Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 732 - Yemen War Mosaic 732

Yemen Press Reader 732: 3. April 2021: Türkei, Saudi-Arabien und der Jemen-Krieg – Der Einfluss der Emirate in den USA – Britische Waffenexporte nach Saudi-Arabien – Covid-19 im Jemen nimmt zu..
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

... Schlacht um Marib geht weiter – und mehr

April 3, 2021: Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the Yemen War – The UAE’s influence in the US – British arms exports to Saudi Arabia – Covid-19 on the rise in Yemen – Marib battle continues – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage

cp13c Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp17a Kriegsereignisse: Schlacht um Marib / Theater of War: Marib battle

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B K P)

Could Turkish involvement in Yemen free Saudi Arabia?

The Muslim Brotherhood and sources close to the Turkish government are arguing that Saudi Arabia could find a face-saving exit from the Yemen conflict it has been looking for by cooperating with Turkey.

In part as a result of the Biden administration’s shifting policies toward Iran and Washington's decision to temporarily freeze and review weapons sales to Saudi Arabia over the Yemeni war, Ankara is aiming to turn Saudi Arabia’s growing international isolation to Turkey's advantage.

Some Syrian opposition sources claim Turkey might transfer Syrian fighters to Yemen to fight alongside the Saudi-led coalition against the Houthi rebels. The immediate interpretation of these claims might be that Turkey is extending an olive branch to Saudi Arabia following a yearslong frostiness in relations.

The second interpretation might be that Ankara is signaling to Tehran Turkey's disgruntlement over Iranian military activities in Iraq and Syria. Iran believes Russia made too many concessions to Turkey on Syria and has overtly expressed its opposition against Turkish military operations in Iraq, prompting diplomatic bickering between Ankara and Tehran.

Possible Turkish involvement in the Yemeni war might provide Saudi Arabia the face-saving exit from the conflict that Riyadh has been looking for. Reportedly, Turkey’s support might also include Turkish armed drones that have been game changers in the Libyan and Azeri-Armenian conflicts.

The Yemeni Al-Islah Party — the Yemeni branch of the Muslim Brotherhood — has been asking Turkey to step into the fray. However, the United Arab Emirates has long opposed the Al-Islah Party’s cooperation in the conflict, while Saudi Arabia has only reluctantly accepted cooperation to date.

Saudi officials have reportedly been advised to improve ties with Turkey after a chilliness with the Biden administration developed as a result of the administration's positive messages on the Iranian nuclear deal, the release of a CIA report exposing Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s role in the Jamal Khashoggi murder and the decision to lift the Houthis from the US list of foreign terrorist groups. The pro-government Turkish media has also trumpeted a narrative that Riyadh "desperately needs" Turkey.

While the idea of sending Syrian fighters to Yemen may be mere speculation, there have been a number of claims about the matter. Citing a source from the Syrian armed group Sultan Suleiman Shah, the North Press Agency reported that the Syrian National Army, a rebel group backed by Turkey, “has been working for weeks to prepare dozens of militants to send to Yemen.” According to the report, fighters have been offered salaries up to $2,500 a month and were told they were going to be positioned on the Yemeni-Saudi border and not participate in the clashes. It's worth mentioning that Syrian fighters who were sent to Azerbaijan had also been told that they did not have to participate in the fighting, only to find themselves on the front lines.

According to Deutsche Welle Arabic, the Al-Islah party, might have played a mediator role in the recent Saudi Arabia-Turkey rapprochement. Citing former Yemeni Transportation Minister Saleh al Yemeni’s remarks to local Yemeni media, Deutsche Welle Arabic reported that an alliance between Turkey and Saudi Arabia in Yemen was “imminent” after disagreements surfaced between UAE Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan and Riyadh. The UAE media, meanwhile, paints these news reports as Muslim Brotherhood propaganda.

According to the London-based Al Arab newspaper, Turkey, Qatar and the Muslim Brotherhood network are relying on increasing concerns of the Saudi side following the US policy shift on the Yemeni war and Houthi rebels’ advances toward the oil- and gas-rich Marib region. The newspaper said the first call for Saudi-Turkish cooperation in Yemen came from one of the Al-Islah Party leaders who lives in Istanbul. Hamid al-Ahmar told Al Jazeera that Saudi Arabia turned to Turkey for advanced weapons after the US weapons freeze.

The UAE, like Egypt, is insisting that Turkey should cut its support to the Muslim Brotherhood to mend relations with Abu Dhabi. However, the Emiratis’ diminishing support for Khalifa Hifter in Libya and its decision to pull back from a military base in Eritrea that was key to Yemeni operations could be a manifestation of a downgrade in the UAE's regional ambitions.

Muslim Brotherhood groups’ desire to draw Turkey into the Yemeni conflict, meanwhile, seems quite clear. Al Jazeera commentator Faisal al Kasim trumpeted that the balance of power on the ground in Yemen would change as soon as “Turkey has started to step into the Yemeni file.” Turkish-based Egyptian journalist Jamal Sultan claimed that Turkish-built Bayrak drones were spotted in Yemeni skies.

Pro-government Turkish media outlets sing a similar tune. The Yeni Safak daily, a governmental mouthpiece, claimed that Saudi Arabia was left alone in the Yemeni conflict. “Saudi Arabia has lost its fear of Turkey,” the paper wrote, “Turkey is the only country that could save Saudi Arabia from the mess it is in.”

Burhanettin Duran — a member of a foreign policy board advising the president and head of the pro-government think-tank SETA — argued that Gulf policies to restrain Iran and Turkey have failed. The Saudis “now need Turkey to fight off Iran’s expansionist policies in the region including in Yemen,” according to Duran.

The Iranian media also appears to take claims of Turkish involvement in the Yemen conflict seriously.

Although mutual Turkish Saudi interests could spell a new beginning in Ankara-Riyadh ties, the lack of any official acknowledgment is an indication of reluctance and caution on both sides. Defusing a confrontation of some seven years between Turkey and Arab countries requires comprehensive consideration as the “Arab skepticism” that was fanned by Turkey’s expansionist ambitions in the region still is in play and appears to shape Arab countries’ approach to Turkey – by Fehim Tastekin

(** B P)

Dollars and Decadence: Making Sense of the US-UAE Relationship

Since taking the reins of the United Arab Emirates’ foreign policy in late 2009, Abu Dhabi has spared neither effort nor expense in positioning itself as one of the United States’ most faithful and essential allies. Having spent enormous sums on the wares of American arms’ manufacturers as well as forays into lobbying, public communications, and knowledge production—and having eagerly coordinated with the US Armed Forces when and wherever the opportunity arose for the better part of a decade—the UAE’s Ambassador to Washington Yousef al-Otaiba could credibly sell an audience in September of 2020 on the notion that his country is “not only in the pro-US camp…We are the cheerleaders of the pro-US camp.” With the flank where it was once most exposed to attack within the American polity covered upon the announcement of the Abraham Accords, little Sparta’s privileged status in Washington would appear secure indeed.

And yet, there are reasons to think al-Otaiba’s words might ring hollow within certain quarters in the capital, nowhere more so than inside the haunts of the now ascendant Democratic party. The regime he and his many clients serve has, after all, just spent nearly half a decade cynically undermining what the Obama White House believed to be a legacy-defining and world-reshaping foreign policy achievement: the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) agreed to between Iran, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany, and the European Union in July of 2015. With recent events establishing Abu Dhabi as one of the bygone Trump administration’s most intimate collaborationists, as interlopers blithely infringing upon sovereign policy spaces in the United States, and as an entity acting at cross purposes to Democratic designs in theaters stretching from Egypt and Sudan to Yemen, Libya and Syria, causes for frustration with the emirate would also appear to extend well beyond matters concerning Tehran’s nuclear program.

Be that as it may, if one expected grievances suffered to push the Democratic party—controlling House, Senate, and White House for the first time since the early 2011—into adopting an adversarial line in engaging Abu Dhabi, early indications suggest this will not be the case. President Biden did issue a temporary freeze on the weapons procurement that Trump had attempted to expedite on the UAE and Saudi Arabia’s behalf in the dying light of his tenure. The new commander-in-chief has also brought American support for “offensive operations” in Yemen to an end, though the substantive effect of this decision—particularly as concerns the UAE’s less visible interventions in the south—is yet to be determined.

Regardless, as press releases from Secretary of State Antony Blinken’s call with UAE Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Abdullah bin Zayed al-Nahyan evince, the big picture looks little changed when it comes to US-Abu Dhabi relations. In view of America’s top diplomat expressing excitement over the “UAE’s historic opening with Israel” and over “the opportunities ahead for the UAE to make additional contributions to a more peaceful Middle East”—and his reiterating America’s intention to defend the country against regional threats—willful amnesia and a return to the status quo ante very much appear to be the orders of the day. Such a prognostication finds support in the team President Biden has assembled for the purpose of steering MENA-focused foreign policy as well.

The Economics and Sociology of Alliance Maintenance

Without dismissing the potential effects that the Abraham Accords or imperial rationalities have upon the Democratic party’s approach to Abu Dhabi, this report is to make the case that the outcome in question be understood in light of two other less frequently discussed causes: the al-Nahyan regime’s entanglements within the American economy, and their (legal) exploitation of opportunities opened due to the American political system’s accelerating drift into decadence.

In the pages ahead, the first of these causes will be disassembled and probed through the parsing of international factor movements, scrutiny of banking and trade data, and a granular combing of private transaction histories. Together, this study will reveal the material sinews through which regime-controlled instruments—Abu Dhabi’s two largest sovereign wealth funds in particular—have become essential to the orderly functioning of the American economy more generally and the profit rates of fractions of American capital more specifically. Presented in conjunction with the UAE’s generous patronage of the arms industry, it will be posited that relations of finance and investment affect political behavior in the United States through two primary mechanisms. On the one hand, the volume and density of economic interpenetration creates enormous logistical difficulties for those seeking to politically decouple the United States from the emirate. This is because any destabilization of the relationship threatens to introduce grave uncertainty into markets, if not to precipitate capital flight. This prospect shifts the parameters of deliberation when it comes to matters related to Abu Dhabi to no small degree, and can only but affect the decision matrices of bureaucrats and elected officials.

On the other, in view of the sectors most likely to be affected by political turbulence—finance, tech, real estate, and defense contractors—and the extensive faculties these sectors retain when it comes to influencing policy, entanglement has also vested some of the most powerful actors in the United States with a distinct interest in Abu Dhabi’s continued good standing in Washington. This reality not only shifts the endowments that the protagonists and antagonists of Abu Dhabi can bring to bear in a political contest, but increases the cost that those disposed toward confrontation are likely to incur. Further incentivizing relevant parties to adopt a pro-status quo position regarding Muhammad bin Zayed et alia, the particular friends and partners Abu Dhabi has cultivated through its business dealings may exert a more immediate and discretionary effect on our dependent variable, and thereby complement the structural compulsions already at work.

If interrogation of this first cause helps reveal the forces restricting political actors’ freedom of movement and the effects this can have on policy choice, examination of the second—Abu Dhabi’s exploitation of decadence—serves to illuminate some of the ideational, institutional, and microsociological processes through which said actors have come to back the emirate by their own accord. Using a mixed-method approach, this analysis will hone in on the means through which Abu Dhabi takes advantage of two specific opportunities furnished by the onset of decadence in the United States in order to court and sway the political classes in Washington. Seizing chances afforded by the American state’s relinquishment and/or outsourcing of critical functions and prerogatives, the study will first demonstrate how the UAE’s Embassy and proxies curate many of the informational flows undergirding issue conceptualization and debate in Congress and beyond. Seizing chances afforded by the growing commoditization of the access, networks, and knowledge one acquires through employment in government, it will next establish how Abu Dhabi has ingratiated itself within the contemporary power elite, senior Democrats included.

In shaping the epistemic environment of the policy community and embedding individuals and institutions within the regime’s social networks, these constructivist ventures within the American polity will be shown to have affected Abu Dhabi’s position in Washington to a non-insignificant degree. Through ways diffuse and acute, the emirate’s navigation of onsetting decadence in the American capital has thereby played a critical role in shaping contemporary bilateral relations, and the Democratic party’s contributions to them.

Though neither of the causalities just discussed ought imply the existence of determinism or conspiracy, they do boost the probability that the current administration will continue to choose conciliation in engaging Abu Dhabi in the months and years ahead. By detailing such rarely examined aspects of American foreign policymaking, our report provides scholarly and policy communities with greater insight into an incredibly salient relationship.

and also

(** B K P)

Days after Khashoggi killing, British military sold crucial spare parts to Saudi air force bombing Yemen

And the longer the war lasts, the more arms corporation BAE profits, selling at least £15-billion worth of equipment and support to the Saudi military during the conflict so far.

Around 40% of Saudi combat planes have been made by BAE at sites such as Warton, including up to 81 Tornado and 72 Typhoon jets. The rest come from America.

As well as selling the aircraft to the Saudis, BAE promised to help maintain them even in times of war – a vital role as spare parts for these complex aircraft cannot be bought from other countries like Russia or China.

To that end, almost every week a cargo plane flies from BAE’s private runway at Warton to a military airbase in Saudi Arabia, to “provide logistics support for UK-supplied aircraft”, according to defence minister James Heappey.

During the journey, the cargo plane stops at a Royal Air Force (RAF) base in Cyprus, “for the wellbeing of the crew, to refuel and to assure the security of the aircraft and its cargo”.

While in Cyprus, the plane is inspected by British customs officials, who have refused to tell Declassified exactly what is on board, citing a loophole in the UK’s freedom of information act which exempts overseas territories from transparency.

Spare parts

However, by making requests to other government departments, we have some indication of what might be on this cargo flight, and have reason to believe it could include the Tornado spares.

The Ministry of Defence (MOD) told us it sold thousands of surplus spare parts from its own Tornado fleet, which was retired in 2019. One government document suggested 2,323 Tornado spares were sold to Saudi Arabia that year alone.

When asked for more detail, the MOD told Declassified a slightly different story, saying “2,295 lines items of surplus Tornado spares stock have been released to BAE Systems to satisfy the spares and repair requirements of the RSAF [Royal Saudi Air Force] since March 2015”.

Between 2018 and 2020, the sales took place on average once every 10 weeks in a series of 16 deals, our freedom of information requests have found.

The sales included a bumper deal signed in October 2018, days after Saudi’s crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman allegedly orchestrated the gruesome murder of Jamal Khashoggi, a Washington Post journalist who had recently criticised the war in Yemen.

Three days later, on 5 October, Britain’s military signed a deal with BAE to sell a record 116 surplus Tornado parts to the Saudi air force. Hours after this deal was signed, Turkish officials said they believed Khashoggi had been killed.

The UK Foreign Office issued statements expressing concern about the journalist’s disappearance, but the military signed another arms deal with Saudi Arabia, for 88 Tornado parts, on 19 October – despite reports emerging that Khashoggi had been hacked to death with a bone saw.

When foreign secretary Jeremy Hunt issued a statement on 21 October acknowledging Khashoggi’s “violent death” for the first time, he said it “had been feared for many days” – suggesting Whitehall officials knew the truth at the time of signing the second arms deal that month.

Those arms deals in October 2018 were only a fraction of the Tornado exports over the last three years on which we have obtained data through freedom of information requests to the UK government.

The Department for International Trade said the deals were approved in late 2017 under an “open individual export licence” – a system which Campaign Against Arms Trade (CAAT) brands as “opaque and secretive”.

The reason for the group’s concern is that this single open licence allows for 80 different types of British military surplus, of unlimited value, to be sold to the Saudis.

Most of the items appear to be Tornado spares such as aircraft engines, cannons, weapon sights, missile launching equipment, fuze setting devices, parachutes, radars and thermal imaging technology, to mention a handful. (You can view the full list by expanding the table below).

We showed the documents to Geoff Currums, a retired RAF squadron leader and former fast-jet flying instructor who has taught some Saudi pilots. He said the records confirm these Tornado spares “are absolutely critical in order to continue operations in Yemen”.

“Most of the items are either aids to servicing or items that need to be replaced and serviced, and they are similar to critical items in any other equivalent aircraft,” he explained.

“If BAE are to continue keeping the Tornado airborne, they will need to find sources for these or manufacture them. Bear in mind that production lines for Tornado-specific equipment are closed, except those owned by BAE, so the ex-RAF stockpile is critical at present.”

Sales under this particular open licence began in January 2018, the same month a Saudi Tornado crashed in Yemen. The sales continued throughout 2018 despite repeated attacks on civilians, which were catalogued by the Yemen Data Project and other human rights groups.

Those records, when combined with our freedom of information responses, paint a disturbing picture of British complicity in scores of war crimes, as the timeline below shows.

While these arms sales were ongoing, Saudi Tornados were repeatedly seen flying from the BAE factory in Warton, where three of the fleet were reportedly undergoing testing for upgrades such as a new “Damocles Targeting Pod” before returning to the Middle East in March 2019.

“The British government continued to use surplus MOD stock to supply the Saudis with Tornado components,” commented Molly Mulready, a former Foreign Office lawyer who had helped defend the Foreign Office at earlier stages of the litigation.

She told Declassified the Tornado exports continued despite the Court of Appeal’s verdict that “the British government had conducted itself irrationally and therefore unlawfully in relation to risk assessments around the supply of arms to Saudi Arabia for use in Yemen.”

Mulready added: “Had the British government stopped that supply, those [Tornado] aircraft may have been grounded, and Yemeni lives may have been spared. But the government maintained that supply, the air strikes continued, and many civilians lost their lives.”

While this supposed arms embargo was in place between June 2019 and July 2020, the MOD made four more deals to sell Tornado spares to the Saudi air force under the open licence, according to records seen by Declassified – by Phil Miller

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(* A H)

A massive outbreak of COVID-19 has been hitting Yemen for more than a month. Horrific news come from many provinces daily. In some provinces people prompted to use dredgers to help dig graves for the victims. The problem is that people still ignore it (photos)

(* AH)

89 new cases of coronavirus reported, 4,620 in total

The committee also reported the death of 10 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 9 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 4,620, including 916 deaths and 1,691 recoveries in the liberated areas of Yemen.

(* A H)

Covid-19 spreads in Yemeni Taiz jails, 88 prisoners released

Yemeni government authorities in the southwestern governorate of Taiz have released 88 prisoners, Taiz security media center said Thursday, as part of precautions to curb Covid-19 spread.
In response to the Public Prosecution, Taiz police general department freed 88 prisoners accused of petty crimes, the center added in a statement.
The release comes as part of precautious measures to minimize Covid-19 spread in jails and to spare prisoners the risk of pandemic, the statement read.
According to the government-tasked supreme health committee, Taiz is placed third nationally in terms of coronavirus infections, with 675 cases including 125 deaths.

(* A H)

174 new cases of coronavirus reported, 4,531 in total

The supreme national emergency committee for coronavirus reported on Thursday, 174 new confirmed cases of COVID-19 in ten governorates.
The committee also reported the death of 18 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 6 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 4,531, including 906 deaths and 1,682 recoveries in the liberated areas of Yemen.

(* A H)

110 new cases of coronavirus reported, 4,357 in total

The committee also reported the death of 6 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 9 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 4,357, including 888 deaths and 1,676 recoveries in the liberated areas of Yemen.

(A H)

Jemen erhält erste Lieferung mit Corona-Impfstoffen

Im Bürgerkriegsland Jemen ist die erste Lieferung mit Corona-Impfstoffen eingetroffen, darunter 360 000 Dosen über das Projekt Covax. Die AstraZeneca-Impfdosen seien zunächst für Mitarbeiter des Gesundheitswesens und andere "vorrangige Teile der Bevölkerung" gedacht, teilte das UN-Kinderhilfswerk Unicef mit. Vertreter der Vereinten Nationen und der jemenitischen Regierung nahmen die Impfstoffe am Mittwoch in der Hafenstadt Aden entgegen. Bis Jahresende sollen 1,9 Millionen Dosen ins Land geliefert werden.

Im Jemen hat die Regierung bisher mehr als 4200 Infektionen mit dem Coronavirus und etwa 880 Todesfälle gemeldet. Die Huthi-Rebellen, die den Nordjemen beherrschen, veröffentlichen keine regelmäßigen Zahlen zur Verbreitung des Virus. Weil die Möglichkeiten für Tests im Jemen sehr begrenzt sind, könnte die Zahl der tatsächlichen Infektionen deutlich höher liegen.

(A H)

Yemen gets first COVID-19 vaccines but is "at the back of the queue"

Yemen received its first COVID-19 vaccines on Wednesday, a week after the internationally recognised government declared a health emergency in areas under its control.

The 360,000 doses of AstraZeneca’s vaccine arrived by plane at Aden, part of a consignment from the global COVAX vaccine-sharing scheme expected to total 1.9 million doses this year, COVAX said.

“We need more staff, because the rise in cases is not normal. We are exhausted from work, exhausted,” said Zainab al-Qaisi, a doctor and director of the centre. “The centre is overwhelmed. We need oxygen, to expand intensive care across all provinces.”

The COVAX vaccines will be free, and distributed across the country, a spokesman for the government’s health ministry said last week, confirming more shots would arrive in May.

and also


(A H)

Photo: Arrival in Aden. Made in India vaccines land in Yemen.

(A H)

Yemen to receive first batch of Covid-19 vaccine this week

The health authorities on Monday discussed with the UNICEF representative Philippe Duamelle arrangements for the delivery of the first batch of Covid-19 vacancie to Yemen.

The batch, 360.000 doses, is due in the country on Wednesday. During the first phase of the vaccination campaign, piority will be given to medical staffs, the authorities said.

The Minister of Public Health and Population Qasem Buhaybih reviewed with Duamelle the plan for health education and awareness, preparations for launching a media campaign on the vaccine and its importance and safety, the state news agency Saba said.

and also

(* A H)

Yemen reports highest daily number of Covid-19 infections, deaths

At least 151 confirmed Covid-19 cases and related deaths were recorded on Tuesday in the Yemeni regions controlled by the internationally recognised government, the highest daily number in months, officials said.

The southwestern province of Taiz, which has seen the highest numbers of infections and deaths in recent days, is facing an acute shortage of oxygen.

The supreme national emergency committee for COVID-19 said 132 new confirmed cases and 19 new deaths have been recorded in the past 24 hours, including 54 infections and 8 deaths in Taiz alone.

The other infections were reported in Hadhramout, 46, Dhale, 18, Mahrah, 7, Lahij, 3, Shabwah, 2, and Marib, 2.

The new cases pushed the total confirmed cases to 4.247, including 882 deaths and 1.667 recoveries.

The first batch of Covid-19 vaccine, 360.000 doses, is due in Yemen on Wednesday through COVAX.

(* A H)

132 new cases of coronavirus reported, 4,247 in total

The committee also reported the death of 19 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 10 others.
According to the daily counts over the past hours, the total number of confirmed cases of coronavirus has reached 4,247, including 882 deaths and 1,667 recoveries in the liberated areas of Yemen.

cp2 Allgemein / General

(* A K P)

Interactive Map of Yemen War

(* B P)

Iranian confidence in Yemen and Saudi-US factor

It is astonishing how much Iran has exploited the Yemeni crisis. Maysam Behravesh, a top Iran expert who is a research associate at Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, explained how Yemen factors into Iran’s “strategic depth” policy in the Middle East.

“Strategic ‘depth’ (omgh), also called 'backup' or 'buttress' (aghabeh) in the Iranian security literature, is understood as the capability to take the fight as close to the enemy territory as possible and thus hold the defensive advantage to strike deep in the event of conflict.”

As Behravesh later wrote, “The policy derives a good deal of its appeal from a pro-underdog religious ideology and identity, and is mainly used as a discursive and political tool to boost and back up what has gradually transformed into a security provision and power projection strategy.”

From Iran’s standpoint, its policies in Yemen since 2015 have served it well. Today, the Houthis (and by extension Iran) have certainly taken the upper hand in Yemen’s war, underscored by Ansar Allah’s control of almost all of northern Yemen.

Iran is currently quite confident about the situation in the war-torn Arabian country and sees easy ways to capitalize on either a continuation of warfare or a diplomatic settlement.

Put simply, more warfare will offer Tehran a chance to continue making the Saudis bleed and suffer from increasingly sophisticated Houthi attacks. This is all with a relatively tiny bill for Iran to foot.

“If Saudi Arabia and the U.S. maintain their view of recent years that Iran should play zero role in Yemen and the Houthis must be militarily defeated at all costs, Iran will continue its own interference in Yemen,” said the National Iranian American Council’s Sina Toossi. “Given the direction the war is heading in, this will have far greater costs for Saudi Arabia.”

The kingdom's image

"Soft power" and the war of narratives matter a lot too. Riyadh’s international reputation has suffered immensely from Yemen’s humanitarian disasters.

Although Tehran and its Houthi clients have contributed to Yemen’s problems and human suffering, Saudi Arabia has lost the publicity war on a global level. Iran has played the media war to its advantage.

At the same time, a diplomatic settlement could easily advance Iran’s interests too. A scenario whereby a power-sharing agreement is signed would practically guarantee a pro-Iran Yemeni faction some degree of power in a post-conflict settlement and further institutionalize Tehran’s influence in Yemen.

“Tehran, as the main supporter of the group, has secured sufficient influence in any prospective political settlement to the conflict, which will enable it to strengthen its policy in the region,” said Abobakr Alfaqeeh, a Yemeni freelance journalist.

If Iran’s relations with the U.S. and some of its regional allies/partners remain hostile, Tehran will certainly continue viewing Yemen as a “forward base” for deterring and retaliating against Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and possibly Israel too.

Ultimately, it is very safe to assume that so long as U.S. President Joe Biden continues his predecessor’s policies of “maximum pressure” targeting Iran, Tehran will make sure that no Saudi or American-friendly political order is easily established in Yemen.

My remark: From Turkey. On Turkish involvment nad propaganda narrative, look at cp1.

(B K P)

A Critical Week For The Yemen Ceasefire

It’s the 11th hour for a true ceasefire in Yemen now as the world waits to see what Saudi Arabia will do next and the Houthis continue to apply pressure. Most recently, the Houthis claimed to have launched drone attacks on Riyadh, though there has been no confirmation of this from Saudi Arabia. The Saudi-proposed ceasefire is really coming from Washington and is MBS’ means of partly repairing his global reputation by looking like the good guy in Yemen. There is a fair amount of motivation right now for the Saudis to pursue a ceasefire in a war that was supposed to last six weeks and is now in its sixth year with Riyadh having failed to achieve any of its objectives. Keep an eye on Marib province, where the oil is, and where the current Houthi offensive is focused.

(* B K P)

Yemen’s ceasefire is a sham — the war is far from over

Recent developments in Yemen’s civil war show that the Iranian-backed Houthis are clearly considered the winning side

But the problem with the prince’s ceasefire is, at root, the same reason why you may not have heard of it. This ceasefire is not a deal; instead, it is the unilateral offer of one side of a civil conflict which has drawn in regional powers. Without agreement of the other, it has no chance of being accepted or coming into force.

The fact that this offer was made says rather less for peace and more for war. If someone wasn’t winning the war, no ceasefire would have been conceived. The Saudis are keen to extract themselves from Yemen after over five years of direct intervention in support of the internationally recognised government of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. A ceasefire would give honourable cover to that withdrawal — if only it were credible.

The extent to which the Houthis are a project of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps remains fiercely disputed.

Assuming that this force would willingly conclude a peace deal seems straightforwardly naive. But even if the Houthis were inclined to consider peace, there is no chance they would seek it now. They are winning the war too obviously to justify that.

With Iranian weapons and support, Houthi forces are no longer insurgents.

In many ways this is the story of the war. The Houthis were largely opposed by nations like Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates which have large air forces and make use of heavy bombing campaigns. These campaigns are carried out at great expense, and have elicited sustained international condemnation.

But the Houthis have their own long-range weapons, including Iranian-supplied missiles and drones.

Why would an insurgency seek peace when it is able to carry on its revolutionary war on such favourable terms?

Perhaps appreciating that Iran has managed to draw them deep into the quicksand, the Saudis are desperate to draw down their own intervention. Some in Yemen and American fear they would accept “peace” at almost any price. But while Iranian support remains, it has become painfully clear that even a confected end to the fighting is unlikely. The Houthis will not cease their fire nor decrease their brutality willingly — and not when they feel they at last have the upper hand in this bloodiest of civil wars.

My comment: Overestimating Iran, as so often.

(B K P)

Ungleiche Gegner

Die veränderte Außenpolitik in Washington lässt die Hoffnung auf Frieden gedeihen. Aber die „Koalition der Willigen“ zerfällt

Da es keinerlei Landverbindung zwischen beiden Staaten gibt und die Küsten des Jemen von der Anti-Huthi-Koalition, vor allem der US-Flotte, abgeriegelt sind, ist es schwer vorstellbar, dass die Hilfe des Iran bedeutender sein könnte als der militärische Beistand, den die USA Riad bislang leisten.

Sicher wäre der Biden-Regierung ein Jemen unter saudischer Kontrolle lieber, aber die Position der USA in diesem Land scheint nicht davon abhängig zu sein. Was womöglich auf einem geheimen Abkommen mit den Huthis beruht.

Der jüngste Vorschlag aus Riad, eine Waffenruhe auszuhandeln und die Blockade des Hafens von Hodeida aufzugeben, sodass dringend benötigte humanitäre Hilfe die Zivilbevölkerung erreicht, dürfte aus der veränderten Jemen-Politik in Washington resultieren. Die Huthis zögern noch, darauf einzugehen und eine Feuerpause anzunehmen. Aber die „Koalition der Willigen“ zerfällt.

Mein Kommentar: Wenig kenntnisreicher Überblicksartikel. Die Huthis haben die Stadt Marib keineswegs eingenommen.

(B K P)

The Embassy of the Republic of #Yemen is pleased to launch its 3rd Monthly Briefing March in Review draws on major developments, including: Donor Conference,

Houthi hostilities against #Marib, #IDPs & African migrants, Saudi Initiative (document)

My comment: The Hadi governments view.

(A P)

If it can, Washington will deny us access to oxygen: Houthis

The United States is raging an aggression and sieging Yemen, Houthi senior negotiator said on Thursday.
The US actions are derisible; they fight a war and impose a blockade, and then ridiculously talk about assistances, Mohamed Abdul Salam added in remarks to Houthi-run TV.
"They have to blush and leave Yemen alone. Yemenis can manage their affairs with dignity and without US absurdities," he said. "If it can, the US will deny Yemen access to oxygen."

(* B K pH)

Ansarullah Issues First Human Rights Report 'Yemeni Hiroshima'

Legal and Rights Department of Ansarullah Political Bureau issued the first human rights report documenting the brutal crimes committed by the Saudi-led coalition against civilians in Yemen, entitled "Yemeni Hiroshima".

Monitoring and Documentation Center official Ahmed Abu Hamra explained that the report included 4,133 massacres and documented incidents, Al-Masirah reported.

The report included detailed lists of the time and place of the incidents, he stated.

Abu Hamra pointed out that there are more than 566 massacres and incidents cited in the report as prominent examples were committed by the countries involved in the coalition of aggression against Yemeni civilians.

He explained that the report monitored examples of dozens of crimes committed against prisoners and detainees in the prisons of the Riyadh-led coalition and its mercenaries.

The official noted that the report includes only a small part of those crimes committed in Yemen and there are other publications that include the rest of the bloody incidents.

and also

(B P)

Houthi rebels recruit children, kidnap journalists, Yemen’s ambassador says

(* B H P)

Film: Women of the Revolution: A Vision for Post-war Yemen

This event features some of the brightest female stars in Yemeni diasporic society. These women participated in Yemen’s revolution and have since risen to prominence in advocacy organizations, academia, and journalism. Each has been a vocal advocate for change in Yemen and has been on the forefront of considering possibilities for the country’s political future that go beyond the short-term solutions to the current conflict. They will provide a vision of post-war Yemen – how will the country be reconstituted, and what will its future look like? What can be done economically and socially to create a more stable and prosperous country? Rather than seeing through the eyes of foreign pundits or Yemeni men commenting on events at home from abroad, this panel will offer the perspectives of Yemen’s women who are the defenders and peacemakers of their homeland.

(A K P)

Yemen Targets Crown Jewel of Saudi Economy Aramco, Now Ball in Saudi Court

The Yemeni forces threw the ball in the court of the Saudi aggression after the jewel of the Saudi economy Aramco oil company became on the target list, as it promised new deterrence equations.

The spokesman for the Yemeni Armed Forces, Brigadier General Yahya Sare’e, threatened the forces of aggression with strong and painful strikes that they had not experienced before.

Saree affirmed that the amount of retaliatory attacks that Saudi Arabia has received during 6 years, it may be hit by the same and more within a year, pointing out that the ball is now in the court of the Saudi regime and the 7th year will be the year of surprises for military operations.

He stressed that the imposed blockade by the Saudi aggression is a hostile military action that the Yemeni Armed Forces deal with, and therefore the Yemeni Brigadier resolved the answer to any ceasefire initiative that does not refer to the lifting of the unjust siege on the Yemeni people.

Saree revealed that the Air Force was built from scratch and was a compensation for Yemen after the aggression had destroyed the Air Force and Air Defense weapons. Indeed, this weapon has achieved a lot in terms of deterring the Saudi aggression and destroying its bases and centers of government.

Despite the simplicity of the capabilities available to the Yemenis, their home-made deterrent weapons have created a great embarrassment not only for the countries of aggression, but for those standing behind them, such as the United States and others. What we hear of US and Western condemnations of their deterrent attacks in response to the aggression crimes is nothing but an attempt to pressure Yemen to accept tutelage and subordination, which was rejected by the Yemenis 6 years ago.

Ending the siege of the Yemeni people and stopping the aggression is what will stop the Yemeni drones and ballistic missiles from flying in the skies of the countries of aggression and nothing else. So no one expects that the men of Yemen, who are proud and honorable, will remain silent while their children are hungry and burn with US phosphorous bombs.

(A P)

Activist Huda al-Attas demands fair Yemeni share of lucrative commerce through Bab al-Mandeb strait

Human rights activist Huda al-Attas has on Tuesday wondered about the fate of the revenues of Bab al-Mandeb, a narrow sea strait that flows between Yemen and Djibouti and connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and thus to the Arabian Sea and wider Indian Ocean.

Al-Attas explained that the accident of the ship Evergiven in the Suez Canal led to the suspension of hundreds of commercial ships stuck in the Canal, and that Egypt makes billions annually from the canal.

She noted that the incident in Suez revealed the “astronomical figures of funds due to the proceeds of navigation in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, without navigation and logistics operations.”

Al-Attas said in a press statement that thousands of ships pass through the Bab al-Mandab and the Gulf of Aden annually. In fact, in order to reach the Red Sea and thus the Suez Canal from the east requires one to pass through Bab al-Mandeb first.

“Where did Bab al-Mandab’s revenues go, you thieves?” Huda al-Attas wrote.

(A K P)

Houthis buy time to make field gains: Yemeni [Hadi] gov't

All signs indicate that the Houthi group is unwilling to de-escalate or find an inclusive political solution to Yemen's war, spokesman for the official government said Wednesday, noting that the group wants to buy time and make gains on the ground.

(B K P)

Anelle Sheline, thread on Yemen

The UN determined that the Houthis were responsible for the Dec 30, 2020 attack on Aden airport that killed 22 people The blast occurred just after representatives of Yemen's internationally recognized government had flown in from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

(* B K P)

Audio: Assessing the Crisis in Yemen: Six Years On

In the wake of a recent ceasefire proposal by Saudi Arabia, what is the current state of the conflict in Yemen? And how is the Biden administration approaching this enduring issue, which is widely regarded as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis? Middle East fellow Kristian Urichsen explains on this week's episode of the "Policy Matters" podcast. =

(* B P)

Film: Diwan Episode 9A: an in-depth conversation on history of Houthi Group & current developments - Yemen

in Part One of this two part podcast, I summarize principles of Zaydiyya and discuss the history of the rise of Bayt al-Houthi, the conflict with the State and lead-up to the civil war that sparked in March 2015. This segment presents an in-depth conversation with Dr. Omar Mujalli, from al-Abadeen, Sa'dah (former director of Health Services in Sa'adha and former Dpty. Minister of Health) and Dr. Ali Ahmed al-Dailami (former director of MoFA Diplomatic Institute in Sana'a and former Ambassador to Lebanon).

(* B H K)

"Wir warten auf den Tod"

Während die Kriegsparteien im Jemen um eine Waffenruhe streiten, leiden die Menschen bittere Not. Vielen Kindern droht das Verhungern

Die Ärztin Ashwaq Moharram bringt mit ihrem Auto Nahrung und Medikamente zu den Ärmsten in Hudaida und den umliegenden Dörfern. Wir haben mit Moharram per Video- und Sprachnachrichten gesprochen.

Moharram:Viele sind erleichtert, dass die Saudis Schritte unternehmen, um den Krieg zu beenden. Aber noch gilt die Waffenruhe nicht, die Saudis müssen dafür ihre Blockaden aufheben. Seit sie vor einer Woche die Waffenruhe verkündet haben, fliegen sie noch mehr Luftangriffe auf Hudaida.

[Die saudische Blockade] hat Folgen für unser ganzes Leben. Über den Hafen von Hudaida kommen fast alle Nahrungsmittel, Güter und Hilfslieferungen ins Land, vor allem die Menschen im Norden sind davon abhängig.

Ohne die Zustimmung der Koalition darf ja gar nichts in den Hafen einlaufen. Und auch wenn sie den Frachtern die Einfahrt genehmigt hat: Wir Zivilisten haben davon erst mal nichts. Für uns ist es nahezu unmöglich, an Treibstoff zu kommen. Er ist sehr teuer geworden, die Preise sind um ein Vielfaches gestiegen. Und selbst wer sich das noch leisten kann, kann kaum noch welchen auftreiben.

Im ganzen Regierungsbezirk Hudaida leben rund 3,5 Millionen Menschen, es ist die ärmste Region des Landes. Hudaida war schon immer arm, viele Menschen sind nicht zur Schule gegangen und haben keine Ausbildung, es gibt kaum Arbeit. Durch den Krieg hat sich die Lage enorm verschlechtert.

Ich fahre mit meinem Auto in die Dörfer und bringe denen, die am meisten Not leiden, Nahrungsmittel, Milch und Spezialnahrung für die unterernährten Kinder. Ich bringe auch Medikamente und meinen Arztkoffer, damit ich die Kranken versorgen kann. Bei schweren Erkrankungen bringe ich sie mit meinem Auto zu einem Krankenhaus.

Ich sehe in den Dörfern alles, was so ein Krieg nach sich zieht. Die Menschen leiden an allen möglichen Krankheiten: Malaria, Dengue-Fieber, Cholera. Viele sind daran schon gestorben. Ich sehe das Versagen der Regierenden, die Menschen ordentlich zu versorgen. Das Trinkwasser ist vielerorts verseucht, was viele Erkrankungen nach sich zieht.

Die Hungersnot wird immer schlimmer. Die Menschen wissen morgens nicht, wann sie am Tag etwas zu essen haben werden.

Ich werde nie vergessen, wie es war, als ich die ersten Fälle von Unterernährung gesehen habe. Das war etwa ein Jahr, nachdem der Krieg begonnen hatte.

Der Krieg muss endlich aufhören. Solange die Kämpfe weitergehen, wird sich nichts verbessern. Dieser Krieg hat alles in unserem Leben zerstört und alles in uns zerbrochen. Wir sind müde. Wir warten auf den Tod.

(A E P)

Saudi Arabia to give Yemeni government $422 million worth of fuel

Saudi Arabia will grant $422 million worth of petroleum products to Yemen’s internationally recognised government for power stations and to support public services as the country grapples with a fuel shortage, state news agency SPA said on Tuesday.

It said Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman informed Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi of the grant under the Saudi Development and Reconstruction Program in a telephone call.

My comment: The greatest fuel crisis continues in Houthi-held northern Yemen – because of the Saudi blockade.

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

(A K P)

YPC: US-Saudi Aggression Detains Two New Fuel Tankers

Yemen Petroleum Company (YPC) said that the forces of the US-Saudi aggression detained 2 new fuel tankers with a total of 41402 tons of diesel and prevented them from entering Hodeidah port.

The spokesman of YPC pointed out that the transporting shipping companies recently withdrew two of the detained fuel ships which has been pirated by the US-Saudi aggression coalition.

The spokesman pointed out that the continued piracy and detention of fuel ships

and also

(* A K P)

Aggression is still holding 10 oil ships: Official

The aggression coalition is still holding 10 oil ships even though they all had secured U.N clearance, said the Executive Director of the Yemen Petroleum Company (YPC) on Friday.


(* A K P)

United Nations Provides Cover for Aggression to Detain Tankers

He indicated that the United Nations provides the full cover for the aggression to practice arbitrary actions in detaining tankers, even though the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea states that all countries of the world must stand with any country whose ships are piracy and stop acts of piracy.

"We have organized more than 720 protests for more than two and a half years, in front of the United Nations office to appeal and call for the release of the fuel tankers, but without any response," he said.

A statement issued by the trade union committees of the Company condemned the international silence towards the arbitrary practices of the US-Saudi aggression coalition.

(A K P)

ICSFT: Stop Maritime Piracy Against Yemeni Fuel Tankers

The [pro-Sanaa gov.] International Council Supporting Fair Trial and Human Rights renews its calls for the international community and the relevant bodies of the United Nations to take immediate measures to stop maritime piracy by the coalition of Aggression and to ensure that vessels reach the port of Hodeidah to avoid the catastrophic situation that will result from the delay in detention.

(A K P)

YPC: US-Saudi Aggression Still Holding 8 Oil Ships Designated for Public Consumption

Yemen Petroleum Company said on Wednesday that "tanker shipping companies notified us that they had withdrawn two fuel ships that were detained by the US-Saudi aggression."

(B K P)

Ansarullah Warns ‘Yemen’s Siege Amounts to Piracy’

Mohammed Abdul-Salam, the Spokesman for Yemen’s popular Houthi Ansarullah movement commented on a siege that the invaders have been imposing on his country simultaneously with their military campaign.

He said the blockade that bars the entry of food, medicine, and oil products into Yemen amounted to “a kind of piracy” as well as “violation of the Yemeni nation’s rights and the international law”, Yemeni News reported.

Abdul-Malik Al-Ajri, a member of Ansarullah’s political bureau, also slammed the invaders for insisting that the Yemeni forces had to lay down their arms, instead of addressing the issue of the siege.

“Their only goal is to stop the advance towards Ma’rib,” he added.

(B H K)

Hungersnot verfolgt den Jemen, während der Krieg sich hinzieht und die Auslandshilfe nachlässt [kurzer Überblicksartikel]

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

(B H P)

Yemen: Organizations' Monthly Presence (December 2020)

In December 2020, 123 organizations implemented Humanitarian Response Plan activities in 333 out of 333 districts. 10 UN agencies were active in 333 districts, 38 international NGOs were active in 248 districts, and 75 national NGOs were active in 296 districts

(* B H)

Rainwater harvesting tanks nourish Hydan hospital and improve medical services

Low levels of groundwater in Hydan town, Saada Governorate, forced residents and health service providers to look for alternatives to provide water, either from springs, streams adjacent to the area, or by paying a lot of money for water trucking. In fact, Hydan Rural Hospital allocates large budget to ensure the hospital’s daily need of water, especially when there is no rain. In the dry season, water levels decrease in the surface wells, forcing residents to buy water trucked form distant places, since they heavily depend on these wells.

Water becomes serious concern for the hospital as Dr. Ali Askar (hospital director) clarifies that approximately 700,000 YRs are paid per month to ensure the availability of water around the clock in all hospital facilities.

Dr. Askar says: "Water budget is a huge burden on the hospital, given the volume of consumption that reaches about 230,000 liters per month in order to perform the services, receive the ill and provide them with free medical services around the clock."

The rural hospital serves Hydan district and the surrounding districts (Saqayn and Al-Dhahir). The demand has recently increased due to the free health services provided and the opening of new departments such as Minor Surgery Unit.

With the support of Yemen Humanitarian Fund, National Foundation for Development and Humanitarian Response implemented a project to establish two rainwater harvesting tanks in the areas of Al-Madhaba and Al-Jarah, west of Hydan, with storage capacity 2000 cubic meters each, and transporting water through a pipe network to the hospital and to distribution points reaching part of the town after being purified by sand filters.

Once the newly constructed water tanks are filled with water, Hydan Hospital will access free and non-stop water after the rain season.'

(* B H P)

An overview of the World Bank projects and results in Yemen - April 2021

The World Bank has been an active partner in Yemen’s development for more than four decades. This long-standing working relationship has helped the Bank to continue supporting the Yemeni people and the institutions that serve them throughout the past six years of conflict.
Yemen has struggled with critical development challenges for longer, but the conflict has deteriorated the situation into a full-blown crisis. The Bank’s emergency program provides vital support to Yemeni families and their communities across the country, helping them cope with the impact of the crisis through cash transfers and other income support, enhancing access to health, nutrition and education services, scaling up cholera response, and reviving agriculture production.

To implement its program, the Bank has forged extraordinary operational partnerships with key United Nations (UN) agencies and local organizations. By leveraging these, it aims to preserve the capacity of Yemeni institutions—now and for the future—to deliver basic services that millions of Yemenis rely on.

With peace uncertain, Yemen faces the prospect of continued conflict and a growing number of adverse humanitarian, institutional, social, and economic effects. Amid this, the World Bank approved a Country Engagement Note (CEN) to guide its support to Yemen over the period FY20–21:

The CEN focuses on two strategic objectives: Preserving basic services and the institutions that deliver them; and supporting people’s livelihoods and the potential for economic recovery.

(B H)

DEC CVA Real-Time Response Review: Yemen Country Report

Although information about humanitarian needs in Yemen is incomplete, it is widely recognised that they are huge and diverse, related to the war situation, to direct impacts of Covid-19 on public health and to the indirect impact of Covid-19 on the economy and food security. In this context, humanitarian support provided by DEC Member Charities is crucial, even though insufficient

(* B H)

Yemeni midwives help deliver hope during Ramadan

In a country ravaged by conflict, where only half of health facilities are operable and only one in five of those remaining offer maternal care, midwives are carving out space in their homes for makeshift maternity clinics. There they provide basic antenatal care, delivery and post-natal care, referring cases with complications to health facilities equipped to handle emergency obstetric care.

In 2020, UNFPA trained community midwives in villages and remote rural areas and established 170 home clinics by covering the costs of renovation, equipment like ultrasound machines, medicines and reproductive health supplies. A solar suitcase provides lighting, mobile phone charging and electronic fetal monitoring.

Not only have the clinics filled gaps in maternal and reproductive health care, they have also been effective where male providers face limitations in providing services to women because of cultural and religious practices.

Since opening her home clinic more than a year ago in the economically depressed neighborhood of Sawan, Rahma has helped more than 120 women. In addition to midwifery, she provides check-ups, family planning, minor surgery and first aid. Her schedule is booked with expectant mothers giving birth during Ramadan (13 April - 12 May), a time that should be joyous but is subdued by both stress because of unrelenting hostilities and economic unease due to a typical increase in the costs of food and goods. “I feel sorrow and sadness when thinking about these women – their financial and health condition is very bad,” she said. “During Ramadan, the prices rise crazy, which makes the lives of these women more difficult.”

“There are cases that come to my clinic with symptoms of malnutrition that may cause great harm – even death – to them and to their fetuses,” Rahma said. “People are no longer able to provide for their daily sustenance. I think there is a famine coming and that women and children are the most vulnerable.”

UNFPA appealed for $100 million to provide reproductive health care and women’s protection services in Yemen through the end of 2021. To date, only 13 percent of this appeal has been received.

Despite the dire situation, Halima allows herself to imagine better times: “I hope that when I give birth, the war has ended and peace will begin. I hope to see my children grow up in front of my eye

(B H)

Yemen: Humanitarian Response Snapshot (December 2020)

Yemen continues to be the world’s worst humanitarian crisis with over 24 million people – 80 per cent of the population – in need of some form of humanitarian assistance or protection. In 2020, the situation, which is primarily driven by conflict and an economic blockade, has been exacerbated by COVID-19, heavy rains and flooding, escalating hostilities and currency collapse. In parallel, the 2020 Yemen Humanitarian Response Plan (YHRP) remains hugely underfunded – as of 6 January 2021 only US$1.86 billion of the $3.23 billion needed had been received, while a fuel crisis has increased needs and restricted response activities, and ongoing access issues have hindered the aid operation. An alarming increase in levels of food insecurity and acute malnutrition are forecasted by the year’s end.

(A H)

Russia earmarks $4 mln to provide food assistance to Yemen

It was made through the UN World Food Program, the Russian Foreign Ministry said

(A H)

Japan grants US$5 million to scale up nutrition response in Yemen

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

Siehe / Look at cp17a

(B H K)

Yemen refugee number reaches two million

The number of refugees who fled regions controlled by the Houthis has reached two million amid a devastating military conflict in Yemen, Yemeni Ambassador to Russia Ahmed Salem Al-Wahishi said in an interview with TASS.

"The number of replaced people who fled provinces controlled by the Houthis has reached two million. Some of them were targeted by a Houthi ballistic missile bombing when heading to Marib," he underlined.

The envoy pointed out that the national government is tirelessly working on alleviating suffering of its citizens and is venturing into "all talks to restore security and stability" in the country. "For example, government representatives were in Stockholm, Switzerland and Kuwait to engage in dialogue with the Houthis and end the war," the diplomat pointed out. "Our government has always been serious about its intentions, but the Houthis are constantly stubborn in implementation of agreements reached with any side."

(A H K)

Film: This is a wake up message to the international conscience from devastated innocent at Marebs' IDP camps.

(* B H)

Jordan: Yemeni Asylum Seekers Deported

Jordanian authorities have deported at least four Yemeni asylum seekers registered with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and have issued deportation orders against others who made asylum claims, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities handed down most of the deportation orders after the Yemenis attempted to apply for work permits and regularize their immigration status in the country.
As of March 16, 2021, Jordan hosted 13,843 Yemeni refugees and asylum seekers, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). Since January 2019, a Jordanian regulation has effectively prevented UNHCR from recognizing anyone but Syrians as refugees, leaving many without access to humanitarian services and at risk of deportation.
“Jordan’s reputation for welcoming refugees is tarnished if it sends people back who are at serious risk of harm in their home countries,” said Michael Page, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “Jordanian authorities need to match words with deeds by allowing individuals to safely make asylum claims and get services available to other refugee groups such as work permits.”
Human Rights Watch interviewed 13 Yemeni asylum seekers and refugees between late January and mid-March, including 4 deported to Yemen since November 2020 and 8 in Jordan who face deportation orders, which can be enforced at any moment. Eight said the deportation decisions were handed down after they applied to the Interior Ministry for work permit approvals.
Human Rights Watch also spoke in February with a Yemeni refugee who volunteers to help detained asylum seekers obtain legal aid. The volunteer said that detentions, deportation decisions, and actual deportations have all increased since mid-2020. The volunteer said that prior to mid-2020, the authorities usually did not require Yemenis to drop their refugee or asylum seeker status to obtain a work permit.

and medie report:

(* B H)

Women struggle to get by as Yemen conflict hits six-year mark

As the world’s worst humanitarian crisis rages on, women and children make up three-quarters of the four million people forced from their homes, putting them at greater risk.

In a patriarchal society like Yemen, where socio-cultural norms and practices shape the lives of women, the conflict has increased the risk of exploitation and abuse.

[…] coping strategies have become common as Yemen’s hunger crisis deepens. Displaced families are four times more likely than other Yemenis to suffer from food insecurity, and according to assessments some 2.6 million displaced people in the country are just a step away from famine.

Over the past two years, as people’s needs have increased, UNHCR’s cash assistance programme in the country has grown to become one of the five largest in the world, helping more than a million people annually. Such assistance is even more essential for the two thirds of displaced Yemeni families that, unlike Nabiha’s, have no form of income.

It was thanks to the assistance she received, as well as securing a loan and using the last of her savings, that Nabiha was able to buy the land where she is now in the process of building a more permanent home for her family, far from the areas of continued fighting.

“It’s away from the city and close to a garbage dump, but it’s better than renting,” Nabiha said. “Before that, I used to pay rent and sometimes I didn’t have enough money to pay, and the landlord would threaten [to evict] me. Back then, I couldn’t sleep because I was thinking of how to manage the money for rent.”

(B H)

UNHCR Yemen Situation: 2020 Funding Update (as of 30 March 2021)

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

(A K P)

Strategy of Great Pain Ready Waiting for Instructions From Leadership

Minister of Defense, Major General Mohammad Al-Atifi, said that the Army and Popular Committees were able to devise plans of martial arts that surprised the forces of aggression on the ground.

(A K P)

Film: Dhamar:The Houthi admitted the killing of 6children yesterday

(A P)


In March 2016, Security forces under the control of the Houthis in the capital, Sanaa, arrested Yemeni Jewish citizen Salem Marhaby, along with another group of workers and employees of Sanaa airport, on charges of smuggling an ancient manuscript out of the country.

On 13 March 2018, an appellate judgment was issued by the Public Funds Section in the Capital condemning Libby Salem Musa Marhaby, Yahiya Ali Mohammad Al-Asam, Ammar Ali Mokoun Kitaai, and Samir Abdullah Nasser Shaya, as attributed to each of them in the public case of the incident of smuggling a manuscript outside the country and forgery by Ammar. They were punished with imprisonment. After two years of imprisonment, the Public Funds Appeals Division of the Capital sentenced Libby and his companions to imprisonment for three and a half years, and considered the period of imprisonment he spent.

On 29 July 2019, a decision was issued by the Public Funds Appeal Division in the Capital, to release defendant Libby Salem Musa Marhaby, like the other defendants. Accordingly, on 04 August 2019, a decision was issued by Judge Ahmed Ahmed Abu Munser, Head of the Public Funds Appeal Prosecution Office of the Capital, to the Antiquities Prosecutor to implement the content of the court decision. In spite of the judicial ruling and the successive judicial notes that were directed to the Security and Intelligence Service to release Libby, he is still in detention despite dozens of summonses and requests for petition by Libby’s family and his attorney.

Full document:

(A P)

Houthi militants kidnap 5 healthcare workers from the main hospital of Al-Thawra in Sana’a today (Wednesday)/Bawabati

(A P)

A Houthi gunman kills a child in Sana’a in dispute over YR 200 [less than 25 US cents]./Almanarah Net.

(A P)

Film: People in Matama district in al-Jawf governorate, northeast #Yemen, holding a protest 2day against Houthis corruption & looting humanitarian aid, chanting Irhal ,Irhal (go out) Oh Khawar (Houthi director of the district), & no more corruption.

(A E)

Film: The opening of the dairy products factory in Sana'a

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

(A K P)

Well placed #Yemeni source says #UAE backed group Southern Transitional Council in South #Yemen are smuggling arms including drones parts to #Ansarrulah from their #Iranian allies. Is #UAE waging war on #Saudi ?

referring to

My comment: Sounds like propaganda.

(* A K P)

More Al-Qaeda terrorists arrive in eastern Yemen to fight for Saudi-led coalition

Dozens of al-Qaeda terrorists arrived at a camp belonging to the Islah Party in Shabwah province, eastern Yemen, local sources reported on Thursday.

According to the sources, a number of Al-Qaeda operatives on pick-up cars of the Hilux type arrived in Morra camp, west of Ataq city, the capital of the province.

The sources confirmed that the terrorist elements entered the camp in groups during the past weeks.

A number of Al-Qaeda members have furthermore cut off the Bihan-Nesab road leading to the Morra camp, the sources added.

The Islah party has established new camps in the Radhom district, on the Arabian Sea coast, in order to receive the terrorist elements that were summoned by Turkey to fight in the ranks of the Islah Party on the Ma’rib front.

My remark: This is a report by a pro-Houthi media. Southern separastists report the same:

(* A K P)

New batches of terrorists arrive in Shabwa

The pro-government Muslim Brotherhood's militias (Islah Party) brought in new batches of al-Qaeda militants to areas under their control in Shabwa province.
Well-informed sources told the local press on condition of anonymity that terrorist militants have been dramatically deployed in Shabwa province in recent weeks.

(A P)

Former vice prime minister calls on government to take Aden by force

The only solution before the legitimate government to the situation in south Yemen is to implement the military and security part of the Riyadh agreement or to enter Aden by force, former prime minister and minister of interior Ahmed Al-Maisari has said.

Storming the Presidential Palace, Al-Maashiq, recently aimed to drag Saudi forces guarding the palace to clash with and kill civilians to spread chaos and ease pressure on the Houthi group on frontlines, he told Aljazeera's Without Borders Program.

The UAE-backed forces seized public institutions before I become the minister of interior, he said, pointing out that the government tried to act independently after that but it could not because of huge support provided to the other side.

During my visit to Abu Dhabi, I was asked to be on the UAE side but I refused and told Emiratis that I am always on the side of Yemen, he said.

(A P)

Yemeni military court tries Iranian officer on espionage, war crimes

A Yemeni military court held a public session to hear charges against an Iranian Revolutionary Guard officer accused of espionage and war crimes, pan-Arab daily Asharq Al-Awsat reported.

The defendant was formally charged of being complicit in crimes with the Houthi militia during the hearing held on Tuesday in Marib.

(* B P)

Serious Emirati, Israeli Violations in Socotra

The UAE is trying to enter Yemen through the occupation, under the cover of legitimacy. Abu Dhabi imposed its will on Yemen's sovereign decision, in order to enable it to exploit the country's resources, and beyond that, the violations became continuous and did not stop all day.

Al-Mahriya satellite channel published the Emirati role on Socotra Island. The UAE pays tempting offers to the residents of the Socotra Archipelago to concede to the Emirati occupation, but it was faced with strong rejection and made it one of the countries hostile to the Yemenis.

Military Training

The UAE-backed Transitional Council militias continue to conduct new military exercises in Socotra.
The training sends important messages to the Yemeni government, which has come under the control of Abu Dhabi.

Abdullah Ahmed Abdullah Al-Qatari, Commander the First Marine Brigade (who turned against legitimacy), indicated that these exercises come as prelude to those who oppose rule of militias, in reference to people of Socotra who are demanding return of Marines legitimate government and extend its influence on island.

The violations and exercises on the world-class Yemeni island come amid shameful government silence.

On March 2nd, Emirati planes landed on uninhabited islands, according to some fishermen. The islands witnessed active movement of the Emirati aviation, as helicopters hovered over the governorate's sky and number of islands.

Fishermen confirmed that they saw Emirati helicopters landing in free areas the islands near Socotra.

Residents commented in sporadic conversations about Emirati flights operating to island via airlines, while Al-Rayyan airport in Hadramout continues to be closed and refuses to allow local companies to transport patients, students and stranded between Socotra and other governorates.

Residents also indicated that the UAE continues to violate national sovereignty.Military and foreign leaders loyal to them arrived in Socotra governorate, in conjunction with arrival the "Honor" ship coming from Abu Dhabi with military vehicles and supplies for militias of Transitional Council in governorate.

The frequency of Emirati interventions escalated on March 4th, as Socotra fishermen expressed their disapproval and fear of continuous reversal Abu Dhabi's interventions on island of Darsa in Socotra Archipelago, which is located close to mother island in southwestern side.

Military Disembarkations

On March 8th, the UAE carried out military disembarkations, as it assigned former Socotra Security Director Ahmed Issa, to supervise process of registering 500 people from transitional, to be transported by Emirati aircraft from governorate to Abu Dhabi.

Socotra residents see what UAE is doing is tantamount to pulling rug from under government and fighting it, wiping out everything related to Yemen, or linking Socotra to its geography, identity, customs and Yemeni traditions.

UAE sent thousands of young men to the Emirates and gave them attractive sums. It also recruits girls and sends others to study abroad, and seeks to control them all to serve its agenda.

UAE conducted field surveys to collect family data in Socotra, recruited young people in so-called "security belt", canceled and ignored the sheikhs, and intervened to influence Socotra culture and heritage, in addition to its organized operations to buy land in sensitive areas.

Abu Dhabi has brought in experts from Pakistan, India and Egypt to run fish, oil and gas companies, and has linked Socotra to direct flights by the Emirati aviation after it acquired all air and sea ports.

UAE is undertaking military and expansionary measures in Socotra, with the aim of consolidating its presence there, amid popular discontent and continued government condemnation.

Abu Dhabi seeks, by introducing weapons and bypassing sovereignty of Yemeni state, to obstruct Riyadh Agreement.

Foreign delegations arrive in governorate without any controls, with Emirati sponsorship and direct protection from STC militia, indicating that there are suspicions that UAE has introduced an Israeli delegation to archipelago.

UAE took control of Socotra Island through its tools, the Southern Transitional Council militia, in June of last year, after confrontations with government forces that complained at time of deliberate neglect by coalition, which made separatist council extend its influence on this vital island.

The UAE and its tools are carrying out the continuous militarization that has negatively affected the lives of the Socotrians, as wealth is bulldozed there, and even fishermen are prevented from doing their job or restricting them.

Socotra fishermen denounced the continuous negative reflection of Abu Dhabi's interventions on island of Darsa in Socotra Archipelago, located close to mother island in south

Western Side

They called on the President of Republic and government to rescue first fishermen plane a dueling of military seminars that prepare for view everyone.

Preventing fishermen from going to their island, which represents rest and departure point for Socotra fishermen from time to another.

Transitional Council militia granted permits and licenses to Burum Fish Company, allowing it to fish in coastal waters of Socotra and tightening the noose on more than 7,000 Socotri fishermen, which leads to doubling their suffering, as they are breadwinners for thousands of Socotran families.

On March 11th, the representative of UAE on island of Socotra, Khalfan Al Mazrouei, granted a number of heads of fish societies and those responsible for selling fish cars to ensure that they sell crackfish to Emirati factory on island.

Israeli officers arrived on island of Socotra, accompanied by Emirati officers, to carry out suspicious acts under humanitarian cover that Khalifa Foundation claims to be carrying out in archipelago.

and as UAE’s Yemeni STC tells it:

(A P)

Qatari-Omani-backed cells target stability in Socotra

The Qatar-backed Yemeni Muslim Brotherhood (Islah Party) and the Oman-backed Al-Haraizy cells escalated their media campaigns in the past few days against the Arab Coalition and the Southern Transitional Council (STC) in Socotra Archipelago, said the electronic newspaper NewsYemen.

The cells of Qatar and Oman call for the expulsion of the Arab Coalition and the STC's forces and have plans to create confusion and ultimately chaos.
The leadership and members of the Islah Party and Al-Haraizy cells are behind the anti-coalition sit-ins and protests in Socotra, similar to those held in al-Mahra governorate, the E-paper quoted local sources as saying.
In contrast, The Arab Coalition represented by the United Arab Emirates continues to provide humanitarian aid and assistance for the people of Socotra

and how UAE wants to exploit the island:

(B P)

Yemen’s Socotra archipelago awaits ecotourists

While most of Yemen is embroiled in a conflict that erupted in 2014 between Huthi rebels and the government — plus the ravages of the coronavirus pandemic — adventurous travellers are showing a growing interest in visiting Socotra.
Many set off from the wealthy United Arab Emirates, which is close to the authorities that control the islands.
“Fortunately, Socotra has never been affected by the war dynamics of the Yemeni mainland,” local travel agency Welcome to Socotra said.
“No tensions or fights have ever been reported, hence there is no reason for tourists to worry.”
Since flights resumed with a chartered Air Arabia aircraft once a week from Abu Dhabi, the agency has received “hundreds” of requests, it said.

(A P)

Rights group: UAE-backed forces in southern Yemen arrest tens in Hudaydah

SAM Organisation for Rights and Liberties announced on Wednesday that forces backed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on the western coast of Yemen had arrested tens of civilians from the province of Hudaydah, detaining them in illegal prisons over posts they shared on social media.

SAM added that it was deeply concerned about reports indicating that the National Resistance Forces (NRF) led by Tareq Saleh and the Giants Brigade led by Abu Zarah Al-Muharrami have arrested dozens of residents from the districts of Hays and Al-Khawkhah in Hudaydah over posts they shared on social media a week ago.

The rights watchdog added in a statement that the UAE-backed forces had arrested about 20 people from the districts of Hays and Al-Khawkhah, south of Hudaydah, under the pretext of communicating with the Houthi group. The majority are still in detention, despite popular demands to release them.

SAM stressed that the charges against the detainees are politically motivated and have no legal justification, adding that the charges are broad and unspecified


Yemeni senior officer freed in Taiz after 4 months in captivity

The so-called national resistance forces led by Tariq Saleh have freed the commander of their third brigade, Yemeni sources said Wednesday, after 4 months of abduction in the southwestern governorate of Taiz.

(* B P)

About Death on the Road to Seiyun and Other Atrocities

Waiting at the closed gates of Al Rayyan Airport

On the morning of April 24, 2016, the last of Al-Qaeda operatives left the yard of Al-Rayyan (International) Airport, after the battles between the Hadhrami Elite Forces and the Saudi/UAE-led Coalition on one side and Al-Qaeda operatives on the other side. The next day, news spread that Al-Qaeda had booby-trapped the airport yard and that the coalition would comb it in preparation for reactivate the airport within days after dismantling the network of booby-traps.

The months rolled, and instead of combing the airport yard from the booby-traps, they wrapped its northern and western walls with wire fences, in preparation for transferring it from Al-Rayyan airport to a large detention center. Dozens of people stand at its gate almost daily, searching for a son, asking for a father, or demanding the release of a detained relative. However, its gates remained closed to the people of coastal Hadhramaut and nearby areas for months.

Saeed tells the details of his standing with members of his tribe at the gates of Al-Rayyan Airport in one evening of February 2017. They were not traveling through the airport, but they were protesting to demand the release of a member of their tribe, whom his relatives deemed innocent, while the forces stationed behind the airport walls saw him as a suspect, and the security imperative had required his arrest until the security stabilizes.

In 2018, a group of Hadhrami women launched an advocacy campaign to reopen Al-Rayyan Airport. After months of the campaign, they, accompanied by the governor, were allowed to enter the airport. Upon entering its yard, they found construction works for building a hall other than the main one that was built by an Indian company during the establishment and construction period of the well-known airport, with half government funding and the other half a Kuwaiti loan, and was inaugurated in the 1980s.

So, let people die, as there is no way for those who reside in Hadhramaut plains, coasts and plateau, but to ride the 1989 Peugeot 505, to cover a distance of approximately 300 kilometers that may not be tolerated by an exhausted body or a sick heart.

At the gates of Al-Rayyan airport, people no longer stand to demand only the release of a relative, son, or father, but also at those gates the hearts of hundreds of thousands of Yemenis metaphorically gather, especially the people of Hadhramout and nearby areas, hoping that these gates will open as was the case before April 02 2015. Yet, there is no hope until now. There are tough guards standing there, who do not want these gates to be opened. The chapters of the story are still going on, until someone who writes history comes to open these gates to see what is going on behind them, and is worth all this stubbornness.

(A P)

Yemeni security disperses protests in Hadhramout, one killed, 8 injured

One protestor was killed and 8 others injured on Tuesday, when Yemeni government security forces fired life ammunition to disperse a rally in the eastern governorate of Hadhramout.
The security forces used force to separate the demonstration in Maifa'a Hajar area west Hadhramout in protest of bad services, electricity in particular, local sources said.
The life ammunition fired by the security forces left a young man killed and eight others injured, the sources added.
The protestors blocked the Aden-Hadhramout international road in Maifa'a following the gunfire, eyewitnesses said.
For several weeks, Hadhramout has been the scene of public rallies in protest of increase in prices and decline in livings and services.

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

(A P)

Mohammed Abdulsalam: US-Saudi's Talks about Peace 'Misleading'

The head of the National Delegation explained that the US-Saudi aggression’s talk of peace in light of its continued aggression and siege on the Yemeni People is nothing but deception and misleading.

Mohammed Abdulsalam wrote in a post published on his Twitter page on Thursday: "They (the countries involved in aggression) besiege Yemen by land, sea and air, and prevent food, medical and oil supplies from entering. Nevertheless, they continue to mislead with repeated talks about peace support."

“They repeatedly talk about peace while refusing, until the moment, to allow tankers to enter the port of Hodeidah, as well as to lift the blockade that violates all humanitarian and moral standards,” he added.

(* B P)

Yemen: New talks will need to factor in new realities

Peace negotiations in Yemen might resume soon. They will need to contend with ongoing changes in local governance.

When negotiations resume, the outcomes of the last comprehensive peace talks in Kuwait in 2016 and references like the outcomes of the National Dialogue Conference of 2014 are likely to be the starting point. Yet international supporters of the peace process should also be aware of the ways in which more than six years of war have left their mark and changed realities on the ground. A sober analysis of the current situation will need to inform a realistic and implementable political settlement.

One of these changed realities is the increasing divergence of modes of (local) governance in the different parts of Yemen, further solidifying the fragmentation of the country.

The appointment of new senior local officials by Ansar Allah, as well as a drive to centralise their authority under the oversight of the Ansar Allah-held capital Sana’a, is by now a well-established fact in at least ten of Yemen’s 22 governorates. This will be difficult to roll back in any post-war scenario.

The recent Berghof publication “Changing local governance in Yemen: District and governorate institutions in the areas under Ansar Allah’s control” analyses how local governance has changed in Ansar Allah-controlled governorates and explores the impact on the local economy, service delivery and a potential future political settlement. It shows the importance of acknowledging how the reality of local governance is evolving in discussions of federalism, decentralisation, and other proposed solutions for Yemen’s dysfunctional local governance. An upcoming publication is set to look at local governance modes in other parts of Yemen.

The study (Dec. 2020) in full:

(A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Yemeni FM Says Sana’a Ready to Reach Fair, Honorable Peace for War-Torn Country

Yemen’s Foreign Minister Hisham Sharaf Abdullah says Sana’a is open to a “fair and honorable peace,” calling Saudi Arabia’s ongoing military aggression against his country a failure.

“Sana’a is ready for a just and honorable peace for Yemen,” the Yemeni minister told Lebanon’s al-Mayadeen television network on Wednesday. “Saudi Arabia’s overt and covert goals of aggression against Yemen have failed.”

(* B P)

Int'l pressures for truce in Yemen amid gov't refusal, Houthi conditions

Parties to Yemen's war are under heavy international pressures to reach a ceasefire and inclusive settlement in the country, Yemeni official source said Wednesday.
No nationwide truce deal has been reached so far between the Yemeni UN-recognized government and the Houthi group, the source told DPA on condition of anonymity.
Although, there are great international pressures for ceasefire within one month and, then, start of inclusive political negotiations to end the war, the source added.
The Houthis asked for the humanitarian file be separated from the military one, Hodeida seaport be opened without observation, and Sana'a airport be reopened without restricted destinations or with adding flights to Iran, Beirut, Baghdad and Damascus, according to the source.
Among the Houthi conditions, the Saudi-led coalition's operations should be stopped and blockade lifted before starting the fighting on the ground, the source said.
The Yemeni government absolutely refused the Houthi demands, which it said to "prove that the Houthis want to achieve personal interests on the ground, mostly advancement towards and seizure of Marib city."
Oman is somehow exerting pressures on the Houthis, he added, after Muscat strongly supported the Saudi initiative and pushed the Houthis into a corner, which could persuade them to cease fire.
There is great signs of hope that ceasefire would be in place soon, maybe in the form of an initial interim truce to see how the fighting parties would abide by and try their willingness to reach a political solution, the source said.

(* B P)

Oman brings into the open its mediation on Yemen

Omani statement suggests progress in the Muscat consultations between the Houthis and the Yemeni government.

The Sultanate of Oman has revealed that it is working jointly with Saudi Arabia to “reach a comprehensive settlement” of the Yemeni crisis and sounded a positive note about possible progress in the talks.

The Omani statement seems to confirm that the previously-unannounced talks that have been going on for months in Yemen have entered a stage of serious consultations and made progress towards confidence-building measures.

Muscat has endeavoured since the outbreak of the Yemeni war, to play a mediating role between regional and world powers, on the one hand, and the Houthi group, on the other.

By hosting the Houthi negotiating delegation, the Omani capital has turned into a major centre for discussions on the Yemen crisis.

Sources say Oman have been hosting unannounced bilateral meetings between representatives of the US administration and the Houthis since the famous meeting that brought together former US Secretary of State John Kerry and the Houthi delegation headed by Mohammad Abdul Salam in late 2016.

Muscat has worked to organise low-level encounters between the Saudi-led Arab coalition and the Houthis.

It has also hosted a series of talks between international and Western officials and the Houthi delegation

Contrary to its previous tendency to distance itself from regional and international disputes, Muscat exercised an active role in dealing with the Houthis, who have since made the Omani capital the centre of their diplomatic moves.

(* B P)

ANALYSIS - Limits of Saudi Arabia’s ‘peace plan’ for Yemen

It is crucial that Washington and the international community work together to find a political solution in Yemen that appeases local actors while also restraining Saudi and Emirati influence in the country

Saudi Arabia is torn between two courses of action: securing some geopolitical influence in Yemen, as it has tried to do throughout the way by empowering Hadi and appeasing the United States, and awarding a true victory to the Houthis by fully lifting the blockade, which it does not to do because doing so risks giving their backers in Tehran a lasting foothold in Saudi Arabia’s own backyard.

Meanwhile in Washington, pressure has grown towards Saudi Arabia’s role in the conflict

The Houthis have shown that they are unwilling to retreat or end their offensive in Yemen, and ultimately aim to maximize their control in the country before any peace settlement. This could lead to more severe domestic turmoil for the near future, until a solid solution is found.

The group is clearly attempting to exploit weakness on the part of its adversaries

However, because Saudi Arabia may not be willing to fully withdraw from Yemen, a new wave of Houthi offensives could draw Riyadh back into the conflict. And despite the recent peace initiative, Biden said in February he would support Saudi Arabia’s right to protect its national security. Therefore, the current peace developments could simply create a short-term fix to the conflict, rather than a lasting settlement.

Another less mentioned factor is the United Arab Emirates’ role. Though Abu Dhabi joined the Saudi-led coalition in March 2015, it has abandoned Mohammad bin Salman and forced Saudi Arabia to fend for itself in dealing with the Houthis.

Abu Dhabi has managed to strengthen its influence across southern Yemen while attention was on the Houthi and Saudi Arabia conflict. Meanwhile, Washington has not pressured the UAE as much as it has Saudi Arabia owing to Abu Dhabi’s strong ties to Biden and the Democratic Party and also because it has operated more covertly in Yemen in comparison to Riyadh’s overt bombing campaigns. Unless tackled, this could further exacerbate Yemen’s divisions and prevent long-term stability.

Therefore, it is crucial that Washington and the international community work together to find a political solution in Yemen that appeases local actors while also restraining Saudi and Emirati influence in the country. However, due to the length of the conflict and the growing number of grievances caused by it, further short-term violence may prove difficult to contain.

(* B P)

Saudi peace initiative applauded internationally but downplayed by Yemenis

Saudi Arabia announced a new peace initiative to end the 6-year-old war in Yemen at a time when there has been a military escalation and peace talks have stalemated.

Upon hearing the news of the recent Saudi peace proposal, people Al-Monitor spoke with in Yemen exhibited various views. A political observer doubted such a step's success and a journalist also was not hopeful about its outcome. A teacher said the proposal is not a magic wand to end the war in Yemen and a university student said the war is still far from over.

Adel Dashela, a Yemen researcher in Turkey and author focusing on Yemen, told Al-Monitor that the new Saudi initiative does not address the root of the problem and ruled out the possibility of the proposal's success. "Houthis are seeking to establish an ideological state. They will not accept any political participation or power sharing. Democracy and plurality are taboo in their political thought."

Dashela said, "Peace is not just signing some agreements, shaking hands and talking to media. From my point of view, negotiating about peace with theocratic militias is a big illusion. It is clear that Saudi wants to have a face-saving exit from Yemen."

Mohammed Al-Samei, a Taiz-based journalist, said the initiative has positive aspects and could lead to positive change. He told Al-Monitor, "Ceasing hostilities, resuming flights to and from Sanaa international airport, allowing the flow of ships to Hodeida ports are urgently needed. The words of the proposal are clear, but its full implementation is not certain."

But Samei said, "The implementation of this initiative does not mean an end to the conflict in Yemen. Fragmented forces and groups will not disappear from the scene, and this means military confrontations can flare up any moment."

Amar al-Amari, a schoolteacher in Sanaa, told Al-Monitor that a peace initiative cannot wipe out this nation's plight overnight. "I am not happy about this Saudi proposal; either it succeeds or not. The war has destroyed every beautiful thing in this country. How and when can we reclaim the joy and tranquility of our prewar life?" Amar asked.

Saleh told Al-Monitor, "The warring parties have not agreed on making repairs and maintenance to the decayed Safer oil tanker, which may cause an environmental catastrophe to Yemen's coastal cities. So I can expect that they will fail to act now to repair the damages they have caused to this nation. This Saudi peace initiative is just meant to depict the kingdom as a peacemaker."

(* B P)

Yemen: Behind the Saudi ‘peace offer,’ a US sales pitch

If the path to progress on Yemen’s horrific war ends up running through Riyadh, it may be because U.S. diplomats sold the Saudis on the value of changing their own narrative.

Under pressure from the United States, Riyadh is proposing a cease-fire agreement that offers concessions while failing to secure a single objective of its six-year war.

Yet the agreement is not without benefit for the Saudis: a chance to repair their tattered global reputation.

Billed as a “peace initiative,” the Saudi offer calls for a nationwide cease-fire under the supervision of the U.N., lifting the naval blockade, depositing taxes and customs fees into a joint account in the Yemen central bank accessible by both the government and the Houthis, and reopening the Sanaa airport – core Houthi demands.

Pressure from the Biden administration, including the suspension of arms sales, was a motivator. But the agreement was no easy concession for Saudi Arabia.

Those attacks notwithstanding, by offering concessions and the cease-fire, observers say Saudi Arabia secured two things it badly needed: an exit from a costly conflict, and a partial rehabilitation of its image.

After years of being broadly seen as the aggressor in Yemen, Saudi Arabia can claim to be a peace broker acting in good faith. By offering concessions, it placed the ball in the Houthis’ court.

Diplomats working on the Yemen file agree that Saudi Arabia’s shift, along with renewed U.S. involvement, may encourage other actors in the complex conflict to narrow the gaps in their positions to reach an elusive cease-fire agreement.

In the meantime, the U.S. has been ramping up pressure on the Houthis, who for the first time in the conflict are losing control of a narrative depicting themselves as defenders of Yemeni sovereignty against a foreign aggressor.

The question remains what incentives can be offered to the group, which over the course of the war has grown from a fierce northern faction into the dominant force in Yemen, analysts say.

“The Houthis are now behaving as a state. How can you convince them to become part of a state?” says Maysaa Shuja Al-Deen, nonresident fellow at the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies. “What is their incentive for sharing power?”

“The Houthis dismissing these [Saudi] gestures and an opportunity to translate their military successes into permanent political gain tells me they are either misreading the international community or serving Iran’s interests rather than their own,” says Abdulghani Al-Iryani, senior researcher at the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies.

There is another hard truth facing the diplomatic push for a cease-fire: the Houthis and the Saudi-backed government are but two sides in a multifaceted war that includes UAE-backed separatists, an Islamist movement linked to the Muslim Brotherhood, and several other factions with competing agendas.

“The cease-fire can stop the Saudi war, but the local aspects to the conflict remain unresolved and proxy groups remain,” says Ms. Shuja Al-Deen. “I fear this may just mark the end of one war and will mark the start of a civil war.”

Aware of the challenges, diplomats say they are working to incorporate the UAE-backed separatists into the cease-fire.

As the major battlefronts quiet, and humanitarian crises ease, diplomats believe the cease-fire will build confidence among rival factions to move toward a political dialogue to reach a final settlement

Until then, diplomats say they are racing to capitalize on something that has been in short supply in Yemen: momentum and hope – by Taylor Luck

My comment: This article is somewhat biased in favour of the Saudi initiative (so far, what did they really offer for new?) and in favour of the US, the horrible US role in Yemen is not even mentioned.

(A P)

US State Department: U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking’s Trip to Saudi Arabia and Oman

U.S. Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking returned on March 31 from travel to Saudi Arabia and Oman, where he held productive meetings with Omani, Saudi, and Yemeni senior leaders in coordination with UN Special Envoy for Yemen Martin Griffiths. Lenderking and Griffiths continue to work side-by-side to help bring about a ceasefire, inclusive political talks, and a durable peace agreement that addresses the needs of all Yemenis. U.S. Special Envoy Lenderking’s discussions also focused on efforts to address the humanitarian and economic crisis in Yemen. To that end, we welcome Saudi Arabia’s announcement yesterday to provide over $422 million in support for fuel products in Yemen.

(A P)

Yemen Says No Peace Initiative from Saudis Yet

Mohammed Ali Al-Houthi, a member of Yemen's Supreme Political Council, regretted that the country had not received any peace initiative from Riyadh yet.

Addressing allegations that Sana’a had rejected Riyadh’s initiative, he stated, “We can only claim that we have rejected Saudi Arabia’s offer once we have received one such written proposal”.

Riyadh has to show it is serious about such an initiative, the official told Russia Today, noting that Sana’a would examine any such potential offer and respond to it duly.

Earlier, Al-Houthi had dismissed the so-called peace initiatives presented by the United States to end the war in the country, saying such plans are not favorable since they fail to include the Yemeni nation’s demands.

“What US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking has presented, through the mediation of the Sultanate of Oman, is far away from reaching a desired and realistic level,” he stated in an interview with RT Arabic television news network on Monday.

He added that Washington is still far from prospects of peace, and the latest US ceasefire plan is still a mere proposal and its text has not been produced yet.

and also

(A P)

Houthis accuse coalition of violating international law, obstructing peace efforts

The Ansar Allah group, also known as the Houthis, on Tuesday accused the member states of a Saudi-led coalition fighting in Yemen of violating international law and obstructing the peace efforts.

The group's spokesperson and chief negotiator Mohammed Abdulsalam said on Twitter: "The coalition's prevention of entry of fuel and food and health materials into Hodeidah seaport is a violation of international law and obstructing the peace intentions".

and also

(B P)

Oman brings into the open its mediation on Yemen

The Omani statement seems to confirm that the previously-unannounced talks that have been going on for months in Yemen have entered a stage of serious consultations and made progress towards confidence-building measures.

Muscat has endeavoured since the outbreak of the Yemeni war, to play a mediating role between regional and world powers, on the one hand, and the Houthi group, on the other.

By hosting the Houthi negotiating delegation, the Omani capital has turned into a major centre for discussions on the Yemen crisis.

Sources say Oman have been hosting unannounced bilateral meetings between representatives of the US administration and the Houthis since the famous meeting that brought together former US Secretary of State John Kerry and the Houthi delegation headed by Mohammad Abdul Salam in late 2016.

(A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Deputy FM of Yemen: Continued Saudi siege is an obstacle to achieving peace

(* B P)

Saudi peace initiative a real chance to end Yemen war, experts say

The newly announced Saudi initiative to end the war in Yemen offers the first real prospects for peace, experts say.
Prior to this, there has been no formal peace process or enough diplomatic investment in Yemen, said Farea Al-Muslimi, chairman and co-founder of the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies.
“The entire regional conflict resolution model over the past five years has not been enough in responding to what we are facing,” he said during a panel discussion on the current developments and regional dynamics of Yemen’s War, which was organized by Chatham House.
Saudi Arabia announced a new initiative to end the six-year war in Yemen last week, which calls for a UN-supervised nationwide cease-fire, the reopening of Sanaa airport to civilian air traffic, easing restrictions on Hodeidah port, and the resumption of negotiations to reach a political resolution to the conflict.
Al-Muslimi said reconciliation among Gulf states, the new administration of US President Joe Biden, and the US special envoy to Yemen that reports directly to the White House are all driving factors behind real peace prospects.
“It is really about time to hire more envoys to add to the diplomatic pressure in Yemen,” he said.
Al-Muslimi said Europe, the UK, the Gulf and the Arab League do not have envoys for Yemen.
He also said previous peace initiatives were not adhered to their fullest because they were handled solely by the UN, which is not able to lead a democratic transition without help.

(* B P)

Saudi Arabia is Forced to Offer A ‘Peace’ Solution

Many Yemeni Americans from afar who campaigned to end US support for Saudi Arabia’s war feel that Washington’s will not guarantee a lasting end to the war and the humanitarian crisis. After all, it is not clear to what extent the US will end its military support.

“It’s not a new ‘peace plan’, it is same old proposal, repackaged,” Jehan Hakim, Chair of the Yemeni Alliance Committee, told Byline Times, referring to past Saudi proposals for Yemen which had not materialized.

“After six long years of inconceivable suffering, war, famine and COVID, Yemen cannot wait any longer for this war to end. The Biden administration must make fully ending U.S. support for the world’s worst humanitarian crisis a foreign policy priority. It is a moral imperative that the international community steps up and supports a peace agreement that is in the interest of the Yemeni people.”

Aisha Jumaan, head of the Yemen Relief and Reconstruction Foundation, told Byline Times that even if Saudi Arabia ends its bombing campaign, peace efforts cannot be taken seriously while the suffocating blockade remains.

Aside from supporting ending the blockade, Algobary calls for more international support for a peace solution, otherwise current initiatives may not last and allow Yemen to achieve stability again.

“I think that the solution is to support Yemeni internal dialogue and that the United States of America and all western countries should support this dialogue and stop fuelling this war,” he said.

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

(B T)

Film: #Syria based armed group HTS, previously AlQaeda, has a #Saudi a cappella band to produce tracks for its videos. 1000s of #Saudis join HTS including students

(A P)

Film: Another underground music hit by local artists targeting #Saudi strongman #MBS. The song is a remake of legendary #Egyptian the late Sheikh Imam’s hit targeting #Sadat .

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp9 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-731 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-731: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

09:35 03.04.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
Dietrich Klose