Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 739 - Yemen War Mosaic 739

Yemen Press Reader 739: 6. Mai 2021: Der beste Weg zur Beendigung der Katastrophe im Jemen – Neue versöhnliche Töne der Saudis und eine Chance für die Diplomatie – Der Weg in Jemens Hungerkrise
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

... Solarbetriebene Bewässerung im Jemen: Chancen und Herausforderungen – Der Kampf um Taiz und das Versagen der Hadi-Regierung – Stämme und der Staat in Marib – US-Propaganda mit dem Begriff „Aggression“ – Regen und Sturzfluten im Jemen – und mehr

May 6, 2021: The best route to ending the disaster in Yemen – New conciliatory tone from Saudis and a chance for diplomacy – The road to Yemen’s starvation –Solar-powered Irrigation in Yemen: Opportunities and challenges – The battle for Taiz and Hadi government’s failure – Tribes and the state in Marib – US propaganda with the term “aggression” – Rain and torrents in Yemen – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Söldner / Mercenaries

cp13c Kulturerbe / Cultural heritage

cp13d Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp17a Kriegsereignisse: Schlacht um Marib / Theater of War: Marib battle

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

Regen und Sturzfluten: cp19 / Rain and torrents: cp19

(** B P)

The best route to ending the humanitarian disaster in Yemen

With tough questions being asked on Capitol Hill and about 80 members of Congress calling for pressure on Saudi Arabia to lift its blockade of Yemen, it cannot be long before the Biden administration will be expected to deliver real results to end a six-year conflict that has caused what the United Nations says is the world's worst humanitarian crisis.

The supply of aid and the lifting of the blockade would save countless lives. Yet they are consequences of the conflict, not its cause. Addressing them alone will not bring an end to war.

Neither will they change the fact that a ceasefire plan backed by the Biden administration and the Saudis has been rejected by the Houthi rebels.

Whilst some deride the group's intransigence, the impasse lies in expecting failed diplomatic solutions of the past to suddenly gain purchase in the present.

The international approach remains framed by UN Security Council Resolution 2216. Drafted by the Saudis in 2015, the resolution demanded the advancing Houthis' unconditional surrender to the Yemeni government that had gone into exile in Riyadh.

It was never realistic to expect the Houthis, then in control of over half the country, to withdraw from seized territory and lay down arms for nothing in return. Nor with the Houthis in control of more territory today is it practical to predicate a ceasefire on these anachronistic terms.

A rationale must be given for entering negotiations. An end to the Saudi blockade of the country is a start, but it is the prospect of a power sharing arrangement after these first steps in the process that makes peace talks a possibility. In other words, instead of squabbling with the Houthis over ceasefire conditions, the US should spell out a vision of what a peace settlement could look like.

Some say any sign of concession merely emboldens the Houthis to push further -- as demonstrated by the recent escalating violence in the Marib province, where the group has been attempting to take the last significant city under the official government's control.

It is important to understand that with peace negotiations more likely under President Joe Biden than his predecessor, the Houthis are trying to strengthen their position on the ground. This is no fault of the new US administration, it is simply the nature of war and leverage, by no means unique to Yemen or the Houthis.

Others believe the Houthis should not be allowed to hold any power at all. But it must be remembered peace is made with enemies, not friends. As in Afghanistan, where the US has been negotiating with the Taliban, the harsh reality remains to work with an unsavory group -- or continue the war.

If peace is to be made, the US should not only address port blockades, but more importantly lay down a framework for serious and credible negotiations. This would best be delivered through a new US-sponsored UN Security Council Resolution to replace that of 2015. It would demonstrate that a failed international framework had been truly jettisoned.

The Biden administration could begin by dropping the impractical surrender demands of old and compel the lifting of the Saudi blockade. It should also impose an arms embargo on all warring parties in Yemen that includes a ban on weapons financing and drone and missile technology. The UK and France have not followed the US in halting arms sales to Saudi Arabia, but it seems unlikely they would oppose a new US-led UN resolution, even less vote against it.

Any new resolution should also require foreign troops to leave Yemen. This means the Saudis should leave the eastern province of Mahra, and the Emiratis the southern islands of Socotra and Mayun,

The resolution should also envisage a broader mediation framework that starts with the acknowledgment that this has never been a war just between two sides. Houthis, the Islah-Muslim Brotherhood, Southern separatists, traditional political parties, women and civil society groups -- indeed, any domestic actor that has a stake in Yemen's future, or perversely the conflict's continuation -- must participate one way or another in peace talks. Without them, peace will never be stable.

Finally, and to build confidence in a new political process, the resolution should call for all armed activities by all sides to cease simultaneously -- with no pre-conditions. The resolution must, therefore, create the conditions for Yemenis to negotiate among themselves, free from outside interference.

Ultimately, it is for Yemenis to decide what a viable power sharing deal would look like – by Jamal Benomar, Chair of the International Center for Dialogue Initiatives. He was formerly United Nations special envoy to Yemen and U.N. under-secretary general.

My comment: The US obviously isn’t interested in real peace in Yemen, it’s just interested in saving US hegemony. Thus, the US would not let it happen that there will happen any possibility that anyone “creates the conditions for Yemenis to negotiate among themselves, free from outside interference”, and the US will prevent that “it is for Yemenis to decide what a viable power sharing deal would look like”. The US never has been a serious peacebroker; nowhere, never.

(** B K P)

Houthi Advances and Secret Saudi-Iranian Talks Prompt New Conciliatory Tone from Saudis

Bin Salman’s half-hearted appeal for peace, which allegedly included demands that the Houthis drop their alliance with Iran and abandon support for the Palestinian cause, did little to convince Ansar Allah’s leadership to ease the pressure on the Kingdom.

In a television interview broadcast across Saudi state-owned media outlets on Tuesday night, Salman flirted with the idea of reconciliation with the Houthis, using uncharacteristically endearing language to describe the group and acknowledging their Arab identity. While the latter description may seem trivial, it is a stark departure from the Kingdom’s efforts to portray the group as an outside force, an Iranian proxy bent on the destruction of ethnically Arab Yemen. This portrayal is, of course, demonstrably false, as Ansar Allah (the political wing of the Houthis) is comprised of a coalition of indigenous Yemeni tribes and the movement was active in the country long before Iran even existed in its current form, created as a stalwart against militant Sunni attackers backed by Saudi Arabia as far back as the 1960s.

The Saudi offer allegedly included generous economic support, huge sums of cash for Ansar Allah political leaders, and compensation to rebuild the war-destroyed country. It also came with the promise that Saudi Arabia would “allow” the movement to rule the entirety of northern Yemen with international recognition. In return, however, the Kingdom demanded something that the Houthis were unwilling to cede, that they drop their alliance with Iran and abandon support for the Palestinian cause.

In fact, Salman’s half-hearted appeal for peace did little to convince Ansar Allah’s leadership to ease the pressure on the Kingdom. Mohammed Abdulsalam, the group’s chief negotiator, responded to Salman’s statement by saying:

Positive words about Yemen must be accompanied with action… Any positive discourse on Yemen hinges on practical application, like lifting the blockade and giving priority to humanitarian issues, as they are urgent and touch the needs of all Yemeni people. Such a step would be welcomed and prove the legitimacy of a trend towards peace in Yemen.”

What is behind Saudi shift?

Mohammed bin Salman’s change of course in Yemen came just days after Saudi officials held secret talks with Iranian officials in Iraq, which culminated in statements by Saudi officials hinting that they were ready to seek reconciliation with Iran. A high-ranking member of Ansar Allah told MintPress, on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the subject, that the offer for reconciliation came tied to a demand that Tehran pressure Ansar Allah to halt its drone and ballistic missile attacks against Saudi oil facilities, abandon efforts to recapture the oil-rich Marib province, and accept a Saudi-brokered peace deal in the war-torn country.

Ostensibly, Salman’s statements come in the context of international efforts to rekindle the Iran nuclear deal. But the facts on the ground cannot be ignored. Namely, the economic repercussions of the missile attacks on Saudi oil facilities that have been launched by the Ansar Allah-backed Yemen Army and the group’s advances in the oil-rich Marib province, a lucrative source of income for the Saudi state-owned ARAMCO oil company – by Ahmed Abdulkareem


(** B P)

Saudi walks diplomatic high wire on Iran, Yemen

The dialogue, facilitated by Iraq, marks the first significant effort to defuse tensions since the regional powers cut ties in 2016 after Iranian protesters, infuriated over the kingdom's execution of a Shiite cleric, attacked Saudi diplomatic missions.

Riyadh is now seeking Tehran's support to wind down its costly six-year military engagement in neighbouring Yemen.

In parallel with efforts in Baghdad, an American delegation led by US special envoy Tim Lenderking and Senator Chris Murphy met during the past week with UN envoy Martin Griffiths in Oman as part of a diplomatic push for a ceasefire in Yemen.

"There is a direct link between Saudi-Iran talks and what is happening in Muscat given the leverage the Iranians have over the Huthis," Ahmed Nagi, a scholar at Carnegie Middle East Center, told AFP.

"The key question here is -- could this round of negotiations put an end to Yemen's protracted war or lead to just a temporary ceasefire?"

"All efforts are aimed at trying to de-escalate the conflict between Saudis and the Huthis, but there are several layers of conflict... (that will require) long-term and multi-track mechanisms, which seem absent."

The manoeuvres come as US President Joe Biden pushes to revive the tattered 2015 Iran nuclear deal, known as JCPOA, which was abandoned by his predecessor Donald Trump.

Saudi Arabia, a Sunni powerhouse locked in a battle for regional supremacy with Shiite Iran, has sought a seat at the negotiating table.

But amid pushback from Iran over concerns that Saudi Arabia could try to sabotage the deal, one Western official told AFP that the kingdom is at least hoping for "a seat in a room next to the room".

"There's nothing bigger in the Saudi-Iran dialogue," said Cinzia Bianco, a research fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations.

"It's basically Yemen for JCPOA. Full stop."

A source close to Saudi rulers said the kingdom had low expectations from its dialogue with Iran, with no breakthrough likely after years of bitter rivalry.

At the very least, the talks would "help show (the) Biden administration that we are 'reasonable' and open to dialogue," the Saudi source told AFP.

In this scenario, the kingdom is moving to lower the temperature on several fronts across the Middle East -- including patching up a bitter three-year feud with rival Qatar -- as it courts investment to fund its ambitious megaprojects and diversify its oil-reliant economy.

But its main struggle is to disentangle itself from the wrenching conflict in Yemen, which has left tens of thousands of people dead and triggered a humanitarian crisis.

Some analysts warn hopes that talks with Iran will help the kingdom achieve that objective could be misplaced.

"The Huthis would prefer to be their own interlocutor with Saudi Arabia and will not want Iran taking their place in that," Elana DeLozier, a fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told AFP.

"Even if Saudi Arabia ends up having some influence on Iran's choices vis-a-vis Yemen, the Iranians will not be able to usurp Saudi-Huthi talks entirely." =

(** B E H P)

The Road to Yemen’s Starvation

Yemen was thrown into a downward spiral of rural impoverishment by a combination of irresponsible, short-sighted governance and a reckless global food regime.

Yemen’s food crisis is not different in its nature from other regions of the Arab world and the agrarian south more broadly. However, it is a severe case, hence the warning issued a year ago by the United Nations that Yemen, along with other countries, faces the imminent threat of famines of “biblical proportions.” The mass starvation that has engulfed the country is partly a consequence of the ongoing conflict, especially the economic blockade imposed in 2015. Yet the root causes predate the civil war, as devastating as it has been, and have only been revealed and exacerbated by it. At its core, Yemen’s food emergency is an agrarian and a rural social crisis that has been in the making since the formation of the two republics in the 1960s.

It is difficult to understand how a country of experienced farmers, extensively terraced areas and fertile agricultural valleys could fail to feed itself.

But despite the fragility of the Arabian Peninsula’s environment, including its southwestern corner, the ingenuity of Yemeni farmers’ methods has successfully established innovative and truly sustainable systems of agriculture and food production since time immemorial. As it turns out, what has thrown Yemen into a downward spiral of rural marginalization and impoverishment is an insidious alliance between irresponsible, short-sighted governance and a reckless global food regime, one that is obsessed with the bottom line and market value. Together, as Utsa Patnaik and Sam Moyo write in “The Agrarian Question in the Neoliberal Era: Primitive Accumulation and the Peasantry,” they worked to “reinforce the incorporation of the peasantry into volatile world markets and extend land alienation, while increasing import dependence.”

Once Yemen was hooked on “speculative world markets dominated by monopoly finance capital,” the rest of the damage was automatic. In fact, that is how free markets work, if that is what you feed into them. Yemen is a good case in point for malintegration with the global economy and the imposition of unequal agricultural trade at the expense of both food security and sovereignty.

Of Donkeys and Farmers

There are two main drivers of Yemen’s persistent and severe food insecurity. Both of them were simultaneously brought about by developmental interventions in the country, particularly in what is commonly referred to as northern Yemen. This part of the country is home to a major water-shed infrastructure spanning two fundamental food-producing systems: the mountain highlands and the lowland Yemeni Tihamah, the Red Sea coastal plain.

The first and foremost driver of insecurity is the large loss of domestic production of native staple grains, including, above all, sorghum. Called dhurrah in Yemen, sorghum is an important traditional staple for humans and livestock.

This loss is the direct result of the agricultural trade liberalization of the country’s local markets that was indirectly dictated to Yemen. It was done in the name of development, of course, by luring the country into artificially low prices for basic commodities on global markets. In her review of Samir Amin’s writing and ideas, Ingrid Harvold Kvangraven underscores that external dictates such as those imposed on Yemen have prioritized the demands of international capital over the long-term needs of the people. She adds that states, capitalists and non-capitalists alike, “need to invest not just in the goods that are the most immediately profitable on the world market or domestically, but in long-term projects that are the most likely to lead to improvements in living standards for people.”

As a consequence, Yemen became absurdly overdependent on basic foodstuff imports, including, notably, wheat and rice, from volatile world markets. In addition to leading to the country’s alarming state of hunger, the loss of domestic production has eventually resulted in a significant decrease in rural sustainability and livelihood. The domestic production figures speak for themselves. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization Corporate Statistical Database (FAOSTAT), Yemen produced between 700,000 and 760,000 tons of sorghum during the early 1960s. In 1960, the country’s population was 5.3 million. In sharp contrast, by 2014, one year before the start of the war, the quantity dropped to less than half, 341,000 tons, and then to 222,000 and 162,000 tons in 2015 and 2016 respectively.

By that time, the population had grown to an estimated 27.2 million. Meanwhile, the country’s net domestic supply quantity of wheat, for instance, went from an average of 115,222 tons for the period 1961–69 to 3,104,625 tons between 2010 and 2017. Similarly, the average domestic supply quantity of rice went from 20,333 tons to 533,250 tons for the same periods. Given that Yemen does not grow rice and almost entirely imports wheat, these figures portray Yemen’s rapid and costly transformation from food self-sufficiency to striking food insecurity.

Capturing the essence of the collapse of Yemen’s agriculturally self-sufficient economy is the shrewd observation by a professor of political philosophy at the University of Sanaa that donkeys and smallholding agriculturalists in Yemen share the same fate. Originally published in 1988, Abu Bakr al-Saqqaf’s analysis noted that lost donkeys that had been wandering the streets of the cities of Taiz, al-Hodeidah and Sanaa were dying of hunger or being killed by vehicles. Despite being an important agricultural asset, the animals were abandoned because their owners could no longer afford fodder. To deal with this problem, the Yemeni government borrowed money from the United States to supply fodder to local farmers instead of addressing the root cause of the problem.

The fate of the donkeys’ owners was no different. Coerced by the forces of the free market to abandon their agricultural lands altogether, they ended up wandering off en masse all the way to the Gulf, not just to urban Yemen. Previously dignified and accomplished farmers, Yemen’s smallholders and other rural male labor spent the rest of their working lives confined to small rooms they shared with other estranged comrades. Those who were better off lived in pathetic housing conditions in overpopulated and very poor parts of town. As such, Yemen’s peasantry was uprooted from the land, neither by chance nor by circumstances of their own making.

Regrettably, all alarms sounded over Yemen’s food insecurity and water insecurity have been deliberately ignored. The obvious dispossession, displacement and imprudent exploitation of agricultural assets, labor and resources under neoliberal conditionalities make it a foregone conclusion to state that Yemen’s famine is but a historic policy failure, as Patnaik and Moyo demonstrate in their book. In the words of Ali Kadri, “Yemeni labour and resources have to be continuously undermined and cheapened.” He explains: “The labouring classes in Yemen have to be denied control of their resources and readied to enter the global accumulation system as material of capital via its encroachment side.”

At any rate, agricultural policy in Yemen has commodified human life and dignity. Going forward, two things must change. First, Yemenis need to own their national development strategy. Second, the mainstream doctrines and attitudes toward the development of Yemen’s agriculture sector and the whole economy more broadly must change. In other words, postwar agricultural development policy must be both inward-looking and holistic. In agrarian societies, agriculture and rural production are integral to the whole economy. In the case of Yemen, a major change in agricultural policy that shifts away from ill-conceived neoliberal policies is inevitable, for they have not only silenced the interests of Yemen’s mostly rural population but famished the whole country – by Zaid Ali Basha

(** B E H)

Solar-Powered Irrigation in Yemen: Opportunities, Challenges and Policies

Executive Summary

Yemen is one of the most water-scarce countries in the world, with renewable water resources currently capable of providing only 75 m3 per capita per year – well below the water scarcity threshold. And this volume is steadily dropping. The agricultural sector in Yemen is the dominant user of groundwater resources, accounting for around 90 percent of total consumption. Due to the current crisis, fuel required for pumps has become scarce and very expensive; as a result, solar energy has begun to play a role in the extraction and supply of groundwater for irrigation. However, there is concern about the misuse of this new technology. This study examines the current trend of solar-powered irrigation system (SPIS) use in Sana’a Basin, identifying the pros and cons of this approach. It presents the perspectives of farmers and experts in terms of what is happening and what should be done to maximize the benefits and minimize the negative impacts of SPIS. The incidence of SPIS installation is increasing at a rate of more than 4 percent annually. Farmers spoken to as a part of this study expressed enthusiasm to use SPIS and cited capital cost as the biggest obstacle to their acquiring this technology. This paper proposes governance and policy recommendations for overall water management and, in particular, for future studies and regulation of SPIS-driven groundwater use. Setting appropriate policies for water-pumping powered by renewable energy will help to conserve groundwater sources and sustainably preserve livelihoods.


Yemen has experienced unrest for many years, suffering from civil conflicts, wars, a deteriorating economy and severe depletion of water resources.[1] The country’s aridity, limited water resources, and the mismanagement and overexploitation of water contribute to Yemen’s water insecurity. The current war has had a significant impact on water use and the performance of the water and irrigation sectors.[2] Ongoing instability in the country has had negative impacts on the availability of fuel and electricity – energy sources that have typically been used to extract and transport groundwater. As a result of the increased scarcity of electricity and fuel, water resources have been harder to access and water services have become less reliable. Solar energy has started to play a role in providing water to different users, including farmers, who rely to a large extent on groundwater for their agricultural activities. Going beyond generalities, this paper looks in detail at the current uses and potential impact of solar-powered irrigation systems (SPIS) on the sustainability of the use of Yemen’s scarce water.

This study focuses on Sana’a Basin, where the shortage of water is among the most problematic. Of all global national capitals, Sana’a has often been identified as the one most likely to run out of water first.[3] It is important to remember that the hydrology of Yemen varies considerably and therefore findings about Sana’a cannot be assumed to be valid for other basins and regions. However, there are some principles and recommendations of a general nature that are valid across the country. Strategies and detailed policies must, of course, be specific to each basin and region.

None of the official authorities and their related policies/strategies, including the Ministry of Electricity and Energy (MEE), the Ministry of Water and Environment (MWE) and the Ministry of Agriculture, Irrigation and Fisheries (MAIF), have addressed the issues associated with the use of solar energy in Yemen.[4] There are a few studies about solar energy for domestic use,[5] but these have little bearing on the technology’s use for agricultural water extraction. A 2019 UNDP report, the only study so far to discuss the use of SPIS in Yemen, determined the positive advantages of SPIS and promoted its use, but said little about the possible impact of SPIS on groundwater sources.[6]

One of the main issues in water management in Yemen is the considerable groundwater over-extraction, which threatens the viability of life in many parts of the country, as water availability diminishes. One of the problems faced by planners is the complete absence of policies and regulations for the management of new solar energy technologies used for water extraction, but they must also contend with the absence of detailed analysis based on actual field data for SPIS. This paper contributes to reducing this gap. If the over-extraction issue remains unaddressed, the further deterioration of water availability will make life in parts of the country more challenging, if not impossible. With the growing demand for SPIS in Yemen – and given its ability to provide affordable, clean-energy solutions – this paper aims to propose recommendations for governance and donor/financer approaches to the recognition and regulation of SPIS-driven groundwater use.


Although the findings of this study suggest caution in the use of solar power for irrigation, it should be emphasized that its promotion both for the supply of domestic water and of household electricity is an entirely positive development that should be encouraged. Solar power is, in this way, providing basic services to the population, particularly for thousands of rural households throughout the country who would otherwise not have access to these essential facilities.

With respect to sustainable management of Yemen’s scarce water resources, the main finding of this study is that SPIS requires better regulation and management, alongside other water extraction mechanisms, primarily in agriculture, but also for domestic and other uses. The field data collected for this study demonstrates that the use of SPIS has dramatically increased in the last decade in Yemen. The data also shows that the use of solar energy for irrigation in solar-rich and groundwater-scarce Yemen is likely to adversely affect groundwater resources, in the absence of effectively implemented regulations. In other words, SPIS is yet another mechanism that, unless well managed, could contribute to worsening Yemen’s overall water scarcity. The crucial factor determining SPIS attractiveness for farmers is that the marginal cost of solar-powered pumping is almost negligible once they have made the initial investment.

What is also clear is that the cost of a solar irrigation system increases significantly with the depth of the water table. In the case of Sana’a Basin, where wells are deep, costs for installing SPIS reach up to US$100,000. This method of irrigation therefore increases the gap between poor and rich farmers. Even where water can be reached at lesser depths, the price of SPIS installation is still beyond the means of most smallholders. SPIS is more accessible for the wealthiest farmers – those who own other businesses and/or grow the highest value crops.

Overall, it is important to note that all forms of deep-well irrigation are beyond the means of the majority of smallholders. This has a number of implications. First and foremost, farmers can justify irrigating the highest value crops and, more likely than not, they will expand their qat areas at the expense of cultivating basic food crops, such as sorghum. Second, irrigation costs, alongside other economic pressures, are likely to concentrate land ownership even further, as smallholders are forced to sell their assets, thus gradually worsening social differentiation. Policies focused on reducing inequality need to take these factors into consideration when planning water management.

Sana’a Basin is not the only area where aquifers are now very deep; Sa’ada is another. The risk of unsustainable over-exploitation of aquifers and, ultimately, their exhaustion is high throughout the country. Exhaustion of aquifers means not only an end to agriculture but the end of an area being habitable, ultimately leading to forced migration.

Yemen’s formal legal frameworks on water are not fully implemented and, in any case, fail to address the newly introduced SPIS technologies. All legal frameworks and regulations concerning water and energy must be updated to take into consideration the specificities of solar energy technologies, including the use of SPIS. In the short term, it may be difficult to control technology uptake during the war. It is essential that all SPIS users, including the companies and organizations carrying out SPIS installations, increase their understanding of the fragility of water tables. This involves the development of a massive awareness program, which would help to optimize SPIS use and be a good start toward reducing the over-exploitation of aquifers. However, in the medium and long terms, authorities should regulate SPIS and ensure the safe and sustainable use of water resources in Yemen. – by Musaed M. Aklan and Helen Lackner

(** B K P)

Short on Trust, Weapons and Planning, Government Surge in Taiz Fails


Taiz has been a divided city since 2015, with Houthi forces (Ansar Allah) holding the northern suburbs of Yemen’s third-largest city as well as much of the northern part of the governorate. The Houthis control both Taiz’s industrial zone to the northeast of the city, gaining hundreds of millions of rials every year through taxes on factory owners, as well as the governorate’s three main roads. As a result, for the past six years residents of Taiz city have lived under siege. Houthi snipers are a constant presence, making some roads and alleyways impassable. Food and supplies into government-held portions of the city are forced to make the long journey up from Aden, entering Taiz through the sole government-held road, more dirt track than paved road. A trip across town that once would have taken 15 minutes now takes 5-6 hours, as travelers are forced to navigate around frontlines and through a myriad of checkpoints held by competing militias and military units.

Efforts to lift the siege on Taiz through negotiations have failed, most notably the 2018 Stockholm Agreement, which included a statement of understanding on Taiz in which the internationally recognized government and Houthis agreed to form joint committees to discuss the issue. Underscoring the lack of progress to resolve the situation since, UN envoy Martin Griffiths reiterated that Taiz remains “besieged” in his latest briefing to the UN Security Council in April 2021, adding that the closure of key roads has inflicted terrible social and economic consequences upon local residents for years.

The conflict in Taiz has proceeded in stages. The initial conflict between the Houthis and a loose anti-Houthi coalition eventually gave way in 2018 and 2019 to a conflict within the anti-Houthi coalition. Islah and its affiliated military units largely won that war, pushing rival forces such as the 35th Armored Brigade and the Abu al-Abbas group out of Taiz city and into the countryside to the south and firmly establishing themselves as the main power broker on the government side in the city.

In early March 2021, the war in Taiz shifted yet again as pro-government forces launched an offensive on Houthi frontlines, resulting in some of the largest changes in territorial control in years around the city. The offensive was undertaken with the primary objective of forcing the Houthis to divert resources from a renewed offensive launched in February against the government stronghold of Marib.

With the Houthis focused on Marib, government forces in Taiz made some initial advances against depleted Houthi frontlines. However, despite calls on the government side to dedicate more resources to the Taiz battles and shift objectives to completely lifting the siege on the city, government forces’ early successes were short-lived. A lack of trust, weapons, and planning among the anti-Houthi coalition ultimately spelled failure for the offensive. By the end of March, pro-government forces remained in control of a number of newly seized areas, but were pushed out of most strategic locations captured earlier in the month.

This policy brief details how fighting played out in Taiz in March, the actions by pro-government and Houthi forces during the resumption of clashes and the impact of the violence on civilians. It ends by examining the potential for a renewed outbreak of violence in Taiz and offers practical recommendations to the Houthi movement, the internationally recognized government and the Saudi-led coalition on how to deescalate tensions in the city and alleviate the dire humanitarian and security situation for civilians in the governorate.


Despite the decline in combat operations, and the Houthis retaking many positions lost early in the government offensive, pro-government military commanders and political party leaders reiterate that the battle has not stopped. Instead, they depict the recent lull as an opportunity for forces to rest and for commanders to reassess the course of the previous battles to avoid making the same mistakes again.

Government forces likely have the capacity to restart the offensive, and potentially gain ground against the Houthis in Taiz, given the government’s massive advantage in terms of the number of fighters available. Lack of coordination and trust between the Saudi-led coalition and government forces, and among the various anti-Houthi forces, remains the biggest obstacle. The Saudi-led coalition and some anti-Houthi groups view Taiz as nothing more than Islah’s second stronghold, after Marib. As a result, opaque intra-government rivalries and competing agendas will continue to play a prominent role in developments in Taiz moving forward.

Ultimately, even if there is a new round of battles to lift the siege on Taiz, expectations for success on the government side are low absent the formulation of new tactics and methods for enhanced coordination, based on lessons learned from the disorganized March offensive – by Khaled Farouq

(** B P)

Tribes and the State in Marib


For most of Yemen’s modern history, the tribes of Marib have largely been perceived as hostile toward the state. This perception, however, has been turned on its head since the armed Houthi movement seized the capital Sana’a in 2014, after which the group set its eyes on neighboring Marib. In response, Marib’s tribes have emerged as the last line of defense against Houthi attempts to capture the strategic governorate from the internationally recognized government. Alongside the positive role the tribes have played in ensuring Marib’s stability, a noticeable change has emerged in tribal views toward the Yemeni state and its interests. Rather than viewing the state with suspicion and hostility, the tribes have become a critical force in maintaining whatever is left of the state’s institutions, and even the republican system, in Marib. This new reality necessitates exploring new formulas that can push for peace and help fulfill the project of building a democratic Yemeni state.

Conclusion and Looking Ahead

Events in Marib since 2014 have underscored that the tribes and the state share a mutual fate. Although the tribes are not homogeneous in terms of their stances and affiliations, they currently represent the last line of defense in a shared battle with the Yemeni government against the Houthi movement. This contradicts the historical notion – articulated by some prominent Yemeni intellectuals[22] – that tribes are the antithesis of the state and its natural rival, and calls for exploring ideas for how tribes and the state can further contribute to building peace and stability together.

Given the current weakness of the central government, tribes have increasingly dealt with Islah as if the party is the state. This mode of tribal-state relations has benefited from the dual role played by Al-Aradah as an Abidah tribal sheikh and governor. His position as the ultimate arbitrator of disputes in Marib was established in the 2014 Nakhla tribal matareh. This clearly demonstrates the positive role played by Marib’s tribes in instilling stability and advocating a more consultative process of local governance and suggests that tribes can play a critical role in politics and supporting the state in the future.

One obvious place to include more tribal participation is in the UN-backed peace negotiations on Yemen. These efforts would benefit from tribal mediation customs and from tribes’ reputation as adaptive non-ideological social entities, and for political flexibility and dealing making. Additionally, the unique societal position of tribal sheikhs should be utilized; sheikhs can become cease-fire guarantors, based on the historic perception of them as honorable and fair figures. Relationships between tribal sheikhs can also be used to bridge divides brought about by the war; for instance, relationships between Marib-based tribal sheikhs and other tribal leaders considered neutral in the war (such as in Al-Mahra and Shabwa) could be utilized to reach out to tribal sheikhs in Houthi-controlled areas, which could serve as a basis for local, or even national, negotiations.

The humanitarian situation and efforts to normalize life near frontlines in Marib could also be improved by facilitating communication between tribes in Houthi-held areas and government-controlled territory; working to reach agreements based on and protected by tribal custom could help overcome differences that have emerged as a result of the war. For example, the tribal law of hijra (migration) closely resembles the international legal concept of safe zones. Invoking hijra could transform certain contested areas into humanitarian zones protected by the tribes – including the main road between Marib and Sana’a – as has previously taken place in Shabwa. Finally, the state should respond to the transformation in tribal attitudes toward the state by working to better address basic needs, ensuring the delivery of public services, and enhancing development in tribal areas – by Ahmed Al-Tars Al-Arami

(** B K P)

Es ist Aggression, wenn „sie“ es tun, aber Verteidigung, wenn „wir“ es noch schlimmer treiben

Aggression wird in der internationalen Politik gemeinhin als die Anwendung von Waffengewalt gegen einen anderen souveränen Staat definiert, die nicht durch Selbstverteidigung oder internationale Autorität gerechtfertigt ist. Jeder Staat, der in der außenpolitischen oder internationalen Berichterstattung als aggressiv bezeichnet wird, ist daher fast per Definition im Unrecht.

Es ist ein Wort, das sich leicht auf die Vereinigten Staaten anwenden lässt, die allein zwischen 1946 und 2000 81 ausländische Interventionen gestartet haben. Im 21. Jahrhundert haben die Vereinigten Staaten die souveränen Staaten Afghanistan, Irak, Libyen, Syrien, Pakistan, Jemen und Somalia angegriffen, überfallen oder besetzt.

Trotz dieser US-Bilanz reservieren die westlichen Konzernmedien das Wort „Aggression“ überwiegend für offizielle Feindstaaten – ob es nun gerechtfertigt ist oder nicht. Im Gegensatz dazu wird das Verhalten der USA fast nie als aggressiv eingestuft, was den Lesern ein irreführendes Bild von der Welt vermittelt.

Hill: Nur eine ernsthafte Antwort wird Irans wachsende Aggression umkehren – The Hill (10/3/19)

Der vielleicht bemerkenswerteste internationale aggressive Akt der letzten Zeit war die Ermordung des iranischen Generals und politischen Führers Qassem Soleimani durch die Trump-Administration im vergangenen Jahr. Dennoch schaffte es die Washington Post (1/4/20) in ihrem langen und detaillierten Bericht über das Ereignis, den Iran als den Aggressor darzustellen. Die USA hätten lediglich „diesen Moment gewählt, um eine Operation gegen den Führer der iranischen Quds-Truppe zu erkunden, nachdem sie monatelang die iranische Aggression im Persischen Golf toleriert hatten“, so die Post.

Es gab auch Raum für hochrangige US-Vertreter, fälschlicherweise zu behaupten, Soleimani sei dabei gewesen, einen „unmittelbar bevorstehenden“ Angriff auf Hunderte von Amerikanern auszuführen. Tatsächlich war er zu Friedensgesprächen im Irak, die ein Ende des Krieges zwischen den Staaten der Region herbeiführen sollten. Der irakische Premierminister enthüllte, dass er Soleimani persönlich eingeladen und um den Segen Washingtons gebeten hatte, ihn zu empfangen, und diesen auch erhielt. Stattdessen nutzte Trump diese Information, um ihn zu töten.

Monatelang waren die Medien mit Geschichten überschwemmt worden, die auf den Verlautbarungen von US-Vertretern beruhten, dass eine iranische Aggression unmittelbar bevorstehe (z. B. Yahoo! News, 1.2.19; Reuters, 4.12.19; New York Times, 23.11.19; Washington Post, 22.6.19). The Hill (10/3/19) gab einem General im Ruhestand Raum, um zu fordern, dass wir uns „verteidigen“ müssen, indem wir einen „ernsthaften Gegenschlag“ gegen den Iran ausführen, der „unsere Entschlossenheit mit aggressiven Aktionen testet.“

New York Times: ‚Are We Getting Invaded?‘ (‚Werden wir überfallen?‘): US-Boot konfrontiert russische Aggression in der Nähe von Alaska

New York Times (11/12/20)

Das Konzept der US-Kriegsführung wird in der Konzernpresse einfach nicht ernsthaft diskutiert, was zu der Schlussfolgerung führt, dass das Wort „Aggression“ im Neusprech wenig mehr bedeutet als „Handlungen, die wir nicht mögen, die von feindlichen Staaten ausgeführt werden.“ – von Alan Macleod =

(** B P)

It’s Aggression When ‘They’ Do It, but Defense When ‘We’ Do Worse

Aggression, in international politics, is commonly defined as the use of armed force against another sovereign state, not justified by self-defense or international authority. Any state being described as aggressive in foreign or international reporting, therefore, is almost by definition in the wrong.

It’s a word that seems easy to apply to the United States, which launched 81 foreign interventions between 1946 and 2000 alone. In the 21st century, the United States has attacked, invaded or occupied the sovereign states of Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia.

Despite the US record, Western corporate media overwhelmingly reserve the word “aggression” for official enemy nations—whether or not it’s warranted. In contrast, US behavior is almost never categorized as aggressive, thereby giving readers a misleading picture of the world.

Perhaps the most notable internationally aggressive act in recent memory was the Trump administration’s assassination of Iranian general and political leader Qassem Soleimani last year. Yet in its long and detailed report on the event, the Washington Post (1/4/20) managed to present Iran as the aggressor. The US was merely “choos[ing] this moment to explore an operation against the leader of Iran’s Quds Force, after tolerating Iranian aggression in the Persian Gulf for months,” in the Post’s words.

It also gave space to senior US officials to falsely claim Soleimani was aiming to carry out an “imminent” attack on hundreds of Americans. In fact, he was in Iraq for peace talks designed to bring an end to war between states in the region. The Iraqi prime minister revealed that he had invited Soleimani personally, and had asked for and received Washington’s blessing to host him. Trump instead used that information to kill him.

For months, media had been awash with stories, based on US officials’ proclamations, that Iranian aggression was just around the corner (e.g., Yahoo! News, 1/2/20; Reuters, 4/12/19; New York Times, 11/23/19; Washington Post, 6/22/19). The Hill (10/3/19) gave a retired general space to demand that we must “defend ourselves” by carrying out a “serious response” against Iran, who is “test[ing] our resolve with aggressive actions.”

Russia is another country constantly portrayed as aggressive.

Even as the US has been flying squadrons of nuclear bombers from North Dakota to Iran and back, each time in effect simulating dropping atomic bombs on the country, media have framed this as a “defensive move” (Politico, 12/30/20) meant to stop “Iranian aggression” (Defense One, 1/27/20) by “deter[ring] Iran from attacking American troops in the region” (New York Times, 12/30/20).

That the US, by definition, is always acting defensively and never aggressively is close to an iron law of journalism.

The concept of US belligerence is simply not being discussed seriously in the corporate press, leading to the conclusion that the word “aggression” in newspeak means little more than “actions we don’t like carried out by enemy states.” – by Alan Macleod

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(* A H)

24 new cases of coronavirus reported, 6,414 in total

The committee also reported the death of 20 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 18 others.
1,087 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(* A H)

27 new cases of coronavirus reported, 6,390 in total

The committee also reported the death of one coronavirus patient, in addition to the recovery of 38 others.
1,077 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(* A H)

22 new cases of coronavirus reported, 6,363 in total

The committee also reported the death of 6 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 35 others.
1,106 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(* B H)

Krieg und Zweifel verlangsamen die COVID-Impfung in der umstrittenen Stadt Jemen

Viele Jemeniten scheinen sich aus religiösen Gründen, wegen des Misstrauens gegenüber dem Impfstoff oder wegen der Kriegsgefahren nur ungern impfen zu lassen.

Der Jemen hat 360.000 Dosen aus dem weltweiten COVAX-Impfstoff-Sharing-Programm erhalten, doch viele Jemeniten scheinen aus religiösen Gründen, aufgrund des Misstrauens gegenüber dem Impfstoff oder wegen der Kriegsgefahren nicht bereit zu sein, sich impfen zu lassen.

„Wir haben in Taiz 70.000 Dosen erhalten und am 21. April mit der Impfkampagne begonnen“, sagte Rajeh al-Maliki, Leiter des jemenitischen Gesundheitsministeriums in Taiz.

„Wir können mit Recht sagen, dass das Interesse sehr gering ist. Wir haben seit Beginn rund 500 Aufnahmen verteilt. Das ist weniger als erwartet“, sagte Maliki.

In diesem Jahr gab es im Jemen einen dramatischen Anstieg der Infektionen, der ein Gesundheitssystem belastete, das bereits von Krieg, wirtschaftlichem Zusammenbruch und einem Mangel an Hilfsgeldern heimgesucht wurde.

Al-Maliki und andere Ärzte sagten, dass viele Jemeniten, einschließlich des medizinischen Personals, glauben, dass der Impfstoff während des heiligen Monats Ramadan ihr Fasten brechen würde.

Checkpoints und Scharfschützen in der stark militarisierten Stadt machen es vielen Einwohnern unmöglich, Krankenhäuser zu erreichen, sagten sie.

Menschen, die in von Houthi kontrollierten Stadtteilen leben, müssen etwa 50 km zurücklegen, um Frontlinien zu vermeiden und das von der Regierung kontrollierte Hauptkrankenhaus zu erreichen.

(* B H)

War and doubts slow COVID-19 vaccination in disputed Yemen city

In al-Thawra hospital in the disputed Yemeni city of Taiz, a nurse with no face mask or protective gear inoculates the few people who have shown interest in the COVID-19 vaccine.She picks an AstraZeneca vial from a cooler box, warms it with her hands and invokes the name of god before injecting the shot into a man’s left arm.

Yemen has received 360,000 doses from the global COVAX vaccine-sharing scheme, yet many Yemenis seem reluctant to get inoculated on religious grounds, due to distrust of the vaccine, or because of the dangers of war.

“We have received 70,000 doses in Taiz and we started the vaccination campaign on April 21,” Rajeh al-Maliki, head of Yemen’s health ministry in Taiz.

“We can fairly say that there is very little interest … we have distributed around 500 shots since we started, it is less than we expected,” Maliki said.

There has been a dramatic spike in infections in Yemen this year, straining a health system already battered by war, economic collapse and a shortfall in aid funding. =


(A H)

Health ministry: 10,000 Yemenis received AstraZeneca, no side effects

(* B H)

COVID-19: Is herd immunity the only option for fragile Yemen?

The first case of COVID-19 in Yemen was confirmed on 10 April 2020. Having faced with a six-year long conflict that has destroyed half of its healthcare facilities and displaced millions, predictions of infections and mortality in Yemen suggested a looming healthcare catastrophe. Difficulty in implementing coordinated lockdowns and preventive measures due to the daily labor working nature of the majority of the population, provided the perfect breeding ground for the SARS-CoV-2 virus. However, official figures of infections and mortality are very low and there have not been confirmed reports of excess mortality. This could indicate that Yemen is silently marching towards forced herd immunity. Seroprevalence studies will provide useful insight into the COVID-19 transmission trajectory in Yemen, which can serve as a guide in planning vaccine distribution strategies and allocating the limited funds wisely.

(* A H)

16 new cases of coronavirus reported, 6,341 in total

The committee also reported the death of 4 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 81 others.
1,009 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(A H)

8 new cases of coronavirus reported, 6,325 in total

The committee also reported the death of 3 coronavirus patients, in addition to the recovery of 43 others.
1,068 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(A H)

Funded by UNFPA, Personal preventive equipment supplied to a number of health facilities to curb spread of Coronavirus

Various interventions Standing with the relevant authorities to confront the second wave of Covid-19, HUMAN ACCESS, through the Reproductive Health Services Support Project funded by the UNFPA, distributed personal preventive equipment (PPE) to 10 central hospitals in Taiz, Lahj, Hadramaut, and Al Mahrah governorates.,-personal-preventive-equipment-supplied-to-a-number-of-health-facilities-to-curb-spread-of-coronavirus

cp2 Allgemein / General

(* A K P)

Interactive Map of Yemen War

(* A K)

Yemen War Map daily updates, May 1 to 5 (May 2)

(B H P)

Today, a #Socotra garbage collector sent me these catastrophic photos of illegal dumping. Since last year's coup d'état, garbage collectors no longer have the material means to work.

(A P)

The Seventh Yemen Exchange Concludes

The Seventh Yemen Exchange concluded its two-week online program on May 3, 2021, bringing together over 50 participants from around the world who aim to gain unique access to information, perspectives, updates and analysis on Yemen.

Sana’a Center Executive Director Al-Madhaji said that “the Exchange is one of the Sana’a Center’s gateways to the world where in-depth knowledge is shared on various levels about Yemen, a place that is usually invisible and which is usually seen through the lens of war. The Center presents this knowledge through a different prism, shedding light on what is otherwise an underreported region.”

(A P)

Return of 11Yemeni Fishermen from Saudi Prisons

11 fishermen returned to the city of Hodeidah last night. They were deported by the Saudi Regime, leading an aggression against Yemen, after being detained in its prisons for more than forty days.

The fisherman, Yahya Maqbouli, explained that he and his colleagues were kidnapped in the territorial waters by a boat belonging to the Saudi enemy forces and taken to a prison in the Farasan area and interrogated for 9 days under torture, before they were transferred to another prison in Jizan, in which they remained for 40 days.

He pointed out that the aggression released them after confiscating their boat equipment and personal belongings.

and also

(* B K P)

Experts: No Military Solution To The War In Yemen, Proxy War Must End

The Euro-Mediterrnaen Human Rights Monitor has organized a webinar to discuss the EU’s approach towards the war in Yemen.

“The war in Yemen is not necessarily a war between Yemenis, it is also a proxy war at a regional and international level on Yemeni soil. There is no military soultion to this conflict, otherwise the continuation of the war will only increase the suffering of the people of Yemen.”

“The approach should also focus on economic pressure and targeted pressure on elites benefiting from the war. It is true that the only beneficiaries of this war have been the Houthis. The EU has a vital role to play in the peace process by putting forward new initiatives to end the war in Yemen and succeed where others have failed.”

Shaif presented a plan to end the war in Yemen, which includes three phases, that ends up with a memorandum where the Yemenis decide if they want a two-region system with the same foreign policy and defense policies or a two-state solution as was the case before 1990.

The first stage (2021-2022), Shaif noted, aims to reach a permanent ceasefire and should include the imposition of sanctions on anyone profiting from the war. Economic development should replace humanitarian aid both in the North and South regions.

The second stage (2022-2025) proposes a two-region solution: one region in the north and the other in the south each with its own parliament, political parties, executives, ministries, legislative and judicial powers, budget, internal security forces and police. A central administration will be responsible for defense, foreign policy and the allocation of an equitable share of national revenue to the two regions.

As for the third stage (2025-2030), a national referendum, one in the north and one in the south, would be held to decide whether or not to opt for two independent states (as was the case before 1990) or continue with the two-region solution.

Saul J. Takahashi, a Professor of Human Rights and Peace Studies at Osaka Jogakuin University, in Osaka, Japan and a former UN civil servant

The solution has to be a political one that ensures justice and respect for human rights. The conflict in Yemen has been characterized by these gross violations of humanitarian law.”

“The EU has been providing weapons to the parties in the conflict that are used in violations of the laws regarding war. These states have a responsibility under international law.” The Arms Trade Treaty, which came into effect in 2014 and was ratified by all EU member states, suggests that the EU should have knowledge on how the weapons it sold to a third world country are being used in the largest recorded crime against humanity. It is no longer posssible to deny what is taking place in Yemen.

(* B P)

Yemen journalists living in danger on World Press Freedom Day

Journalists in Yemen face a "tragic situation", the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) said Monday, as the international community marked the annual World Press Freedom Day.

Members of the press in Yemen are among the most endangered in the world.

"Civilians or military personnel can commit violations against journalists for no reason other than them doing field work, often without being held accountable," GCHR said.

Despite having ratified seven of the nine core international human rights treaties, Yemen continues to violate freedom of expression, ranking 169th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders (RSF)'s World Press Freedom Index.
Journalists are routinely harassed by officials for reporting on corruption and the poor performance of the government, which many see as a leading reason for the tightening of press freedoms in Yemen.

Journalists have been sentenced to death or killed in assassinations recorded as attacks by unknown perpetrators.

Four journalists were sentenced to death by the Iran-backed Houthi militia last month after being charged with spreading false news in support of Saudi Arabia and its allies.

and also


(* B P)

Yemeni journalists and press have paid a heavy price in this devastating war. Not only through the lives lost, arrests, kidnappings, violations, closure of press institutions and their cessation of work, but also through the process of systematic destruction of the press, and its role in society.

As the local and regional warring parties sought to turn the journalist into a mere trumpet, through which they spew their toxins or achieve their agenda. This made journalists - except for those of my Lord's mercy - lose their freedom, their professionalism and their ability to express the crushed, oppressed and absent majority of their voices in the blow of war and its polarizations.

Therefore, I can say that the loss of the press in this war is heavy, a loss absent from the eyes of the international and local community, and from what it means for the press to lose its freedom and its role in a society mired in systematic violence.

The press loses a lot every day, and it has turned into a weapon and a tool of war,


(A P)

YJS calls for ending Houthi war on press

The [pro-Hadi gov.] Yemeni Journalists Syndicate (YJS) has renewed its demands to release all Yemeni journalists detained by the Iran-backed Houthi militias while the spread of Covid 19 epidemic.

On the World Press Freedom Day, which coincides May 3, YJS held the Houthi militias responsible for not releasing the Yemeni journalists through swapping them with war prisoners.


(A P)

[Sanaa] Media Union Calls for Formation of International Committee to Investigate Crimes of US-Saudi Aggression against Media Professionals

Yemeni Media Union called for the formation of an independent international investigation committee to look into the crimes committed by the US-Saudi aggression against the press and media in Yemen and to bring all those involved to the competent international courts.

In a statement on the World Press Freedom Day, which falls on May 3, the Union indicated that the war of aggression against Yemeni journalists and media professionals is still continuing.

“The violations committed by the forces of the Saudi-led coalition against the media and the media professionals during six years amounted to 584 violations,” the statement reads. “The number of martyrs of the national media as a result of the aggression’s air strikes on the homes of journalists reached 74 and the martyrs of the military media reached 290, in addition to 25 wounded 25.”

and also

(* B P)

Discussion of Qatari, Turkish, Egyptian, and Red Sea influences.

This discussion of Qatari, Turkish, Egyptian, and other Red Sea influences in the Yemen crisis occurred during a Zoom meeting held on April 15, 2021. It was based on the findings of a book entitled "Global, Regional, and Local Dynamics in the Yemen Crisis" edited by Stephen Day and Noel Brehony and published in 2020 by Palgrave-Macmillan. Featured in the discussion are Mohammed al-Basha, former spokesperson at the Yemen embassy in Washington, DC; Alex Vatanka, an expert on Iran at the Middle East Institute; Alex de Waal, professor of Tufts University and executive director of the World Peace Foundation; Noel Brehony, Co-editor of the Palgrave-Macmillan book; and former US ambassador to Yemen, Gerald Feierstein.

My remark: Single clips already had been linked in Yemen War Mosaic 738, cp2.

(B P)

#Ramadan is about to end, and many are still eager to return to their loved ones. To all conflict parties in #Yemen: Release all those arbitrarily detained and disappeared

(B K)

[Sanaa] Yemeni Trade Unions Reveal Losses to Labor Sector as Result of US-Saudi Aggression, Blockade

The Unions stated during the conference that the number of martyrs among Yemeni workers as a result of targeting the aggression reached more than 10900, while the number of injuries reached 19,498. They indicated that hundreds of thousands of workers have been laid off from their work as a result of the systematic aggression of various vital installations and factories and the disruption of salaries.

The Unions affirmed that the US-Saudi aggression and blockade has caused an increase in the unemployment rate in Yemen to 65%, while the poverty line had increased to 80%.

(* A)

Yemen officials: Heavy flooding from seasonal rains kills 13

Floods swept through parts of Yemen amid heavy seasonal rains, leaving at least 13 people dead, including two children, security officials said Saturday.

Fatalities were reported in the provinces of Sanaa, Ibb, Shabwa and Hodeida, where it began raining late last month, the officials said. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to brief the media.

Heavy rains also pelted the provinces of Aden, Taiz and Hadramawt, where flooding damaged houses and vehicles, they said. Rescuers managed to save some residents trapped in their cars.

(B K P)

Film: Six years on and the war in Yemen continues to rage. The economy’s been weaponised and the international community still refuses to take meaningful action to end the war. @marclamonthill speaks with @shireen818 and @peterjsalisbury on @AJUpFront

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

(B H P)

Film: WASH Services Support Conflict-Affected Populations in Yemen

In one of the world’s most water-scarce countries, conflict has had a strong impact on the access to water and adequate sanitation services for the Yemeni people. World Bank’s IDA and UNICEF work together to improve access to clean water and sanitation services for children and their families in Yemen.

(* B H K)

Film: Stalked by death: How rising food insecurity is killing war-torn Yemen’s children

Nearly seven years of war in Yemen have produced the world's most dire humanitarian catastrophe. Millions are starving and have little in the way of medical care. Special correspondent Jane Ferguson has spent years traveling in and out of the country. She reports from between the rebel-held capital, Sana'a, and the last government stronghold, Marib, where she witnessed the worst conditions yet.

As Yemen's brutal war and the humanitarian catastrophe it wrought enters its seventh year, international aid is not close to keeping up with the vast needs here.

The global COVID crisis and economic austerity from donor countries has reduced pledges. Yet nowhere on Earth are so many people going hungry. Tens of thousands are already living with famine, the highest level of hunger in the United Nations' official scale.

Never before in history have so many been on the level just below, with the aid agencies literally keeping five million of Yemen's population of 30 million alive. = =

(B H P)

Supporting community safety-driven approaches in Yemen

In 2018, the Berghof Foundation in partnership with the Political Development Forum Yemen started a new initiative to strengthen community safety in Yemen. This pilot project aims to enhance dialogue on and understanding of community safety in five cities (Sana’a, Dhamar, Aden, Al-Mukalla, and Taiz). It further seeks to rebuild trust between the community and local police.

By April 2021, 35 training, capacity-building and local dialogue activities in the areas of community policing and community safety have been implemented with the local police, community and judiciary structures. These sessions use a variety of approaches to build trust in local actors and systems responsible for security and justice. The starting point for any effort to increase the effectiveness of the police and legal system is to enhance trust, transparency and accountability of these service providers, taking the needs and concerns of local communities into account.

An inclusive local structure is being formed in five pilot districts: community safety committees (CSCs) have been recently established in Al-Mukalla and Taiz, and plans are underway for the other cities.

The members of these committees are mainly local police and local community representatives. Women make up 35% of the representatives in the committees. The CSCs will also receive an intensive training on community policing and approaches as well as practical steps for enhancing community safety.

(B H)

Strengthening data quality and reporting from small-scale surveys in humanitarian settings: A case study from Yemen, 2011–2019

In Yemen, available national level data are often inadequate and outdated — the last census is from 2004 while the most recent Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) is from 2013. Humanitarian aid programmes increased substantially since 2015, and are now in their fifth year of operations. They often lack useful evidence and credible field data essential for assessing the severity of the situation and equally importantly required for targeted and impactful interventions. Typically, mortality rates and other indicators, such as prevalence of common childhood diseases or vaccination coverage, are key inputs for decision-making and increasingly are collected through small-scale surveys. In the past, these surveys have mainly focused on nutrition and mortality assessments among children < 5 years of age to produce estimates of crude death rates (CDR), under-five death rates (U5DR), morbidity rates, and other household related indicators (e.g. water, sanitation, and hygiene variables).

In severe humanitarian crises, U5DR is a common indicator for setting priorities and assessing needs. These rates, measured against baseline estimates, provide insights into the effect of interventions aimed at containing mortality. As data gets increasingly rare from these settings, the use of estimates from small-scale surveys allows for the evaluation of trends and impacts of key nutritional and health indicators. The advantages of these surveys are that they are cost-effective, easy, quick to deploy in affected areas, and have a rapid turnaround time.

(* B H)

Ärztin berichtet über das Kriegsland Jemen

Die Mitarbeiterin der NGO "Ärzte ohne Grenzen" berichtet von Kindern, die ohne Hilfe verhungern, von zerstörten Spitälern, aber auch von Lichtblicken und einer erfüllenden Aufgabe.

(A H)

Many thanks to all the online donors without exception for helping us provide 95 Ramadan food baskets to these poor families two days ago. Jazak Allah khair, (photos)

and more

(A H)

As part of the Erenler Sofrası Ramadan Program, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) distributed 45 tonnes of food packages to 1,000 needy families in Yemen.

(* B H)

Films: Solar Power Providing Critical Health Services in Yemen

With support from the European Union, UNDP and SFD provided 82 healthcare facilities including nine isolation centers with rooftop solar energy systems to ensure the continuity of critical health care services.

(* B H)

'Yemen is a war economy. That's why it's so hard to stop the war '

Due to the poor condition of its ports, Yemen has great difficulty in bringing in food, causing prices to skyrocket. A Dutch company is now coming to the rescue of the war-affected country. But are efficient ports the solution for the suffering population? "Corruption keeps the war going."

Auke Lootsma: For the United Nations, he has been in Yemen since 2016, to channel food aid to more and more hungry people.

That works less every year, says Lootsma. 'We are now in the sixth year of the war and the budget keeps getting smaller. This year it is lower again, we have to make do with 1.7 billion dollars. That sounds like a lot, but it is less than half of last year. '

Faced with increasingly frugal donors, Lootsma is therefore looking for a solution to reduce costs. Because the biggest problem is not the availability, but the price of food.

Also this Ramadan month, the shelves in cities like Sana'a are full and the shopping streets are pleasantly busy, for the happy few within the networks of the Houthis. Food is priceless for ordinary Yemenis.

One of the reasons food is expensive is the deplorable condition of Yemen's ports

To do something about the chronic blockage, Lootsma called in the help of the Rotterdam Port Authority. Consultant Marc Wormmeester flew to Yemen twice to inspect the condition of the ports, together with a colleague from consultancy firm Solid Portsolutions.

"A four, maybe a five," says Wormmeester, when asked about a rating from the ports. 'In Hodeidah it is the harbor itself, there so much has been damaged by the conflict. Things are not working, structures are broken and cannot be repaired due to the economic blockade. Children are playing on that terminal, there are loose items everywhere. Work shoes are flip-flops, helmets are not used, just like traffic vests. '

He shook his head loudest in a building full of generators that supply the power for the port. 'All high-voltage connections are open, unprotected between dirt and dust. If you ask me: did you feel unsafe in Yemen, it was not the war, but at that time and in that place. An explosion was not imaginary. '

"A four, maybe a five," says Wormmeester, when asked about a rating from the ports. 'In Hodeidah it is the harbor itself, there so much has been damaged by the conflict. Things are not working, structures are broken and cannot be repaired due to the economic blockade. Children are playing on that terminal, there are loose items everywhere. Work shoes are flip-flops, helmets are not used, just like traffic vests. '

He shook his head loudest in a building full of generators that supply the power for the port. 'All high-voltage connections are open, unprotected between dirt and dust. If you ask me: did you feel unsafe in Yemen, it was not the war, but at that time and in that place. An explosion was not imaginary. '

This insecurity results in high insurance premiums. These in turn drive up food prices further and consume the aid budget. Lootsma therefore insists on a guarantee fund for the ports of Yemen at the UN. According to him, that would cost 50 million. 'With that you can save 250 million in insurance premiums. Now you pay from the humanitarian aid pot for insurance companies in London, that's what it comes down to. '

Yemen has been hermetically cut off from the world since 2015. Wormmeester's technical advice also eventually encountered the blockade. People and items are only allowed in or out of Yemen with Saudi permission. This applies not only to the northern Houthi area, but also to Aden and the south.

Lootsma: 'Everything must first be put on the quay in Jeddah in Saudi Arabia, for inspection. Then it has to be loaded onto another ship, which will take it to Aden. We say skip Jeddah and do that inspection in Aden. This way you can already cut transport costs by half. But that is a political story, the Saudis have to agree with that. '

To convince them, Lootsma already has an argument: 'The Saudis cause the costs, but also pay the lion's share of the aid. That makes it financially interesting. And if shipping companies can send ships directly to Aden, that means investment and economic activity. That is important for such a port, and for Yemen. '

Nevertheless, Lootsma said that not everyone in Yemen would be in favor of progress: 'Yemen is a war economy, which is why it is so difficult to stop that war. There are so many people who benefit from it. The congestion generates a lot of money, which is why the port is a popular place for parties who are allowed to take control of it. '

In that regard, the reality in Yemen is cynical. Because even if Aden is patched up, the things have to be transported by truck to the area under Houthi control, because three-quarters of the Yemenis live there. 'We counted them past a hundred checkpoints. And at each checkpoint you have to shuffle a bit, otherwise you won't get past it. So those goods are getting more and more expensive. '

(B H)

8001166 is the free phone number families in need can call in northern Yemen to ask about humanitarian assistance. Majeed from our partner @SDFYEMEN responds to 70 calls a day mainly about cash & shelter. He also reminds Yemenis that they shall not pay to get aid #NoCorruption (photos)

(A H P)

Saudi-led occupation distributing expired medicines to Mahrah hospital

My comment: Look at the photo: It’s still not expired.

(A H)

Secretary General of HUMAN ACCESS: More than 380,000 people throughout Yemen’s governorates have benefited from Ramadan charity projects during the first ten days of Ramadan

Alwasea explained that these services included the distribution of the food basket, breakfast for the fasting person, dates and meat for the displaced, the poor and the affected, and the families of orphans and individuals in various governorates and districts of the Republic.,000-people-throughout-yemen%E2%80%99s-governorates-have-benefited-from-ramadan-charity-projects-during-the-first-ten-days-of-ramadan-1

(A H)

Reproductive Health Services Support Project provides medical aid to Al-Ghaydah Hospital to combat Coronavirus

The Reproductive Health Services Support Project of HUMAN ACCESS in Al-Mahrah, funded by UNFPA, provided medical support to the isolation, fever and obstetric emergency departments at Al-Ghaydah Central Hospital. The support included the distribution of personal protective equipment, hygiene, sterilization, and medical supplies.

(A H)

Film: We distribution today 95 #Ramadan food basket to poor families in Sana'a, Thank you so much bottom my heart to all our donors without exception. Jazak Allah khair. I will send more pictures later. support our work via link…

(A H)

In partnership with IHH, HUMAN ACCESS launches distribution of Ramadan food basket in Al-Mahrah Governorate

food baskets to 200 poor families.,-human-access-launches-distribution-of-ramadan-food-basket-in-al-mahrah-governorate

(B H K pS)

Film: A Houthi mine kills two brothers and destroys their families' lives in Al-Hadid

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

Siehe / Look at cp17a

(A H)

Accidents can easily happen in overcrowded displacement sites. To provide displaced people with the knowledge on how to act in emergency situations, IOM & @USAIDSavesLives trained nearly 270 people on first aid and provided them with first aid kits in Aljufainah site, Ma’rib

My comment: “USAID saves lifes”? Read

(* B H)

Film: Displaced Yemen families on brink of famine this Ramadan

Many displaced people in war-torn Yemen find it increasingly difficult to feed their families during the holy month of Ramadan as the years-long conflict continues with no end in sight =

(B H)

Film: Refugees: We Fled from Houthi Militias Atrocities to be Then Devastated by Diseases Amid disastrous health conditions and acute shortage in aid, about 150 families- 1000 people in Sha'ab camp are enduring dire humanitarian conditions. The camp's coordinator Nusseibeh Al-Mashouli illustrated that families fled the areas run by Houthi militias. The bulk of them need health care, not to mention they can't cover treatment expenses

(B H)

Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 23 - 29 April 2021

During the reporting period, UNHCR supported some 14,400 IDPs (2,250 families) in Sana’a governorate with core relief items and a range of protection services, including psychosocial support and legal counselling. In addition, some 4,500 IDPs (750 families) received core relief items in Taizz and Al-Hudaydah governorates. Families continue to flee ongoing hostilities in Marib, Taizz, Hudaydah, and Al-Dhale governorates, with at least 100 households (some 495 individuals) displaced during the period 18 – 24 April 2021. UNHCR continues to identify the most vulnerable displaced people impacted by conflict, persecution, natural disaster, and COVID-19 in Yemen, providing them with life-saving assistance and emergency protection services.

(* B H)

Film: "We nvr sleep,we r afraid 4 our safety, we r afraid 4 our children, we fled our villages,we left our houses,we left everything behind, we came here& they followed us. where shud we go?," a woman tells Jane.

(A H)

Displaced wherever they go, Al-Amal camp to accommodate 550 displaced families opened in Marib

HUMAN ACCESS in Marib Governorate, funded by the Humanitarian Relief, Human Rights and Freedoms (IHH) organization, inaugurated Al-Amal (the Hope) camp for the displaced in Alsuwaida’a area, north of Marib city, with the aim of relieving the suffering of displaced families by providing them with the basic necessities of life.

For his part, Mohammed Al-Mazab, Director of Relief Department for HUMAN ACCESS, stated that the camp is accommodating 550 displaced families, and in its first phase, it targets 300 displaced families as a result of the recent events in the Marib governorate.

Al-Mazab pointed out that the camp includes 300 residential tents equipped with mattresses, blankets and pillows, 300 clean drinking water tanks, and 70 bathrooms with installations of sewage drainage network, in addition to providing protection services and psychological and social support for the displaced. Al-Mazab also thanked IHH for its efforts in adopting relief and humanitarian projects.,-al-amal-camp-to-accommodate-550-displaced-families-opened-in-marib

(A H)

HUMAN ACCESS: Provision of meals to IDPs in Al-Mil, Al-Khair and Attawasul camps in Marib,-al-khair-and-attawasul-camps-in-marib

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

(* B P)

Bahá’í persecution in Yemen: Spotlighting Kayvan Ghaderi’s story

One common form of harassment by the Houthi authorities in Yemen is the arbitrary imprisonment of Bahá’ís. Though, in an uncommonly positive development, they released six of these prisoners in July 2020.* We decided to take a closer look at this rare good news story with the following guest blog post by Karen Webb, who tells us about one of the Bahá’í prisoners who was released and who soon found himself exiled to Ethiopia. Although stories of persecution usually do not have any comforting prospects, this case highlights the perseverance, strength, and compassion of one person. It also reminds us that it is important to pay attention to the persecution of groups like the Bahá’ís and that it is critical for the international community to put pressure on those responsible.

It sounds Kafka-esque. People are rounded up in the middle of the night, hauled off to jail, and their possessions are rifled through and confiscated. Ultimately, they are charged with counts of espionage (typically, spying for Israel) and “corruption on earth.” They are denied legal counsel and tried and convicted on baseless evidence only to have the system play head games with them by scheduling appeals which are then delayed again and again. Their captors offer immediate release if only they will sign a document recanting their faith.

Yet, such was the story of a group of Bahá’ís whom I started calling the “Sanaa Six” when their story broke about four years ago. M

(B P)

Houthis spying on Sufis for fear of losing influence

The intelligence apparatus of the Houthi militia has started spying on the heads of Yemeni Sufi orders and religious events held in Houthi-controlled areas, according to the news site, al-Mashhad al-Araby.
The site focused on Sufi events held in Yemeni capital Sana'a and other areas controlled by the Houthis over the past month and a half.
It said a large number of Yemenis attended these Sufi events. Striking still, some of the poems read out during these events criticized some of the beliefs of the Houthi militia, especially in relation to the sayings of Islam's prophet Muhammad [PBUH].
Al-Mashhad al-Araby talked about Houthi fears from a rise in the number of the people attending these Sufi events. It also noted that Yemen's Sufis have a lot of funding.
Houthi spying on the Sufis reflects also the presence of Houthi fears from the growing influence of groups that do not share Houthi beliefs.

(A P)

Sayyed Abdulmalik: Israel Menace to Entire Muslim World, Lobal Peace and Security

“Our nation regards the Israeli enemy as a threat to the entire Islamic Ummah as well as regional and international peace and security,” Sayyed Abdulmalik said in remarks in a televised speech on Wednesday ahead of the upcoming International Quds Day.

International Quds Day is the last Friday of the holy Muslim fasting month of Ramadan, which was designated by the late founder of Iran’s Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979 to express support for and solidarity with the people of Palestine in the face of Israel's acts of aggression.

“The Israeli regime is a usurping regime that is devoid of any legitimacy and is a cancerous tumor that must be eliminated,” Sayyed Abdulmalik added.

Sayyed Abdulmalik pointed to normalization agreements between Israel and certain Arab countries and said the move by certain countries to normalize ties with Israel and their joining of the enemy camp amounts to “sheer hypocrisy and a betrayal of Islam and Muslims.”


(A P)

Sayyid Abdul-Malik al-Houthi expresses unconditional support for Palestine

The Leader of the Yemeni Revolution, Sayyid Abdul-Malik Al-Houthi has on Wednesday affirmed that the Yemeni people will continue to support the Palestinian people and strive to liberate Palestine, its sanctities and all the occupied Arab territories.

The Leader of the Revolution stressed, in a televised speech during his participation in a joint activity of the Resistance on the occasion of International al-Quds (Jerusalem) Day, that people of Yemen are looking forward to participating with the rest of the nation to help the Palestinian people.

“Our people today, clearly and firmly in the heart of the conflict, are ready to play its role at all levels and with everything it can, and will not be neutral in the battle of the nation and towards the cause of Muslims in facing the enemies of Muslims,” Sayyid al-Houthi said.

and also

(A K P)

Field Commander Affiliated with Mercenary-forces Give Up Fighting with Saudi-led Coalition

The local authority in Hodeidah governorate received Brigadier General Haitham Salem Arik, the commander of a battalion in the Sixth Brigade of the Republican Guard, after his defection from the forces of mercenary Tariq Afash in the western coast.

(A P)

Sayyed Abdulmalik Urges Development of Domestic Production to Achieve Self-sufficiency

The Leader of the Revolution Sayyed Abdulmalik Badr Al-Din Al-Houthi stressed on Tuesday the need to work on developing internal production and strive to reach a stage of self-sufficiency instead of relying on foreign products.

“We have to be aware of the necessity of domestic production, as we are now importing all the requirements of our life with very large funds and billions of dollars annually,” Sayyed Abdulmalik said.

“The billions of dollars that go abroad, if spent internally, will provide employment opportunities to the poor instead of going into the pockets of foreigners,” he added.

The leader confirmed that our dependence on providing all our needs from outside, including the basic and essential needs, represents a pressure card for our enemies on us.

“The purchase of foodstuffs of all kinds represents very great suffering in bringing them, providing them and delivering them to the country with the siege and aggression,” he added.

The Leader of the Revolution warned of the dangers of displacement from the countryside to the cities, pointing out that this displacement threatens the internal production process of the rural community.

Sayyed Abdulmalik called on the concerned authorities to pay attention to the countryside, expressing his hope that investors would focus on it.

(A P)

Yemen: Jailed Journalists Face Abuse, Death Penalty

Houthi Authorities Should Free 4 Reporters Wrongfully Convicted

Four journalists arbitrarily detained by Houthi authorities in Yemen since 2015 face the death penalty and receive inadequate medical care, Human Rights Watch said today. On April 11, 2020, the Houthi-controlled Specialized Criminal Court in Sanaa sentenced the four Yemeni journalists to death after an unfair trial on politically motivated charges of treason and spying for foreign states because of their work as journalists. The Houthi authorities should immediately quash the death sentences and unconditionally release the journalists.

(B P)

Film: Sana'a: Sumaya School for Girls This video shows the recruitment of children, denying them education, directing them to bear arms and using them in war. Types of violations against children and their denial of enjoyment of their current and future rights.

(A P)

Mohammed Al-Houthi: @ChrisMurphCT We call A member of Congress to request the countries of aggression to allow him to continue his journey to the Republic of Yemen and to visit its capital So that he can see closely the tragic situation imposed by the blockade and the American, British, Saudi, and Emirati aggression He watches the terrorist crimes committed by the aggression over the past six years until today

(A P)

Yemeni worshippers forced to listen sectarian speeches of Houthis’ leader

The Iran-backed Houthi militias in Yemen have installed screens in mosques of Ibb and other provinces to broadcast sectarian speeches of their leaders and force worshippers to listen to them.

Houthi leaders in Ibb ordered imams of mosques to turn on the microphones to transmit speeches delivered daily by the militias’ leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi during Ramadan.

(A P)

Yemeni: Demands to release detained Yemeni journalists

Yemeni rights groups, journalists and activists on Sunday launched an online campaign demanding to release Yemeni journalists held in Houthi prisons.

This campaign, which lasts three days, coincides with the World Press Freedom Day, May 3rd.

(A P)

Yemeni officer says Houthis misuse prisoner swap file

The Houthi group misuses the prisoner swap file, spokesman for the Yemeni pro-[Hadi-]government Guards of Republic brigades tweeted on Monday.
This Houthi act is "the worst political collapse and immoral degeneration," Sadeq Dowaid added.

(A P)

UNICEF equipment seized for promoting Zionist entity of “Israel” on schoolchildren’s maps

Yemen has rejected a proposed UNICEF assistance of 786 school bags containing maps bearing the name of the Zionist entity of “Israel” instead of Palestine.

The security services in Hodeidah port seized these bags yesterday, which the organisation was seeking to distribute them to students in Hodeidah governorate.

(A P)

Houthi Supreme Political Council member Sultan al-Samei: If you ask about some of the officials and supervisors, you will not find them because they are busy plundering merchants, stall owners, the poor, lands, companies, and old/new currency.

referring to

(* B P)

YMO condemns Houthi oppression against journalists

The Yemeni Media Observatory (YMO) condemned Iran-backed Houthi militia's oppressive policy and repressive measures against journalists and media outlets and organizations.
The YMO issued a statement, carried by Saba news agency, on the World Press Freedom Day 3 May in which it cited the Houthi militia's violations and crimes against media since it has taken over the capital Sana'a in 2014.
The YMO reported that more than 329 media outlets were stopped, confiscated and plundered by Houthi militiamen including 15 TV channels, 23 public run newspapers, 47 private-owned papers, 21 papers affiliate to political parties, 6 civil society papers and 13 local Radio Stations out of which 6 government-funded. Adding to that the militia blocked over 200 Yemeni News Websites and the majority of Arab and International papers, TV and Radio websites.
Concerning to the violations against the journalists the YMO stated that 310 of journalists and media men were subjected to killing, torture kidnapping, enforced disappearance, detention, displacement and 12 journalists were sentenced to death.

(B P)

Yemeni Fears for Sanaa Old City Exacerbate as Houthis Seek Hezbollah-Styled Stronghold

Yemen’s world heritage site, the Old City of Sanaa, is under increasing threat of being carved out into an exclusive stronghold for Iran-backed Houthi militias and molded into an epicenter for sectarianism in the war-torn country, warned Sanaa-based Yemeni sources.

Houthis have been actively suppressing journalists and press freedoms in the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, they added.

Last month, a documentarian was banned from entering the Old City to film a special covering the early days of Ramadan 2021. Despite working for a pro-Iran broadcaster, they were turned away by Houthi intelligence officers in civilian clothing.

The officers said there were official orders to stop the taping at the UNESCO-recognized historical area and advised the photographer to go elsewhere for their report.

Another similar incident was reported later in which Houthi patrolmen dispatched across the Old City’s alleyways had detained a young photographer who was taking pictures of shops and buildings in the area.

Even though they were released after their relative pulled some strings, the tight security monitoring and the crackdown on media access gave rise to concerns about Houthis having other plans for the cultural neighborhood.

“For a while, we’ve been noticing signs of transforming the Old City of Sanaa into a sectarian canton comparable to the Hezbollah stronghold in the Lebanese capital’s Dahieh suburb,” Sanaa-based sources, who requested anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat.

While the content of the daily pictures flowing out of Sanaa might not be directly regulated by Houthi militias, the group keeps a log of all the information about photographers and journalists working in the capital.

“Houthi security units can easily reach any photojournalist or correspondent whenever the group sees necessary,” a logistics agent working for Sanaa-based media companies told Asharq Al-Awsat.

My remark: By a Saudi news site, with propaganda bias. “signs of transforming the Old City of Sanaa into a sectarian canton comparable to the Hezbollah stronghold in the Lebanese capital’s Dahieh suburb”

(A P)

Abdulmalek al-Houthi is "Imam" whom sent by God to keep his religion, according to Hisham, son of AHMED SHARAF ALDEIN, one of the most prominent (ostensibly moderate/liberal Hashimite) Houthi leaders and representatives in the #Yemen's NDC in 2014 (image)

(A P)

President Mahdi al-Mashat congratulates Yemeni workers on Labor Day

(A P)

Top Islamic authority condemns ban on Ramadan Taraweeh prayers by Yemen's Houthi rebels

One of the Islamic world's top religious authorities has condemned Yemen's Houthi rebels for prohibiting worshippers from performing Taraweeh - nightly prayers performed during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan.
"This action comes without regard for the sanctity of religious rituals in the blessed month of Ramadan, or respect for the Sharia [Islamic legal] principles that stipulate respect for the right to worship," the Al-Azhar authority said in a Facebook post.
The Egypt-based Al-Azhar is considered to be one of the highest authorities in Sunni Islam.

and also


(A P)

Houthis call Azhar to condemn war, blockade on Yemen

The Cairo-based Azhar is called to denounce the 6-year-old war and blockade on Yemen, member of the Houthi Supreme Political Council tweeted on Sunday.
"I call on the Holly Azhar to condemn the American-British-Saudi-Emirati aggression and blockade on Yemen, in the same strength of its words condemning the lie of banning the heresy of Taraweeh Prayers in Yemen," Mohamed Ali al-Houthi added.

(A P)

Al-Houthi: Biden’s Statements Regarding Yemen, Nothing but Sentiments without Action

“A hundred days or more have passed since Biden declared peace and the aggression against the Yemeni People but nothing is stopped; no actions are taking on the ground.” He added, "It has been proven, as we have said before, the statements are feelings and no practical steps, and that the optimism shown by some is unjustified. We said at the time that we will exchange feelings with only feelings," referring to the Saudi and American proposal to agree to a ceasefire without lifting the siege.

(* A B P)

Where is Al Hammadi? The Houthis and the targeting of women under the pretext of "immorality"

Targeting women has a political significance and message, which is that any opposition will be faced with social abuse and execution in terms of women's "morals", which is the sensitive point in a traditional and conservative society such as the Yemeni society.

Targeting women has a political significance and message, which is that any opposition will be faced with social abuse and execution in terms of women's "morals", which is the sensitive point in a traditional and conservative society such as the Yemeni society.

The question is legitimate, more than two months after the arrest of the Yemeni woman, Intisar Al-Hammadi, at the hands of the Houthi militia, and her lawyers confirm that she was beaten and abused in prison.

The questions posed to Entisar, as her lawyer quotes, relate to “prostitution” and “debauchery” amid attempts to characterize her case as committing a blatant act on the pretext that she showed “two strands of her hair and did not wear the hijab,” in public places.

Intissar's case takes an alarming course after refusing to release her and referring her to the court, despite the issuance of a release warrant, according to what her lawyer told Yemeni media.

The Houthi group imposed restrictions on public and private freedoms, and controlled the privacy of the population and its own lifestyle. Women had the lion’s share in these laws and rules imposed by the group and continue to impose them in its areas of control, as it, along with other parties in Yemen, continued to abuse women and commit acts of violence based on Gender, including sexual violence, according to "Human Rights Watch", and in light of the silence of society that considers talking about these violations - which are increasing in frequency in the war - is not a priority, it seems that the horror of Yemeni women will not end.

Yemeni activists and activists consider that what Al-Hammadi has been exposed to is nothing but a picture of a violent exclusion methodology targeting women, and Al-Hammadi's arrest came against the background of her work in the field of "fashion", while ignoring the fact that she did not commit a crime and that she is the breadwinner for her family consisting of her blind father and her young brother who is a family Special needs, and her elderly mother.

Belqis al-Lahbi - a researcher and civil political activist - says that what the Houthi group is doing is really its systematic policy, and this is a model that the Taliban and accepted the Iranian revolution followed in terms of restraining and targeting women.

(A P)

Top Official: Positive Words on Yemen Must Be Accompanied with Actions

A senior Yemeni official cast doubts on the latest remarks by Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MbS) that he plans to find a political solution to the Yemeni conflict, emphasizing that actions and words should always agree with each other if the Saudi-led coalition is serious about peace.

“We are taking heed of such remarks. There is no dispute among the Yemenis, but rather with the US-British-Saudi-Emirati coalition of aggression and their allies. We, therefore, hope the countries that are besieging [Yemen] and spearheading the onslaught will recognize the importance of parties with which meeting can bring peace to Yemeni people. If they are serious about peace, it will be achieved,” Mohammed Ali Al-Houthi, a member of Yemen's Supreme Political Council, wrote in a post published on his Twitter page, presstv reported.

(A P)

Over 9000 violations committed by Houthi militia against education in Al-Jawf

[Pro-Hadi gov.] Human Rights and Information Committee in Al-Jawf governorate reported about 8 thousand and 998 violations committed by Houthi militiamen against education in the governorate from September 2014 through March 2021.

The report documented the violations against the education, process, staff, teachers, pupils and educational facilities.

The violations varied between killing, torturing, kidnapping, physical attacks, enforced disappearance, enforced displacement, dismissing teachers and staff, bombing and storming houses and educational facilities, child recruitment, compulsory sectarian functions and change textbooks.

The report cited 10 cases of killing, 174 corporal assaults and threats, 750 kidnapping and enforced disappearance, 25 torture, 463 enforced displacement, 17 cases of bombing houses of teachers and educational staff, 10 cases bombing schools and educational facilities.

According to the report 1340 of teachers and educational staff were dismissed, 394 child were recruited and 3867 pupils were prevented from education in the governorate.

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

Siehe / Look at cp1

(A P)

Security official assassinated in Abyan

(A P)

Sacked commander in Saudi-led forces rebels against his ousting

(A P)

Two public figures opposed to UAE occupation abducted in Aden

Two political leaders opposed to the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) have been kidnapped on Monday in the center of Aden city, southern Yemen.

A press release issued by the so-called Revolutionary Movement Council confirmed the disappearance of a member of the movement’s Executive Committee in Aden, the legal advisor Alaa Al-Quba.

(* A P)

Yemen's Southern Transition Council pushes for restoration of separate state

In another direct challenge to the internationally recognised government of Yemen, the Southern Transitional Council (STC) announced in a statement by its leader, Aidaroos Al-Zubaidi, that the "restoration" of the southern state is nearing.

Al-Zubaidi said that the STC "opened all doors in front of the people's cause and the extraction of the adversaries' recognition of a fully sovereign independent federal state" that is based on the pre-unity border of 21 May 1990. He added that the STC will refuse any unilateral decisions taken by the Yemeni government.

The STC was founded in 2017 by activists from the southern secessionist movement and calls for the return of the south Yemeni state.

(A P)

[Separatist STC president-al-zubaidi-returns-to-Aden-the-capital


(* A P)

Return of STC president to Aden: likely escalation or just a trip

The return of the president of the southern transitional council Aidarous Al-Zubaidi to the interim capital Aden has sparked speculations in Yemen about its real reasons amid growing tensions between the council and the internationally recognised government.

Al-Zubaidi arrived in Aden on Saturday after a year-long stay in the United Arab Emirates.

Some observers said his return could be within new arrangements for an undeclared power struggle between the two partners of a Saudi-led coalition fighting in the country amid the failure to complete the implementation of the Riyadh agreement, mainly the military and security part.

Al-Zubaidi delivered a speech on the eve of what he called the public authorisation after holding closed and separate meetings with military and political leaders of the council in the past few days.

Southern activist Eyad Al-Radfani wondered why he has not met with officials at public institutions to discuss and address the deterioration of the basic services in the city.

Holding meetings only with military leaders reveal his real plans in coming days, he added.

Other observers said his return is a desperate attempt to draw attention to a man trying to introduce himself as the only representative of the southern cause.

Nonetheless, the former minister of transport in the government Saleh Al-Jabwani downplayed Al-Zubaidi's visit, saying the UAE has just ordered him to mobilise his fans to mark the anniversary of the foundation of the council.

The visit has no impact on the government and he will go back to his residence in Abu Dhabi soon, Al-Jabwani said.


(A P)

What’s behind Aidaroos Zubaidi’s return to Aden from Abu Dhabi? To show foriegn peace negotiators (who ignored meeting him) STC’s strength & popularity in the upcoming 4th anniversary protests? To manage STC internal disputes? Or to prepare for an offensive on Abyan/Shabwa?

(A T)

Director of al-Mahfed assassinated in Aden

The director of Abyan's al-Mahfed district, Mohammed Salem Al-Fulain Al-Kazmi was assassinated by unknown gunmen in Aden governorate on Sunday.

and also

(B P)

Sana'a Forces Advance Against Saudi-backed Terrorists in Marib While Riyadh Agreement Falls Apart

The UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council accused early Tuesday dawn the Saudi-backed government of Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi of being persistent in "slipping" the Riyadh agreement and proceeding with targeting the southern cause.

However, the rift of the abusive campaigns, which was filled with the wounds of the exchanged media quarrels, ruptured again at dawn, Tuesday, and it is basically not healed yet. It was published that the Southern Transitional Council accuses Hadi government of being persistent in "slipping" the Riyadh agreement and proceeding with targeting the southern cause. This is in the most serious stage that this opportunistic, obsessive alliance has reached, which is linked to Saudi-Emarati ambitions, indicating a possible soon disengagement between the two parties of mercenaries.

(A P)

UAE blocks return of Yemen government members to Aden, source

The United Arab Emirates is preventing members of Yemen's internationally recognised government from returning to the interim capital Aden, a senior government official told Debriefer on Sunday.

The UAE proxies, the Southern Transitional Council, have obstructed the implementation of the security and military terms in the Riyadh agreement which was signed by the government and the council two years ago, the official said on condition of anonymity.

(A P)

Report: US-Saudi Aggression, Mercenaries Commit Crimes against Workers in Occupied Southern Governorates

A recent report revealed that the forces of the US-Saudi-Emirati aggression and their mercenaries committed crimes and grave violations against workers and the labor sector in the occupied governorates since their occupation in 2015.

The [Sanaa gov.] Media Center for the Southern Governorates’ report, which was issued in conjunction with International Labor Day, stated that thousands of workers in the occupied southern governorates were exposed to war crimes and violations, with the aim of stirring up regional strife and tearing apart the Yemeni social fabric.

It pointed out that the repressive practices and violations against workers in the occupied governorates continue on a daily basis, away from the concerns of the media and international human rights organizations.

(A P)

STC president stresses importance of compliance with Riyadh agreement

The president of the Southern Transitional Council Aidarous Al-Zubaidi on Saturday stressed the importance of complying with the Riyadh agreement and implementing its terms and the necessity of the council's participation in the peace process in Yemen.

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

Siehe / Look at cp1, cp9a

(B P)

Oman does not control #Houthi decisions, esp on something as 'big' as Marib. Their leverage is limited & finite. Even if Oman was able to stop the Houthis, if it didn't pan out perfectly, they would lose all their future leverage over the group. That's the real calculation.

*Access* to food is not as grave an issue as the ability to buy it. Many #Yemenis say the grocery shelves are full, but they can't pay. The blockade is one issue, yes, but salaries are a greater one (and a priority for UN efforts already). Econ warfare and mgmt also an issue.

The Senator says if the #Houthis end the #Marib siege and Saudi opens the ports, then a ceasefire/peace process is possible. We all hope so - but a real peace process requires Houthi and Hadi govt political will. Many #Yemen watchers are not convinced that exists.

More inclusion is a great idea and one both Special Envoys have long been committed to already. It is made complicated by some interpretations of UN resolutions and by the two parties who prefer not to expand talks and dilute themselves. These are hard issues.

In short, the Senator has laid out the desired outcomes in #Yemen - and many of the 'solutions' the two Envoys have already been fighting hard to get to. He is right on funding, inclusion, etc, but if they were easy, they would already be done. The devil is in the details.

referring to Sn. Chris Murphy:

(B P)

There are three things that must happen to stave off a coming famine. I went to the region to join Lenderking, UN Special Envoy Martin Griffiths, and other Biden officials to blanket the region in pursuit of these goals.

First, the Houthis must stop their assault on the city of Marib. If the Houthis enter Marib, a new humanitarian nightmare will ensue as legions of Yemenis will flee the violence. I was in Oman (w/ Lenderking/Griffiths) to push the Omanis to convince the Houthis to stand down.

Second, the Saudis must end their blockade of key ports and the Sana'a airport. Without the ability to freely import food, fuel and other goods, Yemen's economy has come to a grinding halt, causing disease and starvation.

Third, the UN needs to be resourced to provide food, water, and health care to those in dire need. Right now, the 2021 UN appeal is only a third funded. I went to Qatar to ask the Qataris, who have not yet made a contribution this year, to step up.

If the Houthis end the Marib siege, and the Saudis open up the ports, then a ceasefire, which could lead to a peace process, is possible. But any prospect of a ceasefire/peace process needs active U.S. engagement, and it was good to have so many U.S. officials in the region.

But ultimately, Yemenis will dictate the future of their country. So the peace process shouldn't include only the same power brokers who have caused decades of endless wars. New voices need to be at the table, to ensure that all Yemenis have a say on the country's future.

(B P)

Annelle Sheline: As I explained on @AJArabic, int'l diplomats continue to insist that the Houthis give up all weapons & territory acquired, in accordance w/ UN Sec Council Resolution 2216 The Houthis feel they are winning: they have no reason to agree to these terms

The Saudi/Hadi blockade empowers the Houthis: - Affirms Houthi narrative that they protect Yemen from foreign threats - Consolidates Houthi control over resources by preventing Yemen's economy from functioning The Houthis are good at war: they'll be less good at peace

If @StateDept_NEA Special Envoy Lenderking is serious about helping to facilitate an end to the violence, he cannot allow the Saudis & the Hadi gov to continue to use starvation as a weapon of war UN Sec Council Resolution 2216 justifies the blockade -- it should be replaced

referrting to (in Arabic):

(A P)

Yemen rebels say no messages on full prisoner exchange

Houthi rebel group says it will accept such a humanitarian agreement

The Houthi rebel group said Wednesday it had not received any message from the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) regarding a full prisoner exchange with the Yemeni legitimate government and Saudi-led coalition.

“The month of Ramadan is nearing the end, and we have not received any message from the ICRC on the full prisoner exchange,” Muhammad Ali Al-Houthi, the head of the group’s Supreme Revolutionary Committee, said on Twitter.

Al-Houthi, however, renewed his group’s call for a full prisoner swap with the Saudi-led coalition and Yemeni government provided “they are serious."

“It is appropriate that this [prisoner swap] takes place to allow prisoners to return to their families with the advent of Eid al-Fitr,” he added, pointing out that “nothing” prevents such a humanitarian agreement.

and also

(A P)


The UN Special Envoy for Yemen Martin Griffiths has concluded today a week-long round of meetings with Yemeni, regional and international interlocutors in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Oman.

Mr. Griffiths has been pursuing a plan to reach a nationwide ceasefire to reduce the risk to civilian lives in Yemen, including stopping the assault on Ma’rib by Ansar Allah, which has now lasted over a year. He has also been pursuing efforts to lift restrictions on the Hudaydah ports and open Sana’a airport to alleviate the dire humanitarian situation.

Mr. Griffiths has consistently stressed these measures would provide a conducive environment for the resumption of an inclusive political process that comprehensively ends the conflict in Yemen.

and also

(A P)

Saudis, Americans reportedly fail in Muscat talks on Yemen

Saudi Arabia and the United States' attempts in the Muscat talks between ousted President Hadi and the Houthi Ansarullah movement has failed to yield any results as the Yemeni forces are closing in on Marib.

Media have reported that representatives of the United States, Saudi Arabia and the United Nations did not have any new proposals during their recent visit to Muscat, the capital of Oman, and they only had the old previous plans.

The reports said that the Sana'a government led by the Houthi Ansarullah movement considered the Saudi and American proposals during the talks as an attempt to escape from their favored Hadi government's defeat on the battlefield in Marib province and, secondly, as the US attempt to get rid of domestic pressures inside the US itself to stop the war.

The Lebanese daily Al-Akhbar has reported on the latest diplomatic developments in the Yemeni case and has written that the United States, Britain, and Saudi Arabia were making political and diplomatic efforts to find a solution to the current war in Yemen because they saw the war no longer in their interest.

(A P)

Abdusalam: New Move by Security Council Not Applicable Unless Meets Interest of Yemen

The head of the national delegation, Mohammad Abdulsalam, affirmed that any new decisions by the Security Council will not be applicable unless for what meets the interest of Yemen first, considering that talking about part of the battle with the Saudi-led aggression is not helpful in achieving peace.

In his tweet on Monday, Abdulsalam said: "They talk about part of the ongoing battle and leave the discussion about Yemen under siege. This is insufficient for the ongoing conflict, it does not address the problem, but rather exacerbates it."

and also

(A P)

Al-Mayadeen TV citing unnamed sources reports of "International and regional consensus to overturn [Security Council's] resolution 2216 on #Yemen and replace it with a resolution under Chapter VII".

According to Al-Mayadeen sources: "Int'l and UN consultations are considering an alternative langauge for the resolution 2216, which provides for the cessation of the war and the resumption of the political process between the Yemeni parties."

Al-Mayadeen's sources: The resolution will pave the way to folding the page of President Abed Rabbu Mansour Hadi. The ongoing consultations are focused on discussing an alternative formula for Hadi.

Citing unnamed sources, AJA reporter Ahmed Al-Shalafi says US and UN envoys to Yemen have requested 'an immediate halt' to Ansarullah's assault on Marib and hinted at a Security Council's meeting to be held mid May to issue a resolution to stop the war in Marib.

(A P)

Abdul-Malek AlEjri, member of Ansarullah negotiating delegation tweets about the ongoing talks in Oman with US and UN envoys "It's reported in the media that the UN and US envoys traveled back from Muscat empty-handed, rather they were coming empty-handed."

referring to

(* B P)

Liberation of Ma'rib Dementing Yemen Talks in Oman

In the US understanding of the current situation, Yemen is only the provenance of Marib. The US mobilization is intensifying to try to stop the battle under flimsy pretexts. Sana'a does not reject a ceasefire but rather, it wants peace to be based on sound rules. Any peace plan should not create a permanent problem as Washington and Riyadh want, when imposing a reality by pressuring the humanitarian situation.

In this context, the US State Department’s website on Middle East affairs tweeted that the US envoy Lenderking and Washington’s envoy to Yemen, Christopher Hanzel, stressed the need to end the advancment toward Marib and implementing a ceasefire.

There is nothing new in the American statements, focusing on Marib and forgetting the largest humanitarian crisis in the world. This confirms that the US talk about peace still contains many fallacies, as there is no justification for evading the lifting of the blockade or trying to circumvent it except that the goal of the talks that Washington is conducting through Omani mediation is to obtain imperfect peace. US talk preserves the upper hand for Saudi coalition of aggression, while its impacts negatively millions of Yemenis.

Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan arrives in Muscat, a visit that comes according to the Oman News Agency to discuss bilateral relations as well as regional and international issues, and perhaps Yemen is among the priority of his discussions, but the Saudi position is like an appendix to the US position, and what the White House decides will be implemented by Riyadh.

My comment: The Houthi position. Promoting peace really would be different from what the US does.

(B P)

I understand that regional and international powers fueling war in #Yemen should have a role to play in ending this conflict. However , the solution should not be tailored to fit their own interests and ignore those interests and woes of Yemenis & roots of the conflict.

Yemen conflict is not completely a proxy war between Saudi Arabia and Iran ; it had its own localized dynamics and motives which have to be addressed to reach a sustainable peace that serves the regional and international interests

Without addressing the militia weapons, these weapons will be the fuel for future conflicts and destabilization not only in Yemen but across the region.

Fragile peace might be a personal win for some international figures but a defeat for Yemenis &their aspirations which are not represented by the parties to the conflicts; it will be a timing bomb that is likely to go off any moment for it lacks its solid ground &genuine goals.

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp8 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-738 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-738: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

09:23 06.05.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
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Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose