHO Trauma Programme Prehospital Care Aden, Yemen 1 April - 31 July 2022
(A H)
WFP vessel leaves Ukraine with grain for humanitarian response in Yemen
A UN World Food Programme-charted vessel departed today from the Ukrainian Black Sea Port of Yuznhy (Pivdennyi) with wheat grain destined for the agency’s humanitarian response in Yemen. This is the second maritime shipment of WFP food assistance to leave Ukraine since the beginning of the conflict in February. The MV Karteria, carrying 37,000 metric tons of wheat grain, will stop first in Turkey, where the grain will be milled into flour. It will then be shipped to Yemen, where over 17 million people are struggling with acute hunger – a figure that is expected to rise in the coming months.
The grain will provide a 50-kg bag of wheat flour to nearly 4 million people for one month and will help WFP address immediate gaps in assistance.
https://www.wfp.org/news/wfp-vessel-leaves-ukraine-grain-humanitarian-response-yemen
and media report: https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-middle-east-united-nations-black-sea-81a6d5e52940412d1c0033958292b8a4
and
(B H)
Despite the #war Yemeni #farmers never give up and continue to produce #grain. #Yemen's #wheat is very expensive for Yemenis to afford, the price of big bag is 50$. I don't know why #WFP not support farmers instead of ship wheat to #Yemen
https://twitter.com/KawkabAlwadeai/status/1565154312292106242
(A H)
QRCS, UNHCR support health facilities in Yemen
Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) is going on with a project to support health care for refugees in Amanat Al-Asimah, with a total of 50,630 beneficiaries.
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/qrcs-unhcr-support-health-facilities-yemen-enar
(B H)
Yemen: Floods, war, education. The many emergencies of a forgotten country
The heavy rains of recent weeks have claimed dozens of victims, including children. Thirty-five thousand families have been affected, many of them already internally displaced. Diseases such as cholera, dengue and malaria are on the rise. UN special envoy in search of a lasting cease-fire, but diplomacy remains fragile. The drama of school drop-outs.
(B H)
Ärztr der Welt: „ES WIRD NOCH MEHR KATASTROPHALE NACHRICHTEN AUS DEM JEMEN GEBEN."
Trotz des Waffenstillstands bleibt die Inflation sehr hoch. Die meisten Jemenit*innen können sich nicht einmal einen Laib Brot pro Tag leisten. 19 Millionen Menschen sind auf Nahrungsmittelhilfe angewiesen, das sind etwa zwei Drittel der Bevölkerung. Aber wenn ich mich in Sana'a umsehe, sehe ich zumindest keine langen Schlangen mehr von Menschen, die für Benzin anstehen. Und bestimmte Gebiete, in die Hilfsorganisationen bisher nicht fahren konnten, werden jetzt zugänglich, vor allem im Norden des Landes.
Wir führen unsere Maßnahmen im Jemen nicht direkt durch, sondern wir unterstützen das Personal des Gesundheitsministeriums, indem wir einen Teil des Gehalts zahlen. Außerdem bieten wir Schulungen zu Monitoring und zum Capacity Building an. Unsere medizinischen Supervisoren besuchen regelmäßig die von uns unterstützten Gesundheitseinrichtungen, um die Aktivitäten zu begleiten und zu beaufsichtigen. Dazu gehört auch psychologische Beratung. Wir stellen auch Medikamente zur Verfügung.
(B H)
Yemen education
Nearly half of all children in Yemen are not getting education
Yemen is facing an education crisis. Nearly half of all children in the country are not attending school, and those who are attending are often not receiving a quality education. This crisis has a number of causes, including poverty, conflict, and a lack of access to schools.
The consequences of this education crisis are dire. Without an education, children are more likely to live in poverty, become involved in crime, and contract diseases. They are also less likely to be able to find jobs and support themselves or their families.
Please donate now and help us give Yemeni children the chance to succeed. Thank you.
https://hrdglobal.org/education/
(A H)
The (female) chief of Media Studies Department at Sana'a University says 'I don't know what [of my households] to sell" in order to have money for food./Multiple websites
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58461
(B H)
Villagers of AlBlaybla launch building 6 #rainwater_harvesting tanks for irrigation & livestock as prioritized by poor farmers in AlSukhna #AlHodeida. 267 households will work #Cash4Works to enhance #food_security and #resilience Food Security Resilience Response Project #FSRRP (photo)
https://twitter.com/SFDYemen/status/1563938249034399745
(A H)
New batch graduated today from faculty of computer science and information technology, University of Saba. Dozen of the graduates are female from #Marib, which is kind of unprecedented in this governorate. (photo)
https://twitter.com/Alsakaniali/status/1563920407526268930
(B H)
Hilfe für die Bedürfnisse der vom Krieg betroffenen Kinder mit Behinderungen im Jemen
Im Jemen gibt es keine staatliche Pflege und Förderung für Kinder mit Behinderungen. Das Zentrum "Vision für eine bessere Zukunft" bietet den Kindern verschiedene Therapien, um ihre Entwicklung zu unterstützen. Spende jetzt für den Betrieb des Zentrums!
Sowohl die allgemeinen als auch die spezifischen Bildungs- und Therapiedienste für Kinder mit Behinderungen waren schon vor dem Bürgerkrieg im Jemen begrenzt, sind nun aber fast vollständig eingestellt. Die Betreuung wird durch zerstörte Einrichtungen, das Fehlen geeigneter Dienste, langen Anreisewegen, Stigmatisierung, Diskriminierung und weiteren Hindernissen extrem erschwert. Das Projekt zielt daher darauf ab, den Zugang und die Bereitstellung von sonderpädagogischen und therapeutischen Diensten für Kinder mit körperlichen und geistigen Behinderungen in Sanaa, Jemen, zu verbessern. Im Fokus steht dabei die operative Unterstützung des lokalen Zentrums für behinderte Kinder.
(B E H)
Film: War-induced overcrowding and global inflation hurt renters in Aden
The one million residents of Aden are grappling with increasing prices to rent houses and apartments- a problem exacerbated by thousands of displaced people adding to the housing shortage in the city. In an interview with A24, property broker Makawi Muhamad called on authorities to impose a cap on rental prices. Rent for an average 120 meters square apartment has risen to nearly 1,000 Saudi riyals- about 270 Euros a month. Families can't make ends meet with an average citizen's salary hovering around 185 euros a month. In addition, landlords are drawing up leases priced in Saudi riyals or dollars, which adds weakness of the Yemeni riyal to the challenges facing renters.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GnTL199kPtI
(B H)
Rainwater Harvesting in Yemen: A Durable Solution for Water Scarcity
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Yemen is one of the world’s most water-scarce countries, with access to this precious resource made harder by conflict
Rainwater harvesting improves access to water and eases the burden on women and children who traditionally collect water
World Bank and partners work with local communities to build rainwater harvesting systems, providing work opportunities and access to safe drinking water
Across Yemen, countless rural villages lack basic services, but access to safe drinking water is the biggest challenge for many in these vulnerable communities. Obtaining drinking water is a daily chore, with the responsibility almost always falling on women and children to fetch water. The problem is getting worse as climate change makes rainfall scarcer and less reliable.
To improve access to potable water and support families in three villages, the World Bank and its partners worked with the communities to build their own rainwater harvesting schemes. The project also paid local workers for their part in constructing rainwater harvesting systems in the three villages: Al-Adn (Ba’adan in Ibb); Al-Anin (Wasab Al-Aali), Dhamar; and Hawf (Al-Mahra).
The project demonstrates a simple technology—harvesting rainwater in cisterns--that can play an increasingly important role in mitigating the effects of global warming and in improving the lives of many people, particularly those in rural areas.
(B H K)
[Sanaa gov.] Health Minister: Yemen Faces Rise in Fetal Abnormalities Due to US-Saudi Prohibited Weapons
The Health Minister confirmed that Yemen is facing a high rate of fetal abnormalities, death during childbirth and the number of premature infants as a result of the aggression using prohibited international weapons.
(* B H)
ACAPS Thematic Report - Yemen: Global wheat supply dynamics and their impact
KEY MESSAGES
Import data and anecdotal evidence from sources in Yemen monitoring local market dynamics indicate that there are sufficient wheat supplies in the country. Wheat is readily available for purchase. The problem is affordability.
International wheat prices started decreasing at the end of June 2022 and decreased further after the signing of a grain export agreement between Russia and Ukraine on 22 July. The reduction in international wheat prices is expected to result in increased imports to Yemen in the coming months, as traders look to take advantage. Wheat imports to the ports of Aden and Mukalla (Southern ports) controlled by the Internationally Recognized Government of Yemen (IRG) had already increased in July compared to the previous two months. Overall, the monthly average between March–July 2022 was 5% above average for the Red Sea ports (Al Hodeidah and Saleef) and 16% lower for the Southern ports.
Global wheat production for 2022–2023 is expected to be at 771.6 million MT (down from 779 million MT in 2021–2022) as increased production in Canada, Russia, and the US would only partially offset the reduced Argentina, EU, and Ukraine production estimates. As at July, projected exports for 2022–2023 were at 206.6 million MT.
The time and cost of the wheat supply chain from different source countries to Yemen seem to vary based on a number of factors. Currently, India offers the most affordable wheat, with an estimated landed cost of USD 381 per MT, followed by Ukraine (USD 421/ MT), Russia (USD 423/MT), the US (USD 447/MT), and Australia (USD 456/MT). The delivery time from the loading port to the entry port in Yemen ranges between six weeks and three months (depending on the country of export).
Given increased global competition over wheat imports and the challenges that Yemeni importers have been facing even before the war in Ukraine (including financial and logistical constraints), the international community needs to provide additional support to Yemen to prevent the food security situation in the country from deteriorating further.
(B H)
Yemen: Humanitarian Response Plan (YHRP) 2022 - Funding Status (24 August 2022)
(* B H)
Yemen: People taking stock of lives and livelihoods lost after weeks of record floods
Weeks of exceptionally heavy seasonal rains and floods have caused havoc across Yemen, killing dozens of people and destroying homes, agricultural land, roads and vital infrastructure, at a time when millions were already impacted by the conflict’s deepening consequences.
The floods have added another layer of suffering for millions of Yemeni people, who are already severely affected by over seven years of protracted conflict. At least 90 people, including children, have been killed across the country, and an estimated 35,000 households, most of whom are internally displaced, are reported to have been affected by floods across 17 governorates between 28 July and 10 August, according to OCHA.
This year was the first time Hajja has seen such torrential rains, we are not used to such floods. Overnight many people found themselves homeless and their belongings and fields completely ruined," said Abduljaleel, whose neighbors lost their homes because of recent flooding in Hajja city. "If this heavy rain continues, many more people will lose their homes, property and farmland."
(B H)
Yemen: Organization Monthly Presence June 2022
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/yemen-organization-monthly-presence-june-2022-enar
(B H)
Yemen: Humanitarian Response Snapshot (January - June 2022)
By the end of June, the 2022 Humanitarian Response Plan (HRP), seeking $4.27 billion to assist 17.9 million people, was only 26 per cent funded, forcing aid organizations to reduce or close critical assistance programmes.
However, aid agencies continued to provide life-saving assistance. In the first six months of 2022,170 humanitarian organizations continued to deliver aid to an average of 11.61 million people per month. While the number of people reached with assistance per sector/cluster remained low, partners continued to provide support to millions of people – an average of 9.3 million people were reached each month with food assistance, over 3.9 million people were provided with water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) services, over 574,620 people assisted with healthcare, and nearly 498,490 people received nutritional support.
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/yemen-humanitarian-response-snapshot-january-june-2022
(B H)
Yemen: Monthly Situation Report (July 2022)
NUTRITION
RDP continues to treat moderately acutely malnourished children and PLW by supporting 17 health facilities with TSFP services. A total of 640 children under five disaggregated as (308 boys, 332 girls) and a number of 761 PLW received therapeu-tic supplements (Plumpy Sup & WSB+) to help reduce child mortality in Sama & As Silw districts of Taizz governorate.
HEALTH
Within the integrated health and nutrition project, funded by YHF, RDP has ensured the safe delivery of essential medicines to the supported health facilities
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/yemen-monthly-situation-report-july-2022
(* B H)
Children in war-torn Yemen skip class to survive 'misery'
Yemen's new school year is underway, but Midian Aoud skips class and washes cars to support his family in its struggle to survive the "misery" of poverty exacerbated by war.
"To study, you need books, notebooks and pens. I wanted to provide for my children and send them to school, but I couldn't," Adnan told AFP. "We are in total misery."
The father said he himself was also unable to attend school in a country that was already one of the poorest in the Middle East even before the war that has ravaged it for eight years.
"My children and I are illiterate. I wanted my son to do better than me, but he'll become a shoemaker too," said Adnan. "This isn't a life!"
In Taez, schools reopened this month with more than 500,000 students joining classes despite the danger of living in a city held by the government but surrounded by rebels who are blocking roads.
The Huthi siege "hinders many of our students as well as the entry of school supplies", said Abdelwassie Shadad, head of education in the Taez region.
https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/20220823-children-in-war-torn-yemen-skip-class-to-survive-misery = https://www.rfi.fr/en/middle-east/20220823-children-in-war-torn-yemen-skip-class-to-survive-misery
(A H P)
Abductees Mothers Association Demands Uncovering the Fate of 32 Forcibly Disappeared form Taiz
With the approach of the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearance, Abductees’ Mothers Association in Taiz demanded uncovering the fate of 32 forcibly disappeared individuals, 2 of whom are held by Abu Alabas group, one held by the Joint Forces at the western coast, and 29 are held by Houthi armed group. Some of the victims had been forcibly disappeared for as long as 6 years, with no news of their medical conditions and safety.
During their rally this morning, mothers condemned and excluding the forcibly disappeared persons from any international and local mediations to release abductees, and prolonging their disappearance.
http://ama-ye.org/index.php?no=1915&ln=En
(A H P)
As contribution in combating violence against women; Abductees Mothers Association Holds Psychological Support Session for the Survivors of Violence Against Women.
Titled “Psychological Trauma Treatment Strategies”, Abductees’ Mothers Association held a psychological support session for the survivors of violence against women, which was financed by the Doria Feminist Fund.
http://ama-ye.org/index.php?no=1909&ln=En
cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees
(B H)
Yemen WASH Needs Tracking System (WANTS) Common KI Several Districts, Ta'iz Governorate, July 2022
The Yemen Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH) Cluster launched the WASH Needs Tracking System (WANTS) with the support of REACH to provide high quality WASH data and inform more effective WASH programming and planning.
The type of assessed localities were IDP sites and rural areas
(* B H)
Migration along the Eastern Corridor, Report 29 | as of 31 July 2022
The Horn of Africa and Yemen is one of the busiest and riskiest migration corridors in the world travelled by hundreds of thousands of migrants, the majority of whom travel in an irregular manner, often relying on smugglers to facilitate movement along the Eastern Route. This regional report provides monthly updates on the complex migratory dynamics through Djibouti, Somalia, Yemen and Ethiopia based on diverse data sources and consultations with key informants in the four countries. Moreover, it provides information on the main protection concerns for migrants along the journey, information on the spill over effects of the conflict in Northern Ethiopia observed at the border between Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan, a specific focus on children and information on the returns from Saudi Arabia to Ethiopia, Somalia and Yemen.
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/migration-along-eastern-corridor-report-29-31-july-2022
(B H)
IOM Yemen: Rapid Displacement Tracking - RDT Biannual Report January to June 2022
(B H)
IOM Yemen: Rapid Displacement Tracking - Yemen IDP Dashboard Reporting Period: 21 August - 27 August 2022
From 1 January to 27 August 2022, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 8,496 households (HH) (50,976 Individuals) who experienced displacement at least once.
Between 21 and 27 August 2022, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 63 households (378 individuals) displaced at least once. The majority of people moved into/within the following governorates and districts:
(B H)
UNHCR Yemen: IDP Protection Monitoring Update (1 Jan 2022 - 31 Jul 2022)
(B H)
IOM Yemen: Rapid Displacement Tracking - 2022 Second Quarter Report (April - June)
During the reporting period, between 1 April to 30 June 2022, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 2,052 households (HH) (12,312 Individuals) who experienced displacement at least once compared to 4,950 households in the first quarter. This represents a decrease of 59 per cent. Since the beginning of the reporting period, the number of tracked new instances of displacement has been declining steadily due to the parties of the conflict entering a truce that began on the second day of April.
Safety and security concerns as a result of the conflict were the main reason for displacement, accounting for 79 per cent (1,618 HHs) of the total, followed by economic reasons related to conflict, accounting for 21 per cent (434 HHs).
The majority of people moved into/within the following governorates and districts:
(B H)
IOM Yemen: Rapid Displacement Tracking - Yemen IDP Dashboard Reporting Period: 14 August to 20 August 2022
Between 14 and 20 August 2022, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 97 households (582 individuals)2 who experienced displacement at least once.
Safety and security concerns as a result of the conflict were the main reason for displacement, accounting for 75 per cent (73 HHs) of the total and followed by economic reasons related to conflict, accounting for 25 per cent (24 HHs).
Between 1 January to 20 August 2022, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 8,305 households (HH)3 (49,830 Individuals) who experienced displacement at least once.
(B H)
CCCM Cluster Yemen: IDP Hosting Sites Overview (July 2022)
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/cccm-cluster-yemen-idp-hosting-sites-overview-july-2022
CCCM Yemen - Referrals and escalation report - July 2022
CCCM Yemen - Indicators report - July 2022
CCCM Yemen - Eviction Tracking Report - July 2022
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/cccm-yemen-referrals-and-escalation-report-july-2022
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/cccm-yemen-indicators-report-july-2022
https://reliefweb.int/report/yemen/cccm-yemen-eviction-tracking-report-july-2022
cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis
Siehe / Look at cp1
(* B P)
Ansarallah: The Vanguard of Yemen’s Agrarian Revolution
“The self-sufficiency system is the basis of construction, and with agriculture, we strengthen the economy front”, the song goes.
Any Yemeni modernizer with the intent of developing the country’s agriculture to self-sufficient levels has met strong and excessively violent opposition from neighboring Saudi Arabia, who fear that a rising & self-sufficient Yemen would be detrimental to the Saudi dynasty’s regional influence and outreach. Yemen’s leftist president of the northern Yemen Arab Republic, Ibrahim Al-Hamdi, was murdered in 1977 before the fruits of his five-year plan could be reaped. Al-Hamdi is credited with uniting the country’s many self-owned agrarian cooperatives into a single union for the benefit of the Yemeni state, as opposed to the tribal-feudalist “centers of power” present in Yemen by the early 1970s.
“One hand protects, another hand builds” was the slogan adopted by Yemen’s late revolutionary president Saleh Al-Sammad, as he addressed the Yemeni masses on the 26th of March 2018 marks the third consecutive year of the war on Yemen. This slogan ties together the anti-capitalist, anti-colonial economic, and political strategies that the wider Ansarallah movement has adopted. In order to strengthen the defense of Yemen as a whole, the two fronts - the battlefront and the development front - must be strengthened on an equal basis, with no conceivable difference in significance and importance between them. The strategy relies on activating all capabilities of the Yemeni state into a single, uniform body that builds what Empire destroys, such as roads, bridges, farmland, tunnels, and public recreation - and destroys what Empire builds: military bases, military formations, invasions, systems of exploitation, etc.
The Ansarallah movement, mostly known simply by the reductionist term “Houthi rebels”, has adopted this clear anti-capitalist economic strategy for the development of the country’s agrarian sector, and progress is manifested in a number of ways that would have been inconceivable just 10 years ago.
https://english.almayadeen.net/articles/blog/ansarallah:-the-vanguard-of-yemens-agrarian-revolution
(* B P)
Yemeni Rights Organization Documents Houthi Torture of Over 17,000 Detainees
A Yemeni human rights organization documented the Iran-backed Houthi militias’ torture of more than 17,000 prisoners since their coup in Yemen in September 2014.
In a report marking International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, the Yemeni Organization for Prisoners and Abductees said the Houthis tortured to death 178 detainees, including 10 children and three women. It also documented 16 death cases caused by deliberate medical negligence.
The Hodeidah province witnessed the greatest number of these cases with 40, followed by Sanaa with 37, Taiz with 20 and the rest were reported in Houthi-held regions.
The report documented 17,638 cases of physical and mental torture in Houthi prisons, including against 587 children and 150 women, between September 2015 and December 2021.
The Houthi-held capital Sanaa witnessed the greatest number of these cases, with 2,599 victims, the Sanaa governorate witnessed 2,489, al-Bayda saw 1,642, the Ibb governorate witnessed 1,543 cases, and Dhamar 1,541.
The report revealed that the Houthi used several ways to physically and mentally torture detainees, including electric shocks, beatings and the and the so-called “grill method,” which relies on the suspension of the body over a steel tool attached on two wedges for more than 24 hours.
The militias run 639 prisons, 230 of which are public while 298 are secret facilities, said the report.
They also set up 111 new prisons in basements of government institutions, such as military sites, and others located in civilian buildings, such as ministries and public administrations.
It noted 110 torture and detention centers in Sanaa, 91 in Ibb and 78 in Hodeidah, and others in various regions.
The organization revealed that 27 prisoners died after their release from Houthi prisons and documented the forcible disappearance of 2,002 Yemenis, including 125 children 1,861 men
https://english.aawsat.com/home/article/3846976/yemeni-rights-organization-documents-houthi-torture-over-17000-detainees = https://yemenonline.info/special-reports/6627
(A P)
Mohammed Humran, member of the Higher Court in #Yemen was "kidnapped" and "disappeared" few days ago, today his lifeless body was found. The incident occurred in #AnsarAllah #Houthi controlled area. Perpetrators remain unknown.
https://twitter.com/BashaReport/status/1565134866496294913
Armed men affiliated with a Houthi leader reportedly killed tonight Mohamed Homran, a prominent #Yemeni judge in the Suprem Court in Sana'a, a day after they kidnapped him. Over the past few weeks, Houthi run channels incl al-Hawia were attacking him & indpndnt judges.
https://twitter.com/Alsakaniali/status/1565127357383540737
A 63 year old Supreme Court member was abducted from his car, blind folded, & executed by Houthis. That is how “safer than the rest of #Yemen” Houthi controlled areas are!
https://twitter.com/Ndawsari/status/1565127178081259521
referring to https://twitter.com/almasdaronline/status/1565124953707618306
(A P)
Houthis tell Israel: Prepared, unhesitant to strike painfully
Houthi military spokesman on Monday warned Israel that the Iranian-backed group "won't be hesitant to shoot harsh, painful strike in response to any potential assault against our country."
The "Yemeni armed forces warns the Israeli enemy against implication of any blindness," Yahiya Sarei tweeted, as this "won't be met with silence, but with suitable response.
"The armed forces are ready for any options decided by the leadership at any moment," he added, calling on the "Israeli enemy to take this warning seriously."
https://debriefer.net/en/news-30751.html
(A P)
Parliament Calls Saudi-backed Government to Use Looted Oil Revenue to Pay Salaries
The Parliament, headed by the Deputy Speaker, Abdulsalam Hashoul, discussed the looting and tampering of oil, gas and marine resources by US-Saudi aggression.
The council also addressed the consequences of this tampering and looting, which prevents Yemen from disbursing the salaries of state employees, and supporting development and service areas for citizens in all governorates.
(A P)
A tribal chieftain from Al-Beidha was physically eliminated by the Houthi militia in Sana'a early this week/24 Post
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58474
(A P)
Houthi military campaign arrests more than 100 civilians in Alhada district in Dhamar/Bawabati
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58474
(A P)
Houthis are fueling tribal infighting in Amran/Bawabati
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58474
(A P)
A family in Sana'a have had to cede their house to the Houthi militia to release one of their members held hostage in one of the militia's prisons/Bawabati
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58461
(A P)
The Houthi armed militiamen are deploying in amusement parks in Sana'a to demand IDs from visitors and extort their money/Al-Rashad Press
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58461
(A P)
Houthis are seeking to replace 1200 judges with others from the militia's supremacist caste in the militia's areas of control (most north Yemen)/Alsahwa Net
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58461
(A P)
Houthis are besieging Arhab district, a Sana'a outskirt, as part of the militia's continues abuses against the Sana'a tribes. Forty trucks with machineguns on them have been deployed to the area/Multiple websites
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58461
(A P)
Military Court Holds New Session for Trial of Accused of Destroying Yemen's Air Defense Batteries, Missiles
The Central Military Court in Sana'a held on Sunday a public session to consider Case No. (31) regarding the destruction of the capabilities of the Yemeni state in terms of missiles and air defense batteries.
The accused are Ammar Mohammad Abdullah Saleh Al-Ahmar, former undersecretary of the National Security Agency, and others of American nationality, under the supervision of the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces at the time, Ali Abdullah Saleh, in preparation for the planned aggressive war waged by the Saudi-led coalition against Yemen.
and also https://en.ypagency.net/270785/
(A K P)
Interior Ministry unveils new armored vehicle "Baas 2"
The official spokesman for the Ministry of Interior unveiled on Sunday the new armored vehicle "BAAS 2" that will enter service in the coming days.
Brigadier General Abdulkhaleq Al-Ajri said, in a press statement, that "BAAS 2" is a locally manufactured armored vehicle and equipped with the latest technologies. "It will be a great source of support for the security men, and a deterrent to anyone seeks to harm the security and stability of the country."
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3200498.htm
and also https://en.ypagency.net/270738/
(A P)
The Houthi militia in Sana'a force teachers to attend sectarian (Shiit radicalization courses)/Almanarah Net
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58422
(A P)
Houthis hang child to death in militant-run jail in Taiz
Yemen's Shia Houthis hanged a boy to death in one of their run jails in the central Yemeni province of Taiz last Tuesday, sources have said.
The terror group who control part of Taiz executed 15-year-old Ahmed Mohammed Qasem Lutf in the notorious jail of Al-Saleh for no known reason, sources and relatives of the child said.
Ahmed had served an unjustifiably long term of imprisonment of three years without charge, and his relatives and acquaintances said the case is "a trivial one."
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58428
(A P)
Yemeni Insurgents Accused of Tampering with High School Exams
Houthi militias have tampered with the results of high school exams in their areas of control, according to Yemeni sources.
The sources accused the group's leader, Yahya al-Houthi, who was appointed as Minister of Education, and his deputy, Qassim al-Hamran, of deliberately manipulating the results and leaking exams.
They also accused the militias of deliberately failing about 20,000 male students, who would later be pushed to join military ranks.
The sources say that this comes as part of an organized Houthi plan aimed at forcing students to stop their education, making it easier to attract them and turn them into fighters on the frontlines.
Earlier, the Houthi Ministry of Education announced the results of the high school exams for the 2021/22 school year, claiming that it had an 86.91 percent success rate.
Houthi rebels order Yemeni pupils to recite ‘Khomeini chant’ condemning US and Israel
Pupils living in Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen must recite the “Khomeini chant” to denounce the US and Israel, a circular published by the militant-run Ministry of Education has said.
The circular said pupils would have to say the verse after singing the national anthem at school assembly in the governorate of Amran.
The move was condemned by Muammar Al Eryani, Minister of Information at Yemen's internationally recognised government.
Mr Jalal told The National that the Houthi order would be "imposed using all available means".
"Those who try to opt out will face consequences. In fact, some already have, not to mention that pro-Houthi teachers have replaced a number of cadres, school headmasters and headmistresses," he said.
"The order normalises the idea of death in day-to-day discourse in the most life-appreciating institutions: schools."
A former Yemeni diplomat told The National that mandating the chant would only radicalise young children.
(A P)
Houthi senior militant and his father shot dead a shopkeeper and wounded his brother in their shop in Hodeidah over their refusal to join the militia's warfronts/Al-Rashad Press
https://www.alsahwa-yemen.net/en/p-58399
(* B P)
Human Rights Network Documents 18,000 Houthi Abuses in Yemen’s Dhamar
A Yemeni human rights report revealed on Tuesday that the Iran-backed Houthi militias have committed over 18,000 violations against civilians in the Dhamar governorate during seven years.
The Yemeni Network for Rights and Freedoms said that from December 1, 2014 to October 30, 2021, it documented 18,413 grave Houthi violations ranging from killings, physical assaults, kidnappings, raids, looting of public and private funds and other crimes.
The Network stated that during the past seven years, the Houthis committed 474 extrajudicial killings and injured 218 people in the governorate.
It documented 19 assassinations, 1,183 kidnappings, 72 enforced disappearances, 614 arbitrary arrests of travelers, 315 threats and exclusion from public office, nine cases of rape and forced prostitution, 274 cases of physical and psychological torture and 105 physical assaults of civilians.
It accused the militias of carrying out 48 bombings that affected houses, shops and places of worship, in addition to carrying out 1,459 raids and looting and burning of homes, 69 cases of confiscation and looting of private and public property, and 80 cases of appropriation of private lands and sale of state property.
In addition, the report documented 237 Houthi attacks on places of worship and educational and health facilities, and 24 cases of looting of party headquarters and charities.
“The Houthi militias forced more than 2,143 families to flee and they recruited 5,481 child soldiers in Dhamar, mainly orphans,”
(A P)
Revolution Leader: "Our first priority is to confront aggression"
The Leader of the Revolution, Sayyed Abdulmalik Badr al-Din al-Houthi, on Tuesday confirmed that the priorities of the Yemeni people in the current situation are "to confront aggression, maintain internal stability, and correct the situation of state institutions."
The Leader of the Revolution indicated, in his speech today on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Zaid (peace be upon him), that commemorating this historical memory is very important to benefit from it in the reality of the suffering of the Islamic nation.
Sayyed Abdulmalik stressed the importance of this anniversary in terms of the impact of the events that occurred in the nation's history and highlighting the most influential events on the cultural, intellectual and practical level, including the rise and martyrdom of the Imam Zaid bin Ali bin Abi Talib (peace be upon them).
The Leader of the Revolution considered the enemies’ quest to enslave and subjugate the nation to America, Israel and their allies as the greatest threat to the nation in its principles, morals and values.
He touched upon the conspiracies by which the enemies are moving to target this nation through sedition and its internal situation under various headings, which is part of the battle that targets the nation and the schemes that seek to fragment it.
The Leader of the Revolution indicated that the state employees' salaries were paid in the past from oil and gas revenues, and "today they are looted by the aggression coalition, thieves and occupiers, and part of it is stolen by the traitors of this country, who stood in the side of the foreigner, and the rest goes to the National Bank of Saudi Arabia and others."
He stressed the importance of working to find alternatives to the looted oil and gas revenues until the liberation of oil facilities, noting this is not a simple matter in light of the existing siege, but rather needs work programs and mobilize the production process in the sectors.
https://www.saba.ye/en/news3199894.htm
and also https://en.ypagency.net/270314/
Film, full speech: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U_SXcncMMMw
Snippets: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MS_v3_QhSUc
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=F-Mu_3b5FNI
(A P)
Yemenis Mark Mourn Martyrdom of Imam Zaid, Show Solidarity with Palestinians
The capital, Sanaa and other governorates witnessed large mass rallies Tuesday, in commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Zaid bin Ali (a.s).
The participants in the march raised slogans of freedom, Yemeni and Palestinian flags, banners expressing the importance of commemorating the martyrdom of Imam Zaid, as well as banners condemning America's crimes against Yemen and the nation and the looting of its wealth, and calling for a boycott of American and Israeli goods.
and also https://www.saba.ye/en/news3199846.htm
https://en.ypagency.net/270277/
Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp6 – cp19
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-821b-yemen-war-mosaic-821b
Vorige / Previous:
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose/jemenkrieg-mosaik-820-yemen-war-mosaic-820
Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-820 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-820:
https://www.freitag.de/autoren/dklose oder / or http://poorworld.net/YemenWar.htm
Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:
(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)
http://poorworld.net/YemenWar.htm
http://yemenwarcrimes.blogspot.de/
Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:
http://yemendataproject.org/data/
Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:
Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:
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