Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 641 - Yemen War Mosaic 641

Yemen Press Reader 641: 12. April 2020: WFP kürzt Hilfe in Huthi-Gebiet um 50 % – Schlacht um Marib – USA und Jemenkrieg – Huthis machen Kritik mundtot – Angst vor Coronavirus, 1. Fall im Jemen
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

... Saudischer Waffenstillstand: Chance, aber von allen gebrochen – und mehr

April 12, 2020: WFP cuts to cut aid by half in Houthi areas – Marib battle – The US and Yemen War – Houthis silencing dissent – fear of Coronavirus, first case in Yemen – Saudi ceasefire: A chance, but violated by all parties – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Seuchen / Most important: Epidemics

cp1b Am wichtigsten: Kampf um Hodeidah / Most important: Hodeidah battle

cp1c Am wichtigsten: Waffenstillstand und Friedensangebot / Most important: ceasefire and peace offer

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12b Sudan

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms Trade

cp13b Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage

cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B H P)

Der britische Sender BBC berichtet am Freitag, dass das UN-Welternährungsprogramm (WFP) in von den Huthi-Rebellen kontrollierten Gebieten seine Hilfen halbieren werde. Als Grund habe die UN genannt, dass mehrere Spender wie die USA, ihr Engagement gestoppt hätten. Sie würden befürchten, dass die Huthis die Hilfslieferungen behindern. Ab Mitte April würden die Familien dort nur mehr jeden zweiten Monat Hilfspakete erhalten.

Das WFP ernährt nach eigenen Angaben im Jemen rund 20 Millionen Menschen. Laut BBC befinden sich 80 Prozent der Jemeniten in von den Huthis kontrollierten Gebieten.!5677856/

(** B H P)

Yemen: World Food Programme to cut aid by half in Houthi-controlled areas

The World Food Programme is set to halve aid to parts of Yemen's Houthi-controlled areas due to a funding crisis.

The UN says some donors have stopped their aid over concerns that deliveries were being obstructed by Houthi forces.

From mid-April, families will get aid every other month, instead of monthly.

The World Food Programme (WFP), a UN agency, feeds more than 12 million Yemenis a month, 80% of whom are in areas controlled by Houthi forces.

Lise Grande, the UN's senior representative in Yemen, told the BBC the lack of funds would affect every aspect of UN's assistance in the world's biggest humanitarian aid operation as the threat of coronavirus looms.

She said: "It couldn't come at a worse time with Covid-19 threatening."

Some donors, including the US have already cut aid, claiming that donations were being obstructed and diverted in areas under Houthi control.

Some said there were long delays in permits and permissions and said staff had been harassed and detained.

However Houthi officials hit back accusing aid agencies, including WFP of corruption and mismanagement. Months of negotiations led to some changes however aid agencies say they are not enough.

"It's not the right time for the world to be cutting aid to to vulnerable people," said Sultana Begum of the Norwegian Refugee Council in Yemen. "There are issues with the Houthis, but the world has to scale up its response to deal with the virus."

A spokesperson for the UK's Department for International Development told the BBC that it has not suspended aid.

and also

(** B K P)

The Battle of Marib: Houthis Threaten Yemeni Government Stronghold

F ollowing the fall of Al-Hazm, the capital of Al-Jawf governorate, to the armed Houthi movement at the end of February, all eyes have turned to neighboring Marib. The wealthiest governorate in the north, Marib has oil and gas wells, the Safer oil refinery, and a major power station that had supplied most of Yemen with electricity before the war. Marib also hosts the largest group of northern rivals to the Houthis and the largest numbers of troops loyal to President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi, which are units of the national army. It is the home of powerful Sunni Shafi’i tribes, including Abidah, Murad, Jadaan and others, and is also a center of power for the Yemeni Congregation for Reform (Islah), among the largest of Yemen’s political parties and the most important local rival of the Houthis.

Within its Marib sanctuary and bolstered by its resources, Islah has established itself as the main decision-maker in one of Yemen’s most strategically important governorates. Marib is also one of the last sources of political power for the Yemeni government. Its loss would undermine the Saudi-led coalition’s war in Yemen.

Meanwhile, the two-week cease-fire announced by Saudi Arabia on April 9 is unlikely to halt fighting in Marib. The Houthis know well that accepting any truce would give those defending the governorate a chance to reorganize their ranks and defenses, making it difficult to regain the current offensive momentum. And despite the UN’s call for all warring parties to quit fighting in response to the threat from COVID-19, the current crisis actually provides the Houthis a rare opportunity to launch wide attacks across multiple areas of the country while the rest of the world is preoccupied and not paying attention to Yemen.

Marib had achieved relative stability after first confronting the Houthis in 2015, leaving the rebels confined to the governorate’s Serwah area. The frontlines cooled and heated up from time to time, but without any serious attempt by either warring party to change the zones of control. However, the capture of Al-Jawf gave the Houthis an appetite to reconfigure the situation on the ground in Marib, and to this end, they are pressing forces loyal to the internationally recognized Yemeni government on three axes.

The current military pressure by the Houthis has been accompanied by political messages sent via different intermediaries to the local authority in Marib, headed by Governor Sultan al-Aradah. These include demands for a share of oil and gas revenues, as well as requests that the local authorities ease up their pressure on the Al-Ashraf tribes, which are Houthi supporters, and inclusion of tribe members in the administration of the governorate.

It is still unclear if the Houthis aim to capture the city of Marib, which would prove a much more difficult fight than the battle for Al-Jawf.

Local tribes, despite their anger with Islah, have an even more complex position toward the Houthis. These tribes have a prominent sense of their Sunni identity that puts them at odds with the Shia Zaidi Houthis. Significantly, the influential Murad tribe believes that the Houthis hold historic animosity toward them

The tribal challenge in Marib is the most important calculation for the Houthis in the governorate. If the group is unable to reach settlements as they have with tribes in other governorates (for example, in Al-Jawf and Al-Bayda), the other option is a difficult, complicated and costly military confrontation.

The fact that Marib’s tribes are bearing the greatest burden fighting the Houthis reveals a significant weakness in the performance of regular military forces in the battles over the fate of the governorate. The ineffectiveness of official army units can be mainly attributed to widespread corruption in the recruitment and armament process

The fall of Al-Jawf and the current battle over Marib has exposed the decayed capabilities of military forces affiliated with the government and is directly reflected at all leadership levels of the Yemeni army up to Minister of Defense Mohammed al-Maqdishi and the vice president, Ali Mohsen

The results of the fighting in Marib will also determine the future position of Sultan al-Aradah, governor of Marib and member of the Abidah tribe. If he can successfully manage the complex relationship between tribal parties and political forces, including pressure from Islah, and defend Marib from the Houthis, he will cement his status on the Yemeni government side at the expense of many who are watching his rise with concern.

The battle of Marib is a critical turning point in the Yemen war. A military victory for the Houthis would pave the way for their dominance of the country’s most resource-rich areas and represent a huge blow for the legitimate government. On the government side, the defense of Marib is a major test for the Yemeni military and five years of Saudi support for it. A Houthi defeat in Marib could undermine their ambitions, give new life to the group’s opponents and rivals, weaken the current Houthi negotiating position with Saudi Arabia and force international observers to revise current estimations of the movement’s strength – By Maged Al-Madhaji

(** B K P)

The US in Yemen: Facilitating Disaster, Dodging Culpability

In March 2015, then-US President Barack Obama signed off on measures to support the newly formed Saudi-led coalition in Yemen.[1] Five years on, this ill-defined support remains as murky as ever, despite domestic pressure to review its scope and nature. What is clear, however, is that Washington is not in the driver’s seat when it comes to its policy concerning the war in Yemen – if it can even be conceived as having one.[2]

Outsourcing to its regional allies may have made sense five years ago; Yemen has never been a strategic priority for the US and has generally been consigned to Riyadh’s domain. For many in Washington policy circles, Yemen does not come into view except when certain strategic lenses are applied – be it the threat of Al-Qaeda or regional tensions with Iran. The course of the Yemen conflict points to the risks of outsourcing policy in this way. What was supposed to be a quickly won Saudi-led intervention has descended into a multi-faceted war upon which America’s allies have long lost their grip.

As we mark this grim anniversary, America’s role in sustaining the war deserves acknowledgment. Washington has trodden a fine line during the Yemen conflict; maintaining enough distance to avoid direct implication in many of the atrocities being unleashed on the country while providing the material and logistical support – and above all, the political cover – indispensable for such operations. It has proven a politically astute but morally dubious strategy and a common thread running through both the Obama and Trump administrations.

Opaque Support for the Coalition

When the Saudi-led coalition began its intervention in Yemen, then-President Obama agreed to provide “logistical and intelligence support” for military operations and to establish a “joint planning cell” to coordinate with Saudi Arabia.[3] It quickly appeared that this support was instrumental to the most controversial aspect of the intervention: the coalition air war. The US has provided surveillance images and targeting intelligence used to drop US-made bombs on Yemeni soil.[4] [5] Until recently, the US military provided mid-air refueling to help keep coalition warplanes in the sky.[6] As of the beginning of March, the Yemen Data Project estimates that coalition airstrikes have killed more than 8,000 civilians.[7]

In a report published in late 2019, a UN-appointed group of experts concluded that assistance provided to the coalition could make America complicit in war crimes in Yemen.[8] However, there appears to have been a concerted effort to shroud support for the coalition in enough mystery to avoid direct implication in military operations. The US may provide “targeting assistance” for coalition airstrikes, but says it is not responsible for the “selection and final vetting of targets.”[9] While the US does not consider itself at war with the Houthis, it has in the past deployed Special Forces personnel to the Saudi-Yemen border to support coalition operations.[10] Meanwhile, counterterrorism operations against Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) have remained as opaque as ever; the Trump administration authorized an ill-fated commando raid on Yemeni soil during its inaugural months and later revoked reporting requirements on civilian deaths resulting from drone strikes outside areas of active hostilities.[11] [12]

There have been indications of deliberate attempts to counter efforts for greater transparency.

Outsourced Policy

From the beginning of the Saudi-led coalition intervention, US involvement in the Yemen conflict has been dictated by power struggles in the Gulf. The Obama administration offered assistance to placate Riyadh after signing the nuclear deal with its arch-foe Iran – reassured that this would be a swift military operation to restore the internationally recognized government of President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi. Even as the conflict wore on and civilian casualties mounted, in its early stages the course of the war ran parallel to America’s strategic priorities in the region: supporting its Gulf allies, proclaiming a stand against Iran and conducting counterterrorism operations, the latter in close partnership with Emirati forces in southern Yemen.

But the war soon mutated, with separatist demands by UAE-backed militias against the Saudi-backed Hadi government riling tensions in the south while the Houthis eliminated their onetime ally former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and tightened their grip on power in the north. The emerging picture in Yemen looks far from in line with US national interests

But the war soon mutated, with separatist demands by UAE-backed militias against the Saudi-backed Hadi government riling tensions in the south while the Houthis eliminated their onetime ally former President Ali Abdullah Saleh and tightened their grip on power in the north. The emerging picture in Yemen looks far from in line with US national interests: one American ally bombing forces backed by another ally; non-state actors – including Al-Qaeda-linked groups — wielding US-made weapons sold to coalition member states; and the growing prowess of Emirati-funded Salafi militias – some of which subscribe to the same extremist dogma as groups the US is actively fighting on Yemeni soil. Should factionalism in the south persist, conditions may once again be ripe for a resurgence of AQAP – long considered by the US to be the most dangerous Al-Qaeda affiliate. Ironically, deference to its Gulf allies and the more fervent anti-Iran stance of the Trump administration has pushed the Houthis closer to Tehran. The US has essentially found itself in the backseat of a disastrous and increasingly intractable military campaign which has strayed far from the one it initially lent it support to – by Holly Topham and Ziad Al-Eryani and also in

(** B P)


The Huthis must end the use of the judicial system to stifle freedom of expression, association and religion, by way of handing down harsh sentences, including the death penalty, following grossly unfair trials.

Amnesty International has documented the cases of 66 individuals, the vast majority men, whose proceedings are all ongoing – bar one - and were brought before the Sana’a-based Specialized Criminal Court (SCC) – a court traditionally reserved for terrorism-related cases, between 2015 and 2020. Journalists, human rights defenders, political opponents and members of religious minorities are among those subjected to unfair trial on spurious or trumped-up charges by this court. All of those individuals are being tried on charges of spying, which are mandatorily punishable by death under Yemeni law.


In all the cases documented by Amnesty International, the Huthis and their allied forces carried out the arrests of the defendants from their homes, at security check points, at workplaces, or in public venues, without arrest warrants. They were detained incommunicado and in solitary confinement without access to the external world, including their families or a lawyer, for periods ranging from a few days to several months. Finally, they were held without charge or trial and without any means to challenge their detention for up to four years.

In most cases, the Huthis have subjected the individuals to enforced disappearance, holding them in secret locations and then refusing to disclose their whereabouts to their families or information such as the reasons and legal basis for their imprisonment, in what conditions they are being held, not to mention denying them access to legal counsel and family visits. Enforced disappearance is a crime under international law, and when committed in connection with an armed conflict, is a serious violation of international humanitarian law and may constitute a war crime.

Within these patterns of arbitrary arrest, the Huthis and allied forces targeted political opponents from a variety of affiliations, as well as journalists, human rights defenders, activists and members of religious minorities. The majority of the individuals targeted, whether politicians, journalists or activists, have some form of association with al-Islah (a Sunni Islamist political party), which opposed the Huthi takeover of power and announced its support for the Saudi Arabia and UAE-led coalition in April 2015. Others were apparently targeted for being peaceful critics of the Huthis’ takeover of state institutions and of their conduct since they have been in power. In the case of religious minorities, individuals are being held and tried on account of their conscientiously held beliefs and peaceful activities as members of the Baha’i community.


Out of the 66 cases documented by Amnesty International, 47 individuals are currently in custody, of whom at least six reported being tortured or ill-treated in custody since 2014.

During one of the trial sessions on 2 April 2019 at the SCC, Youssef al-Bawab, a 45-year-old father of five who was arbitrarily arrested in October 2016 and is now being tried alongside 29 others, stated how he and others had been subjected to torture and other ill-treatment throughout their detention at the PSO in Sana’a, including beatings, being hung from the ceilings and tied up using iron chains. The court did not respond to his statement and the judge failed to order an investigation into these claims.


Out of the 66 cases documented by Amnesty International, 47 are currently in custody. All 47 have had irregular or patchy access to their lawyer following arrest and throughout their interrogation during different stages of their detention. At best, they were permitted to meet their lawyers only at the court session of their trial. If the lawyer was told of the court session in the first place, they usually were informed less than 24 hours in advance


Amnesty International is concerned that some of the charges – most of which are linked to espionage - in all the cases documented are mandatorily punishable by death under Yemeni law. In 2018, 22 people were sentenced to death across Yemen, all by the Sana’a-based SCC, for charges of aiding the enemy and espionage.

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(* A H)

WHO prepares 37 hospitals to counter COVID-19 in Yemen

The World Health Organization works on boosting the preparedness of 37 hospitals in Yemen, WHO said Saturday, in order to counter the risks of COVID-19 outbreak.
WHO works, in cooperation with the UN and Yemen's health authorities, to raise preparedness of 37 hospitals, intensive care units in particular, said WHO Representative for Yemen.
Intensive care does not mean beds and artificial respiration, but also the provision of medicine and increasing the health workers' capacities, Altaf Musani added.
The Organization is currently seeking to ensure technical laboratories' preparedness to test any COVID-19 suspected cases, he said.
Emergency standby stock has been provided for tests, Musani added, noting that the test devices are now available in Sana'a, Aden and Mukalla.

(B H)

Alternative medicine... Popular trade in Time of Corona

Many people in Yemen used alternative medicine as a means of preventing the emerging coronavirus, which continues to claim thousands of lives worldwide.

According to those interested, the use of alternative medicine by society in Yemen to protect its members from this pandemic and other epidemics and diseases that have spread in the country, due to the aggression and the blockade, is a natural, healthy and familiar phenomenon in a society that leaves no way to protect itself except its methods, especially after some of them have survived and inherited their use as a kind of traditional medicine through generations.

According to historical evidence, Yemen has had many bitter experiences with diseases and epidemics, but the last five years of aggression and the US Saudi-led blockade have been the most deadly for Yemenis as a result of the destruction of health infrastructure and its decommissioning.

There are many "mixtures" that have been prepared to deal with this pandemic by al-Attarin, along with garlic, turmeric, honey, ginger, male garlic and black bean. Mohammed Abdul Raqib, a worker at the perfumery and spice shop in Sanaa, told Saba.

Since the beginning of March, attar shops have seen a growing demand for many items that people read about on the Internet and social media, such as "haltate", "al-Mor", "apple cider vinegar" and "semsem", and other spices such as cinnamon, anise, peppers and cumin.

According to Bassem Al Harazi mother, who finished shopping at a spice shop in Sana'a, male garlic and apple cider vinegar, in addition to ginger, honey, black grain, cumin, anise and chamomile flower, are protected from many diseases, which are 100 percent natural substances and have had a great impact on her protection and family members from many viruses and diseases that have ravaged Yemen recently, especially cholera, so she does not rule out their usefulness in the face of the Corona pandemic, she said.

Regardless of the effectiveness and efficacy of these attar materials in the face of the Coronavirus, for which specialists in the world have not yet found effective treatment, it remains important to note that the use of attar materials by customers, workers and experts in the attar market does not harm.

(A H P)

Aden' Governor decides to close all land ports

The governor of Aden, in southern Yemen, decided to close all the city's ports and prevent entry or exit to them, starting on Friday evening, after the first case of coronavirus infection appeared in Hadramout Governorate (east).

The governors of Shabwa and Al-Mahra, on Friday evening, closed all ports with the Hadhramaut Governorate and prevented entry or exit to them permanently until further notice.


(A H P)

Eastern governorates shut borders with Hadhramout after coronavirus case confirmed

The governors of Shabwa and Al-Mahrah in eastern Yemen instructed security services in their governorates to halt travel to and from neighboring Hadhramout governorate on Friday, after the first case of coronavirus was confirmed in the port town of Al-Shehr, Hadhramout, earlier that day.

(B H P)

Yemeni emergency panel tells 120 suspected coronavirus cases

Since 8 March, 120 suspected COVID-19 cases have tested negative, 25 in government-held areas and 95 in Houthi-held areas, the spokesman told reporters.
"We are absolutely transparent in this regard, as we have announced the positive-tested case" once it occurred, he added, hoping that the "Houthi group will be similarly transparent."

(* B H)

Civil Society Organizations in Yemen Call for Comprehensive Mobilization and Unity to Confront Coronavirus Pandemic (April 2020)

With the appearance of Coronavirus (COVID -19) in Yemen, 9 civil society organizations issued a second statement warning of the catastrophic consequences of the virus spread. They called for a comprehensive cessation of the war and declared a comprehensive mobilization to confront the pandemic and save the lives of about 30 million people in the country whose infrastructure and health system are destroyed by the war, and 80% of its population lack food and drinking water.

The statement goes as follows:

At this difficult time, after five years of war and conflict in Yemen, Coronavirus (COVID - 19) adds a new disaster to the exhausted country in all the fields of life. Aware of the seriousness of the situation and the consequences of the ruthless spread of Corona that can't be confronted if the war and the armed conflicts continue, it will make the world's worst humanitarian disaster even worse. We in civil society organizations demand the following:

(* B H)

Yemen and COVID-19: What Needs to be Done

During the war, Yemen has reported the highest number of suspected cholera cases in recent history, with more than 2.3 million suspected cases reported since 2017.[7] Working in Yemen in 2019, I witnessed an overstretched health system struggling to cope with high demand for essential health services and suffering from a shortage of ICU beds and ventilators. External aid plays a vital role saving lives and protecting our health system from total collapse.

Moreover, more than 7 million Yemenis are in need of treatment or services for malnutrition, according to UNICEF, including 2 million children under five and 1 million pregnant and lactating mothers who need urgent treatment for acute malnutrition.[8] Acute malnutrition lowers immunity if left untreated, potentially worsening the impact of the coronavirus among these communities.[9]

Furthermore, the WHO recommends frequent handwashing using proper techniques to prevent the infection. In reality, many areas in Yemen lack clean water resources so achieving this will be very challenging. Yemenis’ lack of access to safe water and basic sanitation already contributed to the rapid spread of cholera in the country.[10] On top of this, about 55 percent of the budget required for water, hygiene and sanitation within Yemen’s humanitarian response plan is yet to receive funding.[11]

The fragmentation of Yemen is a huge challenge and will have a severe impact on preparedness, containment and mitigation measures.[12] Pandemics demand a harmonized response, the rule of law and strict regulations. In Yemen, the response to the epidemic is likely to differ depending on who is in control of each area.

Current Initiatives

In February, the Yemen Health Cluster, a coordination platform for humanitarian health activities led by the WHO, initiated COVID-19 preparedness and response activities in collaboration with the Yemeni Ministry of Health in Sana’a and Aden. Locations for isolating potential patients were identified and being prepared in hospitals, mostly near airports. Screening testing kits were sent to some central laboratories in Sana’a, Aden and Mukalla, and additional kits arrived in Aden on March 24, the WHO confirmed.[14] The Ministry of Health and the WHO have calibrated PCR[15] machines in all three cities to detect COVID-19 by testing throat or nasal samples collected from patients. A nationwide early warning system to collect case reports on communicable diseases was operational prior to the pandemic.

What Should Be Done?

Time is a great asset. With no confirmed infections in Yemen so far, there is more time for better preparedness and preventative measures against COVID-19. Considering and learning from the experiences of affected countries will significantly reduce the impact of the pandemic in Yemen. In tandem with WHO’s eight pillars[17] of public health preparedness and response to address COVID-19, the following measures should be taken:

Strengthen the Health System

Protect Health Workers


(A H P)

Sam calls for urgent international intervention to help Yemen prevent the outbreak of the Coronavirus

SAM Organization for Rights and Freedoms called on the international community to urgently intervene in assisting Yemen to implement the necessary precautions to prevent the outbreak of the Corona Virus Outbreak (COFFED-19) in order to avoid a severe humanitarian catastrophe among its civilians,10,A,c,1,69,71,3828,html

(* A H)

Jemen meldet erste Coronavirus-Infektion

Hilfsorganisationen warnen vor den schweren Folgen eines Corona-Ausbruchs im Jemen. Jetzt ist das Virus offiziell in dem Bürgerkriegsland angekommen.

Auch der Jemen hat nun erstmals eine Infektion mit Sars-CoV-2 gemeldet. Nach Medienangaben teilte das nationale Notfallkomitee zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Pandemie mit, dass der erste Fall die östliche Provinz Hadramaut betreffe. Die betroffene Person werde medizinisch versorgt, hieß es, ihr Zustand sei stabil.

Wegen der großen humanitären Not im Jemen befürchten Hilfsorganisationen viele Opfer, sollte sich die Lungenkrankheit Covid-19 dort ausbreiten

und auch

(* A H)

War-torn Yemen confirms first coronavirus case; braces for outbreak

Yemen reported its first case of the novel coronavirus on Friday as aid groups try to prepare for an outbreak in a country where war has shattered the health system and spread hunger and disease.

The case was diagnosed in the southern oil producing region of Hadhramout, the supreme national emergency committee said on its Twitter account.

“The individual is stable and receiving medical attention and the medical teams,” it said, adding that authorities had taken necessary measures, but did not give details.

The sufferer was a Yemeni working in the port of Ash Shihr, a local official told Reuters.

and also


(* A H P)

World’s worst humanitarian crisis deepens as coronavirus hits Yemen

The Covid-19 case, recorded on Friday in Hadhramaut province, came as UN agencies were being forced to “drastically” cut aid programmes in the country because of a lack of funding. This includes assistance for health, water, sanitation and malnutrition as well as the fight against cholera, said Lise Grande, the top UN official in Yemen.

“If there is one country that cannot deal with a coronavirus outbreak, it is Yemen. The health system is fragile and in many cases broken. And after five years of war, the immunities of the population are some of the worst in the world,” Ms Grande said. “Yemenis are starving. We fear people are going to die of cholera and now we’ve got coronavirus.”

“The spread of Covid-19 to Yemen is a nightmare scenario. Many doctors and nurses have already fled the country and many health clinics have been destroyed in the fighting,” said Tamuna Sabedze, Yemen country director at the International Rescue Committee. “Millions of Yemenis live in cramped and unsanitary areas, vulnerable to contracting the virus.”

(A H P)

As Yemen confirms first case of COVID-19, governorates pursue diversity of actions

Hadhramout, Shabwa, Marib, Taiz and Houthi-controlled areas are taking a variety of approaches to prepare for a potential coronavirus outbreak

(A H P)

COVID-19 curfew hours to be increased in Aden

(A H P)

Curfew imposed in Yemen's Hadhramaut after 1st Coronavirus case was registered

(A H)

Film (Arabic): Fears at city of Ash-Shihr after first case of coronavirus was discovered

Citizens in the city of Ash-Shihr in the Hadhramaut governorate in southern Yemen expressed their fear after imposing a state of emergency in the city after the discovery of the first case of the emergence of the new Coronavirus, Friday, and this was evident because the streets and neighborhoods of Ash-Shihr are empty of citizens and vehicles, in implementation of the curfew decision that was approved by the local authorities in Hadhramaut, and the city's ports, markets and mosques were closed as a precaution to prevent the spread of the virus.

(A H P)

Temporary curfew and closure of markets in Yemen's Taiz, fearing Covid19

(A H P)

Corona-Krise: Organisation "Ärzte ohne Grenzen" fordert Einlass in Jemen

Nach der Bestätigung des ersten Falls von Coronavirus im Jemen forderte die MSF am Freitag in einer Erklärung die jemenitischen Verantwortlichen auf, medizinische Hilfe einschließlich der medizinischen Personals in das Land zur Bekämpfung des Virus einreisen zu lassen

(A H P)

Doctors Without Borders: Authorities in Yemen must do all they can to facilitate COVID-19 response

After the first case of coronavirus disease COVID-19 was confirmed in Yemen today, Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) are calling for the authorities in Yemen to urgently allow the entrance of supplies and humanitarian staff to the country in order to facilitate a response to the disease.

“More personal protective equipment (PPE) and testing capacity urgently needs to be imported into Yemen both for the national health system and for humanitarian organisations,” said Caroline Seguin, MSF operations manager for Yemen, “The different Yemeni au


(A H)

Save the Children: Today, the first case of Covid-19 was confirmed in Yemen. This is a moment we all feared, and were hoping to avoid, because Yemen is critically under-equipped to face this virus. Only half of the Yemen's health facilities are still fully functional. There are 700 intensive care unit beds, including 60 for children, and 500 ventilators for a population of about 30 million.But it’s not too late to prevent a full outbreak if we can take early action.“

If we don’t act today, what we will witness tomorrow is unspeakable.”


(A H P)

News alert: Mercy Corps warns of catastrophic outbreak as Yemen confirms COVID-19 cases

As Yemen today confirmed its first case of COVID-19, Mercy Corps calls on warring parties to agree to and extend the two-week ceasefire and lift the bureaucratic impediments on lifesaving aid.

(A H)

Mosques in Seiyun Hadhramout held Friday prayers despite orders to close especially after #coronavirus case has been reported. Some mosques in Aden held prayers despite orders as well. Religious clerics are very reckless and always think they're above the law (photo)

(A H P

[Sanaa gov.] Health Ministry Undersecretary: We Warned Earlier About Danger of Not Closing Ports

(** B H)

Yemen: The Perfect Target for COVID-19

A new report says the Middle East’s poorest country is uniquely vulnerable, as it records its first case of the coronavirus.

From the perspective of an opportunistic pathogen, Yemen has it all: a dense population, epic poverty, a broken health care system, and a five-year conflict that has rendered the country incapable of sustaining itself without massive outside assistance.

“Despite precautions issued by Yemeni national authorities and WHO [the World Health Organization] to minimise the risk of the virus transmission, there is a high risk that COVID-19 spreads rapidly throughout Yemen,” according to a risk report published this week by ACAPS, a nonprofit project of the Norwegian Refugee Council and Save the Children that publishes forecasts on the world’s most vulnerable communities. Foreign Policy is highlighting the report as part of its Document of the Week series.

The health warning follows a recent spike in fighting between a pro-government Saudi-led coalition and the country’s Houthi rebels—though Saudi Arabia announced this week that it would unilaterally observe a U.N. call for a cease-fire.

Still, the report provides a troubling snapshot of the all but insurmountable challenges poor, conflict-plagued countries face as the coronavirus spreads from the world’s global capitals to some of the most hard-bitten places on Earth.

“Within a month of the first case being registered in Yemen, many deaths are likely to have been recorded and increasingly stringent movement restrictions begin to be instigated,” the report predicts. “Nevertheless, the number of infections and deaths will continue to rise sharply. Death rates are higher than the global average due to the underlying poor health conditions, lowered immunity among a malnourished population, and limited medical resilience in the general population.”

“While we knew this was coming, still, the spread of COVID-19 to Yemen is a nightmare scenario,” Tamuna Sabedze, the Yemen country director for the International Rescue Committee, said in a statement Friday. “Millions of Yemenis live in cramped and unsanitary areas, vulnerable to contracting the virus. It is vital that the warring parties honor the ceasefire they’ve committed to and extend it.”

The report, which was last updated on April 7, notes that Yemen will likely be overwhelmed and unprepared as the coronavirus spreads. As of this month, it had a total of three testing centers in the cities of Sanaa, Aden, and Mukalla, with the capacity to carry out a “few hundred tests.”

Fear of the coming coronavirus has driven up transportation costs, raising the costs of basic goods like food and medicines.

The pandemic has already fueled rumors and conspiracy theories—one Houthi leader has claimed that the coronavirus was manufactured in America—and set the stage for a backlash against humanitarian aid workers, who will be blamed “rightly or wrongly” for introducing the virus, and anyone suspected of being infected. According to the report, one 4-year-old girl “was denied from treatment in several hospitals in Aden” because she was suspected of being infected. The girl died, and testing found that she did not have the disease – by Colum Lynch

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Mwatana: Dear Mwatana’s friends & partners, As we toy with the new reality around #COVID_19 and its implications on public #health all over the world trying to understand this virus and its impact on everyone, we could not help but think of you, your loved ones and your communities (text in image)

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Houthis say Saudis sending COVID-19 cases to Yemen

Houthis have identified those infected and are making efforts to control their arrival, report says

Yemen’s Houthi rebels claimed Thursday that Saudi Arabia is sending Yemenis back to Yemen who were infected in the Kingdom with the novel coronavirus.

According to pro-Houthi Al-Masirah television, the Houthis have identified those who were infected and are making efforts to control and arrange their arrival.

and also

cp1b Am wichtigsten: Kampf um Hodeidah / Most important: Hodeidah battle

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Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah gingen weiter

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166 Verstöße gegen die Aggressionstruppen im Gouvernement Hodeidah

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US-Saudi Mercenaries Carry Out 166 violations in Hodeidah, Past 24 hours

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Aggression forces violate the UN-sponsored ceasefire in Hodeidah

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Film: The combined forces monitor new developments of the Houthi militia in the Hays front

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Verstöße der Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah und Bombardierung der Grenzgebiete gegen weiter

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99 Verstöße gegen die Aggressionstruppen in Hodeidah in den letzten 24 Stunden

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US-Saudi Mercenaries Carry Out 99 violations in Hodeidah, Past 24 hours

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Film: Unarmed civilian is critically wounded after being shot by a #Houthi sniper while he was in a farm in Al Tuhaita district, south the port city of #Hodeidah.

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Gov't forces in Yemen: killing and wounding 36 civilians by Houthi fire in Hodeidah

The Yemeni internationally recognized government forces said on Thursday that 13 civilians were killed and 23 wounded by Houthi forces (Ansar Allah) in Hodeidah Governorate, western Yemen, last March.

The media center for the giants brigades operating within the joint Yemeni forces taking charge of the fighting in the West Coast, in a report on its website, added that 13 civilians were killed and 23 others, including women and children, were injured during the month of March in a number of cities and villages in Al-Hodeidah governorate.

He pointed out that "the targeting operations varied between random shelling, sniping and explosive devices, in separate areas such as Al-Durayhimi, Al-Tohayta, Hays, Al-Faza and Taif, south of Hodeidah."

My comment: I did not find any other report, therefor I am in doubt.

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Houthis continue to shell residential areas in Hodeidah

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Houthi attacks on Hodeidah towns leave one dead and several wounded

The attacks came in the hours after Saudi Arabia and the Houthis announced ceasefire plans on Wednesday

Houthi forces attacked two towns in Hodeidah governorate Wednesday with rockets and artillery shells, leaving one dead and three injured, residents of those towns told Almasdar Online.

Al-Duraihimi and Hays, both under the control of the Saudi coalition-backed joint west coast forces on the Red Sea coast, suffered civilian casualties from the attacks, according to the residents. The casualties include 27-year-old Asmahan Ali Farhan, who died; Amat Allah Mohammed Shu’ee, 32, Taqia Mohammed Hassan Al-Hadhrami, 50, and a child, Mohammed Abdullah Faisal Al-Shamiri, were all injured.

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Zwei Zivilsten wurden von den Aggressionskräften in Hodeidah getötet

Die Quelle bestätigte das Martyrium zweier Bürger infolge der Bombardierung der Aggressionstruppen mit Artillerie den belagerten Al-Duraihimi.


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US-Saudi Aggression’s Daily Update for Thursday, April 9th, 2020

In Hodeidah, two civilians were killed with US-Saudi targeting on Ad-durayhimi district. The US-Saudi aggression committed 87 violations in Hodeidah in the last 24 hours.

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Roundup: Sporadic attacks occur in war-ravaged Yemen despite ceasefire

In Hodeidah, an official of the joint pro-government forces told Xinhua on condition of anonymity that "the Houthis shelled a residential area in Hays district of Hodeidah, killing a woman and injuring four other citizens."

Shrapnels of the Houthi shelling landed on the citizens' houses located in the southeastern part of Hodeidah, causing injuries among some children, the source said.

Local residents confirmed that "the Houthi shelling resulted in damaging some houses of the local citizens, in addition to causing panic and fear among the families living in the area."

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US-Saudi Mercenaries Kill Two Citizens in Besieged Ad-Durihemi of Al-Hodeidah

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Film: the state of destruction left by the Houthi bombardment of the city of Hays, and the residents denounce the militia terrorism

cp1c Am wichtigsten: Waffenstillstand und Friedensangebot / Most important: ceasefire and peace offer

For violations look at cp1b, cp16, cp17

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Important reason for #Saudi stopping the war on #Yemen now is the fleeing of thousands of #British #Christian

@BAESystemsInc staff due to #Corona. They load British made bombers with bombs & maintain the jets. Without them, bombing runs are impossible.

Omg they can’t even get their bombs to work without white people pressing the buttons for them

As a reminder.

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[Sanaa gov.] Yemeni forces have little reason to trust Saudi proclamations: Prof. Cavell

“The Yemeni liberation forces have little reason to trust Saudi proclamations neither of a ceasefire nor that this may be a Saudi plan for peace, as Saudi pronouncements ring hollow to Yemeni ears due to Saudi deceit, deceptions, dishonesty, and disinformation over the years,” Cavell, a full professor of political science at Bluefield State College in Bluefield, West Virginia, told Mehr News Agency in an exclusive interview regarding the latest developments in Yemen.

Here is the full text of the interview:

Ostensibly, the Saudi coalition states that their unilateral announcement of a ceasefire is to aid in the suppression of the spread of the COVID-19 Pandemic, though some of the Yemeni liberation forces believe the Saudi move may be an attempt to utilize the deadly virus as cover to extricate themselves from their five-year losing war to reassert their hegemonic control over Yemen while not admitting defeat. Others, however, suspect the Saudis are only attempting to regroup their forces, rearm, and continue to pursue their brutal killing spree across the Yemeni landscape by attempting to lull the Yemeni fighters into a disengagement from defending their people and territory.

Distrust between the Yemeni people and the Saudi aggressors is palpable, as the Saudi monarchical kingdom has exercised de facto dictatorship over Yemen for decades with the assistance of first British and then American imperial rule over the Middle East in the twentieth century. Since the invasion of the country in March 2015, Saudi destruction has wrought havoc on the 30 million population of Yemen

The Yemeni liberation forces have little reason to trust Saudi proclamations neither of a ceasefire nor that this may be a Saudi plan for peace, as Saudi pronouncements ring hollow to Yemeni ears due to Saudi deceit, deceptions, dishonesty, and disinformation over the years.

The United States government, the United Kingdom government, the Israeli government, and other western allies seek to maintain western control over the entirety of the Arabian Peninsula both for geostrategic reasons and to have access to the region’s rich store of oil and natural gas.

My remark: A pro-Houthi view. This certainly all is reasonable, but all this cannot be a reason to reject this Saudi initiative. “Peace” means making peace with an enemy and not with a friend. – The following article is very much the same. Both are from Iranian news sites. Obviously, Iran does not appreciate the Saudi initiative. This is quite short-sighted. – The Iranian position is made clear here:

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Temporary Saudi ceasefire in Yemen not solution: advisor

Hossein Amir Abdollahian, a senior foreign policy advisor to the Iranian Parliament speaker, says Saudi Arabia’s ceasefire in Yemen, which is intended to rebuild its forces to resume aggression, is not the solution to the Yemeni problem.

“Ceasefire in & lifting all humanitarian sanctions on #Yemen are two key demands by Yemenis,” Amir Abdollahian said in a tweet on Friday.

“Ending strikes against Yemen is a good move, but the unsustainably Saudi-initiated some-day truce aimed at rebuilding forces to resume agression [sic] and bloodshed is not the solution,” he added.

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Saudi War on Yemen an ’Embarrassment’ to Bin Salman: Analyst

The Saudi regime’s main reason behind the aggression on Yemen is to gain dominance over the West Asia region, a US political commentator asserts, adding that the kingdom’s war in the impoverished country comes as an “embarrassment” to Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Brian Downing, an independent national security analyst from Florida, made the remark during a Thursday edition of Press TV’s The Debate program while commenting on the Saudi war on Yemen and a two-week ceasefire announced by the Saudi-led coalition

“The Saudis want to dominate the region, they want to control, they want all of Yemen to be sort of a loyal province to it not just the south but the north,” Downing told Press TV on Thursday.

“The Saudis probably won’t accomplish what they first said they can. It’s probably an embarrassment to Mohammed bin Salman; he has failed in Syria and he has failed what’s going on in Iraq,” he added.

Hamza Shaiban, president of the Yemeni Community from Ottawa, who was the other panelist invited to The Debate program, agreed with Press TV that the two-week truce announced by the Saudi-led coalition was a publicity stunt rather than a measure to contain the deadly epidemic.

“Saudis cannot claim that they care about the Yemeni people or claim that they are trying to help humans to fight the coronavirus if they announced a two-week truce. Actually, they shouldn’t have started a brutal war five years ago and killed more than 230,000 people,” Shaiban said.

“This recent truce was mainly for Saudi for mean purposes to show the world that the UN cared about the Yeminis as they always claimed and they also felt they were a bit under pressure and they felt that they should make a step,” he underlined.

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Expert on Yemeni affairs at Oxford University, Dr. Elisabeth Kendall told Asharq Al-Awsat that the coalition ceasefire declaration was a smart move on their end because it puts the ball in the Houthi court. If they fail to respond positively to it, then they are relinquishing the moral high ground to the coalition, she explained. If the Houthis truly wanted to maintain any leadership credibility in confronting the pandemic, then they have no choice but to declare their own ceasefire and focus their efforts in combating the virus, she added. Kendell believes that the Houthis can separate themselves from Iran and take decisions without referring to it.

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Many Yemenis haven't only lost trust in different initiatives calling for peace or truce, but they also tend to be more worried about such calls that have always been followed by more devastating rounds of war.

This is the result of incompetent leaders, unjust international interference and of course, failed political agreements that does NOTHING to solve the root problem - just temporary PR stunts.

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Progressives Laud Coronavirus Ceasefire In Yemen

Several progressive organizations joined dozens of humanitarian organizations in a Thursday letter calling on Saudi Arabia to extend its two-week ceasefire in war-torn Yemen.

“A cessation of hostilities in Yemen can only be a first step,” the Thursday letter from fifty-nine organizations said. “Yemenis need a durable ceasefire, a comprehensive and inclusive political settlement to the current conflict, unencumbered access to humanitarian aid and commercial imports, and accountability for the violations all sides have committed during this war.”

Freedom Forward, a group that works to end U.S. alliances with undemocratic governments, signed the letter, as did its sponsor, the progressive Center for International Policy.

So did Win Without War, a progressive think tank that recently spearheaded a push by progressive and moderate Democrats for a coronavirus reprieve from the Trump administration’s “super maximum economic pressure” campaign against Iran.

“It’s a good first step—and an overdue step from the coalition—to implement a unilateral ceasefire,” said Kate Kizer, policy director at Win Without War. “Given its role in the conflict, the U.S. should be throwing its full weight behind pushing for all parties to agree to a ceasefire…and push for inclusive negotiations for a resolution to the conflict.” =

and full statement here:

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Yemen leader orders army to back Saudi-led truce

The internationally recognized President of Yemen, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, ordered his troops to adhere to a truce announced by the Saudi-led coalition and UN so efforts can be stepped up to prevent the spread of coronavirus in the country, Yemen’s official news agency said on Thursday.

Yemen’s Vice President Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmer told the UN Yemen envoy Martin Griffiths at a virtual meeting that Hadi instructed Yemeni army and allied forces to halt fighting in response to the UN calls for a truce to fight the spread of the virus.

Al-Ahmer said that the Yemeni government is still committed to resuming peace talks with the Houthis and striking a deal that could end the fighting in the country.

and also

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STC Welcomes Coalition's Ceasefire Announcement

The General Department of Foreign Affairs expresses that the Southern Transitional Council (STC) welcomes the announcement of the Arab Coaltion for a two-week comprehensive ceasefire, starting Thursday, April 09, 2020.
In this regard, the Southern Transitional Council affirms the need for a clear mechanism to ensure the success of the cease-fire initiative, and iterates STC’s readiness to discuss the appropriate mechanism for a cease-fire where many fronts are defended by the Southern Forces and the reinforcement of the Southern Resistance. At the same time the Council affirms its responsibility to protect the population in the South from any new military escalation.
During a televised speech on 22 March 2020, STC’s President Mr. Aidarous Al-Zubaidi, called on all political forces to overcome all differences, unite efforts to cooperate and join forces to confront the pandemic of the new Corona virus.

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Guterres begrüßt angekündigte Waffenruhe im Jemen

UN-Generalsekretär António Guterres begrüßt die von Saudi-Arabien angekündigte Waffenruhe im Jemen. Er fordert die jemenitische Regierung und die Huthi-Rebellen dazu auf, ebenfalls die Kämpfe einzustellen.

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Huthi-Rebellen lehnen Waffenruhe im Jemen als "politisches Manöver" ab

Die Huthi-Rebellen haben die von der Militärkoalition einseitig ausgerufene Waffenruhe im Jemen als "politisches Manöver" abgelehnt.

Die Huthi-Rebellen haben die von der Militärkoalition einseitig ausgerufene Waffenruhe im Jemen als "politisches Manöver" abgelehnt. Die Koalition habe ihre Luftangriffe nicht eingestellt, sagte der Huthi-Sprecher Mohammed Abdelsalam dem Nachrichtensender Al-Dschasira am Donnerstag. "Wir halten die Waffenruhe für ein politisches und mediales Manöver", um das Image der Koalition in "diesem kritischen Moment, in dem die Welt der Corona-Pandemie gegenübersteht", zu stärken.

Die USA forderten die Huthi am Donnerstag auf, der Gefechtspause zuzustimmen. =

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Yemen’s Houthi rebels reject ceasefire with Saudi-led coalition

Houthis accuse coalition of already violating ceasefire, calling it a 'political and media maneuver'

“The aggression didn’t stop … and until this moment there are tens of continuous air strikes,” Houthi spokesman Mohamed Abdelsalam told Al Jazeera news network some five hours after the truce began.

“We consider the ceasefire a political and media maneuver” to bolster the image of the coalition “in this critical moment when the world is facing” the coronavirus pandemic, he added.


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Abdusalam: Coalition’s Ceasefire in Yemen Nothing but Political, Media Maneuver

The head of the [Sanaa gov.] National Delegation, Mohammed Abdusalam, has dismissed a two-week ceasefire announced by the coalition of aggression as a publicity stunt.

“The ceasefire announcement by Saudi Arabia is a ploy indeed as it is pressing ahead with raids on Yemen, and conducting operations on various fronts, including areas where there were no clashes at all,” Abdusalam said in an exclusive interview with the Qatar-based and Arabic-language al-Jazeera television news network on Thursday night.

“The Saudi ceasefire is just a political and media maneuver. It pursues more than one goal. It seeks to undercut the ongoing serious negotiations with the United Nations and burnish the blood-stained image of Saudi Arabia in this critical moment when the world is facing the coronavirus pandemic,” he added.

Abdusalam underlined that the sensible decision for the US-Saudi aggression would be to stop the military aggression on Yemen, and lift the crippling blockade.

He went on to say that Saudi Arabia’s announcement of a two-week ceasefire in Yemen is inconsistent with the plans being followed by world countries to fight the coronavirus outbreak since the period will not provide the Yemenis with the opportunity to take proper measures to avoid the COVID-19 epidemic.

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Waffenstillstand im Jemen: Sorgt das Coronavirus für Frieden?

Die Ankündigung, die Waffen an vorerst schweigen zu lassen, weckt leise Hoffnungen auf eine mögliche Entschärfung des Konflikts.

UN-Generalsekretär António Guterres und sein Sondervermittler Martin Griffiths begrüßten die Ankündigung. Griffiths sprach von einer "einseitigen Waffenruhe für alle Boden-, See- und Lufteinsätze". Er sei dankbar, dass Saudi-Arabien und dessen Verbündete "diesen für den Jemen kritischen Moment erkannt" hätten. Griffiths bemüht sich als UN-Vermittler seit mehr als zwei Jahren um eine Lösung des Konflikts. Auch die EU zeigte sich erfreut. Beide Seiten müssten nun alle Kampfhandlungen einstellen und in guter Absicht Gespräche miteinander führen, forderte ein Sprecher des EU-Außenbeauftragten Josep Borrell. Dies sei die einmalige Gelegenheit, über Möglichkeiten zur Beendigung des Konflikts zu beraten.

Auch das Auswärtige Amt in Berlin begrüßte die einseitige Waffenruhe

Die Blicke richteten sich nach der Ankündigung auf die Huthis, ob auch sie die Kämpfe aussetzen würden. Nach Berichten von Augenzeugen gab es zunächst keine Gefechte an den verschiedenen Fronten des Landes. Der Rebellen-nahe Fernsehsender Al-Masirah berichtete dagegen, dass Kampfjets der saudischen Allianz trotz der Ankündigung Stellungen der Huthis bombardiert hätten.

Am Mittwoch hatte Huthi-Sprecher Mohammed Abdusalam erklärt, dass die Huthis den Vereinten Nationen ihre eigenen Vorstellungen zu einem "umfassenden Kriegsende und einem Ende der Blockade" mitgeteilt hätten. Dieser Plan "garantiert die Sicherheit, Unversehrtheit und Unabhängigkeit des Jemens und legt den Grundstein für einen politischen Dialog und eine neue Übergangsphase", schrieb Abdusalam. Ziel der Waffenruhe ist nach Angaben aus Riad auch, eine Ausbreitung des Coronavirus zu verhindern - nach einem entsprechenden Aufruf von UN-Chef Guterres.

Für Saudi-Arabien, das selbst schwer vom Coronavirus betroffen ist, könnte die Pandemie einen Ausweg aus einem Krieg aufzeigen, der sich militärisch kaum noch gewinnen lässt.

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Corona-Waffenstillstand im Jemen

Für Saudi-Arabien, das in fünf Jahren Krieg keines seiner Ziele im Jemen erreicht hat, sind die Schuldigen schnell ausgemacht. Der Sprecher der saudischen Militärkoalition, Oberst Turki al-Maliki, erklärte, die Angriffe auf saudisches Gebiet seien von den „Huthi-Terroristen und ihren Verbündeten der iranischen Revolutionsgarden“ durchgeführt worden. Ein Vorwurf, der von Saudi-Arabien und seinen Unterstützern in Washington und London immer wieder erhoben – und vom Sprecher des iranischen Außenministeriums zurückgewiesen wird.

Durch den Krieg ist das Gesundheitssystem des Jemen zerrüttet und könnte einer Corona-Epidemie nicht standhalten.

So könnte ein Corona-Waffenstillstand Saudi-Arabien sogar die Gelegenheit bieten, einen sinnlosen und ergebnislosen Krieg zu beenden. Doch geht es auch um höhere Interessen – den Kampf gegen den Einfluss des Iran.

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Is Yemen’s Ceasefire for Real?

Expert: Saudi Arabia has announced a unilateral two-week ceasefire in Yemen. Unfortunately, it is unlikely to succeed; even if the Saudis maintain the ceasefire and eventually withdraw their forces, Yemen’s civil war will continue

While welcomed, an end to Saudi hostilities will not end the violence in Yemen. The domestic warring factions have incompatible agendas: the Houthis’ stated goals change, but at a minimum they wish to be part of a governing coalition and would likely demand control of the north, including the capital Sana’a; the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC), pushes for an independent South Yemen; and forces loyal to the Saudi-backed government of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi wish to see him reinstated as president of a unified Yemen. Achieving a ceasefire between them will be more difficult than convincing the Saudis to withdraw from a losing battle.

An optimistic assessment would interpret the ceasefire as likely to succeed because Saudi Arabia lacks the resources and the bandwidth to keep up military actions against the Houthis in Yemen. Staff of the British defense company BAE Systems, who had been maintaining British-made bombers used by the Saudis, abruptly departed the Saudi Air Operations Center in Riyadh due to COVID-19 concerns, drastically reducing Saudi Arabia’s capacity to make bombing runs.

Moreover, coronavirus is increasingly a problem inside Saudi Arabia.

The Saudi government is also navigating an oil price war with Russia.

Alternatively, Saudi Arabia may not intend for the ceasefire to last. A cynical interpretation would view the ceasefire as a PR move: Saudi Arabia is trying to take the moral high ground. Then if the Houthis reinitiate hostilities, which is not unlikely, the Saudis can portray the Houthis as solely responsible for the crisis in Yemen. Saudi Arabia has undertaken other public relations campaigns to polish its tarnished reputation, mainly in the direction of Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman.

The explanation that the ceasefire is partly due to concerns about COVID-19 could relate to Saudi Arabia’s current efforts to frame itself as a global leader in responding to the coronavirus.

While any effort to reduce violence in Yemen should be applauded, and the Saudis’ unilateral ceasefire is a welcome development, the war never should have begun in the first place. Saudi Arabia’s involvement in Yemen’s civil war internationalized what was hitherto primarily a domestic conflict.

Significant fault for the humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen lies with the United States.

Unquestioning support for Saudi Arabia’s policies has harmed U.S. interests and reduced America’s leverage over Riyadh. Trump can correct that mistake now by pressing Saudi Arabia to turn the ceasefire into a complete cessation of violence – regardless of the spread of COVID-19 or the outcome of oil negotiations with Moscow – by Annelle Sheline

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Saudi Arabia Declares Yemen Cease-Fire Amidst Growing Domestic Issues

Some doubt Riyadh’s sincerity and see the cease-fire as an opportunity for the Kingdom to focus on domestic challenges such as the spread of coronavirus among the royal family and fallout from the oil price war.

If humanitarian organizations are unable to provide basic provisions, displacement sites will become breeding grounds for the virus to spread and contaminate populations beyond the displaced communities.

If the peace process does move forward, the Houthis could use it as an opportunity to demonstrate that they can be willing and capable actors in a future power sharing agreement, strengthening their claims to political legitimacy in Yemen. Yet understandably, the Houthis have been non-committal to a deal. Militarily, the Houthis are on the offensive and Saudi Arabia is unable to gain any momentum on the ground.

The ultimate goal of the cease-fire in Yemen is to provide momentum for UN-brokered peace talks to bring about an end to the nearly five-year old conflict. Saudi Arabia is currently dealing with the spread of the coronavirus throughout the country and recent reports indicate that several dozen members of the Saudi royal family have tested positive for COVID-19. The outbreak is likely to get much worse in the Kingdom. Moreover, the ongoing oil price war with Russia has had a negative impact on Saudi Arabia’s economy. Attempting to manage a losing war effort could prove too much for the Saudis to handle, in addition to other cascading issues, making this an opportune time for Riyadh to cut its losses and forge ahead with a peace deal, even if it happens on less than favorable terms for the Saudi government.

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Peter Salisbury: So what’s going on with the ceasefire in #Yemen? Well, there isn’t one - yet. The good news: You can't break a ceasefire that doesn't exist. The bad news: No ceasefire

For there to be an actual ceasefire we need an agreement between the warring parties and more importantly for the fighting to stop. Neither has happened. In fact, since the SG's call for a freeze two weeks ago violence has intensified. So what now?

Martin Griffiths, @OSE_Yemen, needs to get the Huthis, the Hadi government and the Saudis in a room (virtual rather than IRL) and get them to agree to a plan of action. And this, as we wrote two weeks ago, is what he has been trying to do.

Then the hard work starts. You can't just say "ceasefire" and expect it to happen, unless you're Harry Potter. Lots of technical planning, communication and political will needed. There is little trust in #Yemen so even if the parties do agree, it'll be a bumpy road.

The Hadi government doesn't actually command all the forces fighting the Huthis on the ground. The Coalition will need to get the STC in the south and the Joint Resistance Forces on the Red Sea coast (among others) on board too it it's going to be nationwide.

There's also a fair chance the parties will come to talks with preconditions. The Huthis for example see a freeze to airstrikes, reopening Sanaa Airport and increasing trade flows through Hodeida as being an essential part of any ceasefire. That's a big shopping list.

Even if the UN can negotiate a halt to the fighting, its next big challenge (other than COVID-19) will be moving the parties towards political talks. Without confidence building measures and a move toward a political process, any ceasefire is unlikely to be durable.

Cause for optimism: We've seen fighting flare up before every previous round of talks and ceasefire attempts in the past. This isn't a new problem. Cause for pessimism: None of those attempts held. Let's see if a pandemic will make the difference.

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Yemen Cease-Fire Is, at Best, First Step on Long Road to Peace

The country’s warring parties have proposed ways to end a devastating war, but yawning gaps remain and making progress will be tricky.

The United Nations, which has been struggling for years to quell Yemen’s violence, hopes to convene talks between them as early as next week.

It all sounds like progress, but analysts and diplomats who track Yemen said the distance between the warring sides’ positions and the barriers that need to be cleared are so great that the new moves were — at best — opening gambits.

The war has generated incalculable human suffering since the Saudi-led bombing and blockading of Yemen began in 2015.

Now, the Saudis have many reasons to look for a way out, analysts said. The war’s cost has been tremendous, and at a time when the kingdom’s de facto ruler, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, wants to push through expensive efforts to diversify the Saudi economy.

Saudi Arabia has long faced international censure for contributing to Yemen’s humanitarian collapse, criticism that would probably intensify if many Yemenis started dying of Covid-19.

But the kingdom may be stuck with an enemy who prefers to keep fighting. Within hours of the cease-fire’s start time of noon Thursday, there were reports of breaches.

The Saudis had told the Houthis in advance that the cease-fire announcement was coming, according to a diplomat with knowledge of the exchange. But Houthi leaders have yet to issue an official response to the initiative.

Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, released the group’s own peace proposal.

Those demands indicated that after standing in the face of the Arab world’s richest country and keeping the Yemeni capital for five years, the Houthis were in no mood to offer concessions, analysts said.

“The Saudis are trying to wiggle out of the conflict, and the Houthis are grabbing them by the neck,” said Abdulghani Al-Iryani, senior researcher at the Sana Center for Strategic Studies.

The Houthi position is strengthened by military gains in recent months against the kingdom’s Yemeni allies in key provinces in central Yemen.

“The only thing they are good at is fighting,” Mr. Al-Iryani said of the Houthis, “and they are not going to abandon this comfortable terrain without a comprehensive agreement.”

Other analysts raised other issues that could affect the success of the Saudi cease-fire. For one, who else will honor it remains unknown.

“It is unilateral, so it is not clear what the Houthis reaction is, nor how much buy-in there is from the Yemenis fighting the Houthis on the ground,” said April Longley Alley, deputy program director for the Middle East and North Africa at the International Crisis Group. “Are other Yemenis on board with this?”

If the warring parties do decide to engage in talks, which would be conducted via phone and computer linkups, the United Nations has laid the diplomatic groundwork through months of discussions with both sides. But whether they would participate is far from clear.

“Implementing a cease-fire is no small matter, and the first test of this is going to be whether the parties show up for this virtual meeting,” Ms. Alley said.

Even if they do, the cease-fire is unlikely to endure unless it is tied to a larger process aimed at addressing the many issues that have kept Yemenis fighting.

“Without a political process undergirding a cease-fire, without a way out and without very tangible economic and humanitarian confidence-building measures, the cease-fire cannot be durable,” Ms. Alley said – by Ben Hubbard

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Film: Will the Saudi-UAE-led coalition's ceasefire hold in Yemen?

The Saudi-UAE-led coalition battling the Houthi rebels in Yemen begins a two-week truce due to coronavirus pandemic.

The Saudi-UAE coalition has now begun a ceasefire after an appeal from the United Nations. How will the Iranian-backed Houthis respond? Presenter: Bernard Smith; Guests: Sultana Begum - Advocacy Manager for the Norwegian Refugee Council; Hussain Al Bukhaiti - Houthi and Yemeni Affairs Commentator; Elisabeth Kendall - Senior Research Fellow at Pembroke College, University of Oxford

and snippet, Elisabeth Kendall:

Houthis call #Saudi coalition #ceasefire a ploy as it's only for 2 weeks & the blockade remains. But in the 6th year of war & with #CoronaVirus looming, don't the Yemeni people deserve a break? Urging the Houthis to reciprocate... via Al Jazeera

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Coronavirus Is So Bad Saudi Arabia Called a Ceasefire In Yemen's Nightmare Civil War

With nearly 90,000 deaths caused by COVID-19 around the world, and fresh horrors emerging daily, there’s no good coronavirus news. But the pandemic may have brought temporary relief for war-ravaged Yemenis, as the threat of an outbreak led to a halt in the country’s brutal five-year conflict on Thursday.

The Saudi-led coalition, which has been battling Houthi rebels in Yemen since March 2015, kicked off a two-week unilateral ceasefire at 4 a.m. ET Thursday, in an effort to prevent a coronavirus outbreak.

[Overview article]

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Coronavirus Pandemic Forces a Cease-Fire in Yemen

The war-wracked country turns from one humanitarian disaster to face another.

Saudi Arabia has announced a two-week cease-fire in Yemen, providing temporary reprieve for a country torn apart by war for over five years. Western senior diplomats hope that the cease-fire, which aims to allow the country to prepare for a potential coronavirus outbreak, could pave the way for longer-lasting peace [overview article, paywalled]

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The Coronavirus Pandemic Could Be the Key to Peace in Yemen

After years of failed attempts at talks and cease-fires, COVID-19 may be enough to push the Saudis, Houthis, and Yemeni government to the negotiating table.

While Saudi Arabia’s war strategy since 2015 has been to stay the course until victory, its actions more recently suggest it is seeking an exit.

a new reality: The Saudis want out.

Saudi Arabia is right to prioritize a political solution that includes a bilateral settlement of terms with the Houthis. The alternative may be a fait accompli via a series of Houthi military victories that increasingly best the already weak Hadi government forces. In addition to taking Nihm district and much of al-Jawf province, including its capital, they are advancing in Marib, the economic heart of Yemen.

Such a shift in the national balance of forces could radically alter the prospects for a peace agreement, as the Houthis may be less inclined toward a transitional government if they effectively control northern Yemen and think they can push into the south.

In short, the fight for Yemen’s future is at a critical juncture. Saudi Arabia is signaling an unprecedented willingness to end the war; simultaneously, the Houthis are pushing on the war’s front lines in a way that, if successful, could take the prospect of a transitional government off the table. As an unexpected silver lining, however, the threat of a devastating pandemic has created the conditions wherein all parties could agree to a cease-fire without appearing to give in to their adversary.

Already, the Saudis cited the coronavirus as one reason for their cease-fire initiative. If undeniable signs of the coronavirus begin to appear in Yemen, as is expected, the Houthis may well be incentivized to agree to the cease-fire as well.

In the event of mutual cease-fire talks, hosted either in Saudi Arabia or an acceptable third country, it is likely that two sets of negotiations will take place: Saudi-Houthi talks and Hadi-Houthi talks. For both sets of interlocutors, trust is wholly lacking, making a quick settlement unlikely. However, a number of interim confidence-building measures could be proffered to build trust.

The focus in Saudi-Houthi talks might begin with reversible steps: a de-escalation agreement at the Yemeni-Saudi border, a Houthi cease-fire banning the launch of projectiles into Saudi territory, and an extended coalition cease-fire over Sanaa. The Saudis were previously reluctant to agree to a cease-fire in Sanaa lest the Houthis use it to reposition weaponry and equipment, but their current unilateral cease-fire can serve as a test case for whether that behavior occurs. A mutual cease-fire over all of Yemen could be a goal in this stage.

If these measures progress, the two sides could move to more complex demands.

Hadi-Houthi talks would almost certainly be more complex. The Hadi government would be entering talks on the military back foot, creating reluctance to negotiate. It will likely seek not only a cease-fire but a reversal of some Houthi gains. The Houthis have a long list of immediate demands, laid out in a recent document, including opening Sanaa Airport, reducing clearance delays at Hodeida port, paying public sector salaries, and releasing prisoners. The United Nations hopes to turn some of these demands into confidence-building measures. These measures will require not only Hadi government accession but also Saudi acquiescence,

In the most positive development, Saudi Arabia appears to be more highly motivated than ever to end the war.

The Houthi political will is more difficult to nail down. They continue to engage their Saudi interlocutors but are simultaneously pursuing a ground campaign in Yemen.

The Hadi government may be the most reluctant to seriously negotiate. While the Saudis can likely pressure the Hadi government for one-time decisions due to their leverage as the military power responsible for the Yemeni government’s survival, as they did to sign the Stockholm Agreement, that approach is unlikely to bear enduring fruit in protracted negotiations—let alone a peace process that happens over an extended time period with many microdecisions made along the way.

The apparent unflinching resolve of Saudi Arabia to get out of a destructive war now in its sixth year could well prove to be the domino that triggers a real peace process. The terrible threat posed by the coronavirus, ironically, offers a way forward; it is critical that the parties take advantage of these unique, face-saving, and time-bound conditions to engage in talks and reach a lasting settlement – by Elana DeLozier

(B K P)

Will Iran back UN-Saudi initiative for cease-fire in Yemen?

We know that past cease-fires in Yemen and Syria have often been false flags, producing minor lulls before even more brutal fighting. But this one, less than 24 hours in, has a different feel, maybe because it is wrapped around the imminent calamity of the novel coronavirus — something Yemen is not prepared to deal with.

For Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states, Yemen, the Arab world’s poorest country, is therefore too big to fail. A chronically failed state in Yemen would mean a peninsula and region in perpetual crisis — whether caused by war, terrorism, refugees, disease or all of the above.

To be sure, Yemen was a fragile and even failing state before the war.

Of course, there will be no reconstruction, economic development or reform until the fighting stops.

The kingdom wants to end its endless war. Does Iran?

Despite some divergences in Saudi and Emirati policies, as explained by Samuel Ramani and Jonathan Fenton-Harvey, Riyadh and Abu Dhabi are in sync on a diplomatic push in Yemen. Along with the United Nations, the Arab League and the rest of the Gulf Cooperation Council, as well as the United States and key Western powers, the constellation on the side of negotiations right now is powerful, especially given the pandemic.

The spotlight, and pressure, should therefore shift to Iran. As of this writing there has been no official response from Tehran to the UN/Saudi initiatives, but the Houthis are so far reportedly skeptical.

Tehran, for its part, might take a signal from Abu Dhabi in seizing opportunity in crisis to build bridges and help neighbors in need. And Yemen can be that opportunity.

This is not to say that Iran necessarily has full control over Ansar Allah. Yemen’s crisis is firstly a Yemeni story. But Iran has lots of leverage, and it could and should use it to support a cease-fire

My comment: This is a typical US piece, overrating the role and importance of Iran in the Yemen War. And: iran always had pledged for an end of the war and a peaceful solution.

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A Saudi ceasefire provides some hope of ending the war in Yemen

But the Houthi rebels don’t seem to be finished fighting (paywalled)

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Film: Yemen's Houthis to not 'stop fighting' after ceasefire

Statement comes after Saudi-UAE coalition announced two-week unilateral ceasefire to prevent coronavirus outbreak.

Yemen's Houthi rebels have told Al Jazeera they will not stop fighting while the country is under siege.

That comes after the Saudi-UAE military coalition that is battling the rebels announced a two-week unilateral ceasefire. =


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'Coronavirus ceasefire' in Yemen's long conflict dismissed by rebels

"The aggression didn't stop... and until this moment there are tens of continuous air strikes," Huthi spokesman Mohamed Abdelsalam told the Al Jazeera news network.

"We consider the ceasefire a political and media manoeuver" to bolster the image of the coalition "in this critical moment when the world is facing" the coronavirus pandemic.

My comment: This is a stupid decision. Take the Saudi ceasefire as a first step to a greater solution and demand for it.

(A P)

EU: Yemen: Statement by the High Representative Josep Borrell on the ceasefire announcement

The European Union welcomes the announcement of a ceasefire made on Wednesday by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on behalf of the “Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen”. It is now imperative that the domestic parties to the conflict, namely the Government of Yemen and the movement Ansar Allah, immediately cease all hostilities and begin talks in good faith under UN auspices.

A crisis meeting between the parties, as proposed by the UN Special Envoy for Yemen Martin Griffiths, represents a unique opportunity to discuss ways to end the conflict.

My comment: Arms dealers of death speaking.

(A H P)


CARE begrüßt die Ausrufung des Waffenstillstands im Jemen / Nach fünf Jahren Konflikt benötigen 24 Millionen Menschen humanitäre Hilfe

(A H P)

Oxfam reaction to Saudi-led coalition announced ceasefire in Yemen

The announcement from the Saudi-led coalition that it will be laying down arms is a welcome move that offers Yemen a chance to avert a fresh disaster.

(A P)

Egypt welcomes Saudi-led coalition's declaration of ceasefire in Yemen

(A P)

#Oman welcomes the coalition #ceasefire in #Yemen.

(A P)

Ankara begrüßt Waffenruhe im Jemen

(A P)

Turkey hails Yemen cease-fire

and also

(A P)

Tunisia welcomes Arab Coalition initiative to ceasefire in Yemen

(A P)

Jordan Welcomes Two-week Ceasefire in Yemen

(B P)

Arab Coalition ceasefire in Yemen a wise decision

The decision is timely and humane especially because the entire world is engaged in fighting a deadly pandemic that poses a threat to entire humanity cutting across almost all countries.

My remark: By an UAE news site.

(B H P)

Truce at last

In this situation, killing sectarian rivals appears to be a futile and particularly nasty business. The call for a truce is a positive step. We hope all parties to the destructive war in Yemen will accept it, giving its people some respite at least for a period of time.

(* B P)

Houthis Release Their Wish List for Ending the Yemen War

Reflecting just how emboldened the Houthis have become, their latest ceasefire document advocates maximalist positions on core issues while demanding that other actors foot the bill for reconstruction, reparations, economic recovery, and virus containment.

Except for participating in ceasefires and retrieving landmines, the eight-page document puts the entire burden of ending the war and righting Yemen’s economic ship onto the Saudi-led coalition. It reads not as a negotiated agreement with concessions from both sides, but as a Houthi wish list.

The document has three headliner sections: (1) ending the war and implementing a ceasefire, (2) ending the coalition blockade and alleviating the humanitarian situation, and (3) reaching a political settlement. In the first section, the language is fairly predictable. It calls for an immediate ceasefire, to include stopping the movement of forces and weapons and ending all attacks on Yemeni and Saudi soil. It also calls for establishing “brotherly relations,” ending all negative media statements, and avoiding any activities that might undermine the ceasefire—a worrisome catchall that could be interpreted differently by the parties later.

In addition, the section repeatedly refers to ending all foreign interference in Yemen. The Houthis could conceivably apply this formulation to Saudi Arabia, while Riyadh could use it against Iran. According to the document, various joint commands will oversee the ceasefire in cooperation with the UN, whose coordinating role is stated in very explicit terms—probably owing to the Houthi view that the Saudis cannot be a combatant and mediator at the same time.

The vision’s second section is the heart of the Houthi wish list: ending the coalition’s air, land, and sea blockades on Yemen. Many longstanding Houthi “asks” are repeated here. The UN has tried to negotiate some of them into previous confidence-building measures, but the new document does not give any indication of potential compromise.

Similarly, the document calls for the demilitarization of border crossings, which—like the airport—could allow the Houthis to receive illicit transfers more easily.

Moreover, the Houthis say the coalition must provide compensation to all those affected by the war and restore all buildings damaged by the fighting. There is no clarification on whether this includes victims of Houthi attacks or buildings destroyed by the Houthis. According to the vision, the coalition would be responsible for compensating all those who lost a house, factory, market, or business, as well as all those who were injured, sickened, or “martyred” during the war, whether “directly or indirectly.

Finally, even the document’s signature lines show how emboldened the Houthis have become by recent developments. For one, the proposed agreement is with the coalition, not the Hadi government. Moreover, forgoing their typical “Ansar Allah” affiliation, they close the vision with a substitute name that is sure to provoke: the “Yemeni Republic of Sana.” – by Elana DeLozier

My comment: This is from a neocon US think tank and quite biased anti-Houthi. The Saudis are responsible for the greatest part of the destructions in Yemen, they are the ones who should pay for it. It’s no strange “wish” that Yemen would require full independence from Saudi dominance; and only if you are so foggy-brained by mainstream propaganda wording of “Iranian-ligned Houthi rebels”, you could mock when they call themselves by their real name and refer to the government they have formed a long time ago and the state it is representing. The original Houthi text you can read here: or here.

(A K P)

Yemen minister: ‘Houthi movement continues to violate ceasefire’

Yemeni information minister, Muammar Al-Eryani, announced on Thursday that the Houthi movement violated the ceasefire by bombing the cities of Marib (east) and Al-Hudaydah (west).

Al-Eryani explained that: “The Houthi militia responded to the Coalition to Support Legitimacy’s calls to adhere to the armistice by firing a missile at populated residential neighbourhoods in Marib, and bombing liberated areas in Al-Hudaydah, while engaging into a desperate attempt to regain control of Al-Labnat camp east of Al-Jawf (north).”

He added in a series of tweets that: “The escalation, which came hours after the initiative undertaken by the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen to apply a comprehensive ceasefire for two weeks, confirms the Houthis’ lack of seriousness.”

My comment: It would be necessary to exactly look at the clock. The Saudis had violated their own ceasefire by several air raids.

(A K P)

Envoy Al-Arifi affirms importance of Kingdom's initiative in Yemen truce

The Permanent Representative of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the European Union Ambassador Saad Al-Arifi affirmed that the call of Coalition to Restore Legitimacy in Yemen for a comprehensive ceasefire in Yemen came as an extension of the Kingdom's leadership in supporting the Yemeni people, and to stand with Yemen in the face of the Coronavirus pandemic

My comment: LOL.

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

(* B K pS)

Warfronts limit Yemen govt's capacity to respond to covid-19

In the city of Marib where the government sits and thwarts the Houthi daily expansion attempts, Abdullah Al-Ibbi spends most of his day transporting wounded government soldiers and even rebel fighters in the ambulance he drives to the city's main hospital.

"Because the warfronts are always operational, healthcare resources are always in peak use," he says.

From the perspective of Al-Ibbi (as he identifies himself for fear of Houthi reprisal against his relatives in the theocratic rebels' territories),"if coronavirus comes here, it won't leave." Yemen confirmed its first case of coronavirus infection in the Arabian Sea port province of Hadhramout on Friday.

"We only have a handful of inefficient hospitals as you see. And as you know they are already stuffed beyond capacity."

The small dense city of three million people, most of them refugees from the militant-controlled territories, comes under continuous rocket attacks that kill and injure civilians "and "keep the hospitals under an overload."

Ahmed Salem, a Public Health and Population official in Marib's provincial capital, told Al Sahwa the frequent Houthi rocket shelling will "surely limit the government's capacity to prepare and respond to the global pandemic if an outbreak occurs."

(B H)

Film: The Yemeni people between the hammer of wars and the anvil of diseases and epidemics

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Jemen: Apokalyptische Zustände und Angst vor Covid-19

Huthis werfen Saudi-Arabien vor, im Land infizierte Atemschutzmasken zu verteilen

Vertreter der Huthi-Rebellen im Jemen, die nun seit fünf Jahren mit der von Saudi-Arabien geführten Koalition einen erbitterten Krieg führen, warnen Zivilisten davor, Abstand von Masken zu nehmen, die von Saudi-Arabien im Kriegsgebiet verteilt werden.

Es wird behauptet, dass die Masken mit dem Sars-CoV-19-Virus infiziert sind. So berichtet jedenfalls der Middle East Monitor. Demnach hat der Supreme Council for Humanitarian Affairs die Zivilbevölkerung dazu aufgefordert, das Berühren von Masken und anderen Materialien, die von Koalitionsflugzeugen verteilt wurden, zu vermeiden.

Desinfektionsfahrzeuge in Sanaa

Obgleich es noch keine offiziellen Zahlen zu Corona-Infizierten im Jemen gibt, haben die Huthis in der von ihnen kontrollierten Stadt Sanaa Maßnahmen verhängt, um eine Ausbreitung des Virus zu bekämpfen. Desinfektionsfahrzeuge ziehen durch die Hauptstadt Jemens und reinigen die Straßen.

Jemen ist das "Vietnam" der Saudis

So hat auch die Neue Zürcher Zeitung erst Anfang April einen Artikel mit dem Titel Saudi-Arabien erlebt sein Vietnam in Jemen veröffentlicht.

Dennoch versuchen die Vertreter des Königreichs sich als Samariter zu profilieren, indem sie einige Millionen US-Dollar "für humanitäre Hilfe" im Jemen spenden und erwarten dabei auch noch Beifall von der Welt. Im Vergleich zu den Milliarden im Monat, die für die Zerstörung des Landes ausgegeben wird, ist dies nicht einmal ein Tropfen auf dem heißen Stein.

Saudi-Arabien beschießt also seinen jemenitischen Nachbarn mit Raketen und behauptet gleichzeitig das Leiden der Jemeniten lindern zu wollen, indem es ein Pflaster auf die Wunden klebt. Was für einen Zustand das Land hätte, wenn man diese Milliarden von Dollar für Hilfsprojekte eingesetzt hätte anstatt für den Krieg, kann man sich nicht ausmalen.

Die Waffen stammen in diesem Fall laut AlDailami zu 98 Prozent aus westlichen Ländern.

Die Vereinten Nationen rufen zu einer Waffenruhe während der Pandemie auf

Wenn der bewaffnete Konflikt nicht endet, werden die ohnehin apokalyptischen Zustände im Jemen noch weiter ausarten.

(* B K P)

Der Preis der Kompromisslosigkeit

Schon länger heißt es von westlichen Diplomaten, die saudische Führung suche eine gesichtswahrende Exit-Strategie aus einem Krieg, der nicht nur die Staatskassen belastet, sondern auch den Ruf des Königreichs. Dessen Luftwaffe trifft immer wieder Zivilisten, und der erfolgsarme Feldzug ist zu einem Sinnbild für Scheitern und Selbstüberschätzung der saudischen Außenpolitik geworden. Das Virus wäre ein guter Vorwand, ihn jetzt zu beenden. Zumal Sars-CoV-2, wie die „New York Times“ berichtete, inzwischen im inneren Kreis der Königsfamilie angekommen ist: Prinz Faisal Bin Bandar, Gouverneur von Riad, sei einer von etwa 150 infizierten Mitgliedern. Er werde auf der Intensivstation behandelt. König Salman und Kronprinz Muhammad regieren längst von entlegenen Sitzen am Roten Meer aus.

Außerdem wird die saudische Wirtschaft durch die Corona-Krise hart getroffen; der Ölpreis ist während der Krise in den Keller gerutsch

Nur hatten die Houthi an einem eigenen Plan gearbeitet, und es schien fast so, als habe es ein Rennen der Vorstöße gegeben.

In jedem Fall müssen es die Houthi nicht eilig haben. Sie haben die Erfahrung gemacht, dass sie sich militärisch behaupten können und mit fortschreitender Dauer des Konflikts eher stärker werden

Dass die Houthi ihren Widersachern einen Handel nach ihren Bedingungen so einfach aufzwingen können, wird unter Diplomaten, die mit den Vermittlungsbemühungen befasst sind, bezweifelt. Der saudische Kronprinz Muhammad Bin Salman, der Architekt des Jemen-Feldzugs, sei keiner, der sich aus einem Konflikt zurückziehe, wenn er als Verlierer dastehen könnte, heißt es.

Den Preis für jedwede Kompromisslosigkeit zahlen vor allem die Jemeniten, deren Land weiter verarmt und verfällt – von Christoph Ehrhardt

(* B K P)

Fall of Marib to Houthis Could Mean Victory for Iranian Proxies

In the backdrop of the armed conflict, new displacement of thousands of civilians, the COVID-19 endemic, and long-standing urgent humanitarian needs, 2020 presents itself to Yemenis as a devastating one. A look into possible scenarios of the conflict indicates prolongation and further escalation of the conflict.

Moreover, if Marib falls into the hands of the Houthis, they gain a strategic advantage as they control oil resources and are able to loop around government troops in Taiz and surrounding areas, curtailing the coalition’s ability to attack, and tightening its control over Hodeida port to eventually controlling the entire north.

The loss of Marib would mean the war is lost and the Houthis have won, Yemeni conflict and security analyst Nadwa Al-Dawsari explained to The Media Line. “Marib is the last stronghold of the Yemeni government and probably the area that is most stable and home to more than 800,000 IDPs, many of whom have fled Houthi prosecution. If Houthis take over Marib, they will destabilize [it while] hundreds of thousands would be vulnerable to displacement and Houthi atrocities including executions, abductions, and destruction of homes and infrastructure.

Another possible scenario being addressed is to have the Saudi-led Arab Coalition and Yemeni government step up their game and launch a brutal offensive to capture Hodeida port, cutting-off important financial revenues, and thus leaving the Houthis financially vulnerable. For this to happen, Hadi’s government and its loyal forces and supporters have to work out the fragmentation in their military strategy and keep the momentum going and move promptly without delay.

If that takes place, it would encourage tribal factions and undecided forces in northern areas to side with the government, forcing the Houthis to surrender and participate in serious political peace talks. Otherwise, as long as the Houthis have the upper hand on the ground and Hadi’s government continues to lack popular support, Yemen’s humanitarian crisis is bound to get worse. Having the Houthis strengthen their control over governorates bordering the largest exporters of oil in the world poses a risk to the global economy.

This would be a failure not only of the Yemeni government and the Arab Coalition but also the United Nations and the many Secretary General’s envoys, undermining by that the role the international body plays in mediating conflicts and chipping away at the UN Security Council’s legitimacy. On the global level, it would also signal a victory to an Iranian ally and encourage rebellious groups in the region, especially those with a religious agenda, to discard international laws replacing politics with guns in a winner takes all mentality.

My comment: An article with an anti-Houthi bias.

(* B H K)

Yemen, Five Years On and Now a Stranger to My Country

War is war. It’s the unarranged funerals and the hope of rescuers to find someone alive under the rubble. It’s the interruption of communication and loss of words. It’s that guilt and indignation. It’s the despair that uproots life from every soul, the tears ready to be shed when a new tragedy strikes – and aren’t they many! It sucks the life out of you with the deep, never-ending anxieties and the tears that only war can bring about.

These days, I try to look at the war from an objective perspective that’s not based on my personal experience. After five years of war, I tell myself it is time to believe that Yemen is just like any other country, it can engage in a civil war and others may launch a war against it. I would like to convince myself that, like others throughout human history, I have been displaced by war, but unlike millions of people, the war has not killed me or starved me. I must, therefore, believe that I am luckier. I, like many others who forcibly left their loved ones behind, must accept the idea that after years of war, grief and loss, my loved ones are no longer the same as when I last saw them

After these five years of war, I want to be able to talk about my experience without my words suffocating me and bringing tears to my eyes – tears I realize are tears of self-pity.

After five years of war, I now live in a safe country. I work from home where the internet never disconnects. I ask myself: how come, no matter where I go and no matter how my life changes for the best, war is branded on my heart and soul?

After five years of struggle, it would be a shame if we “survivors” were to die of the novel coronavirus! and also in

(* B K P)

(from 2017): Houthi Expansionism, Internal War, Geopolitics, and the Yemen Quagmire (MES Insights v8i3 June 2017)

As Yemen's internal war continues to drag on with no end in sight, there is increased risk of miscalculations that may lead to further escalation and internationalization of the conflict. Increased regional and international geopolitical competition, continued efforts to combat the threat of international terrorism and Islamic extremism emanating from the region, and maritime security concerns that threaten the global economy and freedom of navigation have only increased Yemen's strategic importance to the national security agendas of regional and international actors alike. 1 Such considerations have not been lost on Yemen's domestic incumbent and insurgent elites, contributing, in part, to political and military strategies that seek to manage but not entirely eliminate internal security threats that pose challenges to the national security interests of regional and international actors. As such, Houthi expansionism and the ongoing internal war may be better understood in the context of the development of a domestic elite strategic culture that has contributed to perpetual insecurity and internal war in Yemen.

Strategic culture can be described as traditional practices and habits of thought by which military force is organized and employed by a society in the service of its political goals. When viewed through the lens of strategic culture, Houthi expansionism, and internal war in Yemen generally, should not be viewed as an aberration that seeks to change the status quo. Rather, it should be considered a continuation of established political norms and military-decision making institutionalized under the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh, which seeks to balance a host of internal and external actors and potential threats within an environment dominated by elite competition and internal factionalization, in the absence of effective state institutions and a clear monopoly on the use of violence by the state. Such a governing strategy has contributed to the proliferation of militias and other irregular and non-state forces, military factionalization, and increasingly the formation of civil-military relations akin to warlordism, in which military and/or tribal elites exercise civil power at a local or regional level through their influence and control of militias – by Adam C. Seitz, Foreign Affairs Specialist at the Office of the Under Secretary of Defense of Secretary of Defense (OUSD) for Policy

My comment: Seen through an US military complex lense.

(* B P)

from 2016: Role of the Gulf Cooperation Council GCC in the destabilization of Yemen

The current war in Yemen is a result of the failure of the political transition after the Arab Uprising in 2011. The transition deal was a result of the GCC efforts to stabilize the political situation in Yemen, although its implementation remains more than unsatisfactory. However, before its involvement in the war, the GCC had done very little to prevent eruption of the war. Some analysts have even said that the Yemeni conflict is a direct result of the regional inaction over the last few years, if not decades. This inaction was the consequence ofthe GCC conviction that Yemen is a weak link in the region and potential source of instabilityfor the Arabian Peninsula as a whole. The instability in Yemen have contributed to the strengthening of Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. Additionally, the GCC states have perceived Yemen as a much poorer state and as the only republic which does not fit into the “monarchical Peninsula”

Yet, although an uneven status of development and different political system are an indisputable fact, problems of the second largest country in the Peninsula with strategic access to the vital Bab al-Mandab strait, where the Red Sea meets the Indian Ocean, are unlikely to be ignored.

GCC Initiative

Alongside the United Nations, the GCC intervened into the Yemeni conflict by crafting a model for a peaceful transition called the GCC initiative and the Implementation Agreement. According to the Agreement, a transition period was divided into two phases. The first phase provided presidential elections held on February 21, 2012. The second phase concerned a transformation process, which included a change of the constitution, a constitutional referendum, a reform of the political and electoral laws, parliamentary and local council elections and presidential elections if required.

One of the major components of the second phase of transition was the National Dialogue Conference (NDC).

Military intervention

The GCC road map started to lead Yemen nowhere. Under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, in July 2014, the Hadi government lifted fuel subsidies. The Houthi movement organized mass protests demanding lower fuel prices and a new government. The clashes between the Houthi and the Hadi supporters resulted in September2014 in the Houthi invasion on Sanaa, the capital.

Above all, the proxy war is not the cause and the driver of the conflict. The problems which led to the violence are still unresolved and were made even worse by the war. Economic and security conditions of average Yemenis deteriorate. As a result, Yemen is suffering from a humanitarian crisis likely to trigger catastrophic famine and refuge flows that would further destabilize the region. The Saudi-Yemeni border could be under the pressure of millions of people trying to cross the border to find jobs, order and livelihood

The longer the conflict lasts the more difficult it will be to resume the negotiations. And, beyond all, dialogue is the only way forward – by Wojciech Grabowski

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

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Al-Bukhaiti: Damages due to Siege on Yemen are Greater Than those of the Military Operations

Member of the political bureau of Ansarullah, Mohamed Al-Bukhaiti, considers that not asking for the lifting of the siege on Yemen in any initiative for a ceasefire will make the siege legal, warning that the response to the Saudi military escalation will come in the coming days.

He considered that any initiative that does not call for stopping the war completely on Yemen is "an imperfect initiative".

Al-Bukhaiti said in an interview with Al-Mayadeen, Saturday, that the damages of the siege on Yemen are greater than the damages of the military operations, noting that "not requesting the lifting of the siege on Yemen in any initiative for a ceasefire" will make the siege legal.

(A K P)

UN Partner in US-Saudi Siege on Yemeni People

Vice President of the Red Sea Ports Corporation, Yahya Sharaf Al-Din, affirmed that the detention of ships by the navy of the aggression alliance is costing the citizens human beings and merchants economically.

Sharaf told Almasirah TV today, Saturday, that the United Nations no longer provides cover to the alliance, but rather became a partner with it with continuing aggression and Siege.

Sharaf pointed out that the coalition intends to release limited ships before any meeting of the Security Council or when it feels pressure.

and also

(A K P)

New oil tanker arrives Yemeni Hodeida port

An oil tanker has arrived in the Yemeni western port city of Hodeida, the Houthi group said Saturday, after the ship had been detained for 38 days by the Saudi-led coalition navy.

"The 'Sea Adour' ship has arrived at the dock of Hodeida port with 29,510 tons of diesel onboard," the Houthi-run Yemeni Petroleum Company (YPC) said in a statement.

The Arab coalition is still keeping back 13 tankers in the sea, blocking the access to 145,963 tons of petrol and 184,683 tons of diesel, the statement claimed.

(B K P)

US-Saudi Aggression Allows United Nations Flights to Claim That Sana’a International Airport Is Open: Director

Sana’a International Airport Director Khaled Al-Shayef confirmed Thursday that the US-Saudi aggression allowing United Nations flights aimed to mislead public opinion that the airport is open.

Al-Shayef said in a statement to Almasirah, "In addition to the continued aggression in closing Sana’a International Airport, the international aid that arrives is inconsiderable," adding that "the aid that passes through Djibouti is being tampered with, and some of them become expired."

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp3 – cp18

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-640 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-640: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

07:57 12.04.2020
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
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Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose