Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 712 - Yemen War Mosaic 712

Yemen Press Reader 712: 28. Jan. 2021: Scharfschützen töten Kinder – Auswirkungen des Krieges auf den Zugang zu Bildung – Stärkung einer Führungsrolle für die jemenitische Zivilgesellschaft ...
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... Familie von Drohnenopfern verlangt Gerechtigkeit – Jemen: Engagement, nicht Isolierung – Intellektuelles und kulturelles Manifest der Huthis von 2012 - und mehr

Jan. 28, 2021: Children’s sniping – Impact of the war on access to education – Empowering a leadership role for Yemeni civil society – Drone victims’ family seeking justice – Yemen: Engaging, not isolating –Houthi's 2012 intellectual and cultural manifesto – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp1b Am wichtigsten: USA stufen Huthis als Terroristen ein / Most important: US terror designation against Houthis

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp12b Sudan

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Wirtschaft / Economy

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

(** B K pS)

Children’s Sniping

Water child as example


A human rights report documenting the sniping crimes documented by the Houthis militia against the children of Taiz during the period from March 2015 to August 2020

“Targeting civilians” in general and “children” in particular was and still is the favorite pastime of Houthis militia snipers in Taiz governorate to an extent that makes you feel as if they were on a human hunting expedition that began in mid-March 2015 and did not end until the moment of writing this report

With every passing day of the brutal war waged by the Houthis militia on the Taiz governorate and its unjust siege imposed on its peaceful inhabitants, the number of child victims of snipers is increasing, whether inside Taiz or in the rural areas to which the fire of that war spread and devoured everything beautiful there, and the number of casualties of this vulnerable category reached (360) child killed or wounded by snipers’ bullets.

The “snipers unit” used by the Houthis militia during the period September 2015 to December 2017 (in the alliance), and then the Houthis militia alone, until August 2020, is the fourth most deadly weapon in the lives of civilians, including women and children, followed by missiles, artillery, and land mines of all kinds.

The memory of the people of this governorate is plagued with painful stories and tragedies of Houthis systematic targeting of children and there is hardly a family that has not lost a beloved one by Houthis militia snipers. The incident of the sniping of the child, Ruwaida Saleh Bin Saleh, in Taiz city of I yet another provocation to the feelings of the residents and a living witness brought to their minds the enormity and ugliness of the crime committed by the Houthis militia against the children of Taiz during nearly half a decade of the unjust war.

In this report, the Yemeni Coalition for Monitoring Human Rights Violations reviews part of a bloody scene that is being repeated continuously of targeting the innocent children in Taiz, trapped and besieged for nearly (6) years, amid suspicious international silence.

Targeting by sniping differs from other violations, noting that the sniper lies in wait for his victim and sees her/him clearly through his weapon binoculars, whether during the night or day times, and can easily verify the victims’ identity, gender and age group before targeting them, and thus it is almost a field executions, especially since the sniper deliberately kills his victim with premeditation, without differentiating between a child, an elderly person, a woman, or even a physically disabled person.

The targeting of children through direct sniping in armed conflicts is classified under “war crimes” and serious crimes against humanity. They are not subject to statute of limitations, and are also considered among the crimes in which the punishment for their perpetrators is severe, according to all the previously mentioned conventions, laws and treaties

Report methodology

To shed more light on the systematic and repeated targeting of Taiz children by Houthis militia snipers from the beginning of the war until the moment of writing the report, Rasd Coalition reviewed its database and human rights reports that include integrated and documented statistics of the total victims of sniping in (16) districts of Taiz governorate.

Rasd Coalition also referred to human rights reports issued earlier to evoke some incidents of sniping in which children were targeted in the governorate of Taiz and to cite them as evidence and supporting facts of the incident of targeting the female child Ruwaida, to develop this qualitative human rights report.

Statistical report

The Yemeni Coalition for Monitoring Human Rights Violations in Taiz Governorate documented the killing and wounding of (366) children aged (1-17 years) by snipers affiliated with Houthis militia during the period from March 2015 until August 2020.

According to the figures and statistics documented by the “Rasd Coalition“ team, snipers from the Houthis militia claimed the lives of (130) children, (88) males and (42) females, and wounded (236) others (170) males and (66) females, in (16) districts.

Al-Kahira district, in the middle of Taiz city, ranks first in terms of the number of children who were killed by snipers from the Houthis militia, with (22) dead and (53) wounded children, followed by Al-Mudhaffar district, west of the city, with (29) dead and ( 45) were wounded, then the “Salah” district, east of the city, with (26) dead and (43) wounded, all of them children under the age of 18 years.

Snipers’ Locations Rasd Coalition team in Taiz governorate found out, through their field work, that the Houthis militia had deployed a large number of its snipers in several buildings and facilities inside residential neighborhoods and on the hills surrounding Taiz and some villages and rural.

The team has also proven, with conclusive evidence, that the Houthis snipers are occupying the sites that overlook the city in all its neighborhoods, roads and main streets, so that they can monitor the widest geographical area in a clear intentional and systematic targeting of civilians within those areas and to be able to snipe as many civilians as possible, especially women, children and the elderly.

(** B H K)

War of Ignorance: Field study on the impact of the armed conflict on access to education in Yemen

Mwatana launches field study, “War of Ignorance,” and documentary “Chalk Dust,” on war’s impact on education in Yemen

Six years of raging conflict in Yemen has caused tremendous damage to the education sector and caused significant damage to the educational system, Mwatana for Human Rights said today.

For the International Day of Education, Mwatana launched a field study, “War of Ignorance,” which examines the armed conflict’s impact on education in Yemen, and a documentary, “Chalk Dust,” which is based on the field study, Mwatana’s August 2020 report, “Undermining the Future: Attacks of warring parties on Yemen’s schools,” and additional testimonies from students, teachers, and parents.

Education is of vital importance and has been significantly undermined by the war in Yemen. The study, “War of Ignorance,” examines the various effects the armed conflict has had on the public education sector in Yemen since the war started in September 2014 when Ansar Allah (Houthi) forces and forces loyal to former president Saleh entered the capital Sanaa by force. The study examines the war’s impacts on the educational system, the educational process and the physical structure of educational facilities and centers in a number of primary and secondary schools. It also looks at the implications for students and teachers, including students who have been displaced due to the conflict and those who have dropped out of school.

“The parties to the conflict in Yemen have done serious harm to the current and future generations in Yemen by attacking, interfering with and fundamentally failing to respect the education sector,” said Radhya Al-Mutawakel, Chairperson of Mwatana for Human Rights. “The warring parties should immediately stop their attacks on education and begin to treat education as deserving respect and protection. The international community should support accountability and redress efforts in Yemen, including those related to education.”

The Mwatana study is based on a random sample of 700 respondents. This included a main sample of 400 girl and boy students of various ages from 137 government schools in eight governorates: Taiz, Al-Hudaydah, Sanaa (governorate), Aden, Abyan, Dhale, Hajjah, Saada, and Sana’a (the Capital). The study also included three smaller samples—of displaced students, dropout students and teachers—each based on 100 respondents from the same governorates and schools as the main sample. Governorates were selected based on those whose educational sectors appeared to have suffered most direct damage due to the armed conflict, based on Mwatana’s ongoing documentation since September 2014, and to ensure geographical diversity and the inclusion of governorates under the control of different parties to the conflict.

A trained and specialized team of data collectors and researchers collected information by visiting schools during the 2019/2020 academic year, specifically between February and early April 2020. The team used a standardized individual interview including closed questions and some open-ended questions. The team also made a number of visits to displaced people living near schools and carried out visits to residential vicinities near schools in order to interview students who had dropped out of school or their parents

The study examines six main aspects of the impact of armed conflict on the education sector in Yemen. The study looks at the general context and relevant legal framework, the conflict’s various impacts on students, including safe access to school and continuity of the educational process, student dropout in the context of the conflict, conflict displacement and education, the conflict’s various impacts on teachers, and how education in turn impacts the conflict.

The study’s findings highlight the conflict’s many negative impacts on students. For example, 81% of respondents in the main sample of 400 students had to stop studying for varying periods due to the armed conflict. Students reported a variety of causes which made access to schools impossible, including direct damage to schools, including total or partial destruction by air strikes or military confrontations nearby, and the use of schools as military barracks, shelters for displaced people and centers for the distribution of aid.

In terms of displacement, 67% of the displaced students surveyed said military confrontations caused their displacement. Other reasons reported included exposure of homes to ground shelling, airstrikes on homes, and lack of job opportunities in the original community.

About a quarter, 24.6%, of the main sample of 400 students had been exposed to various forms of physical and verbal risks or violence on the way to school. 38.8% said their families had temporarily tried to prevent them from going to school due to security concerns during the 2019/2020 academic year. 59.5% of the students in the main sample said they do not receive their textbooks from the school, but have to buy them used.

More than half, 51.5%, of the students interviewed belonged to families with limited income. If the conflict continues, it appears likely a significant number of students may drop out of school—47.2% of the student sample said their families are no longer able to afford their education.

When it comes to dropout students, 48.3% of the students in the dropout student sample were forced to leave school due to the poor financial conditions of their families. Other students found themselves out of school for different reasons, including inadequacy of the educational environment, lack of family interest in education, schools far from their place of residence, and the psychological pressures caused by the conflict. Some students dropped out of school to fight for one of the parties to the conflict.

The conflict has also significantly affected teachers. Teachers reported suffering from widespread salary cuts, poor economic conditions, the negative psychological effects of conflict and poverty, security consequences from the conflict, including persecution, pressure or threats due to some of their positions or opinions, and having to adapt their teaching practices to one of the parties to the conflict.

In the “War of Ignorance” study, Mwatana makes a number of recommendations. Mwatana calls on the international community to support accountability and redress efforts for violations committed by all parties to the conflict in Yemen, including those related to education. Mwatana urges quick action to confront warring party interference in education, using schools to push political messages and giving people authority in schools who have no role in education.

Mwatana calls on the parties to the conflict to stop all forms of attacks on schools. To ensure education can continue, Mwatana calls on the warring parties to do more to ensure schools, educational facilities and the areas around them are safe, including removing military barricades and checkpoints and prohibiting the use of weapons in the vicinity of schools and educational facilities, respecting the civilian status of education facilities and schools, and ensuring safe passage for students, teachers and education workers away from schools in areas witnessing clashes. The warring parties should also immediately stop targeting, threatening, harassing and interfering with students, teachers, and education workers, including for expressing their opinions.

Mwatana also calls for stronger international pressure to ensure teachers are provided their salaries, including not linking the disbursement of salaries to a final and comprehensive political solution, and assistance in printing unmodified textbooks for students.

In August 2020, Mwatana issued the report “Undermining the Future,” which looked at attacks on schools and educational facilities in Yemen between March 2015 and December 2019. The report was based on 380 attacks committed by all parties to the conflict, including 153 air strikes, 36 incidents of ground shelling, 171 incidents of military occupation and the use of schools, and 20 other incidents impacting schools, such as planting landmines near schools and looting. =

Full study:


(** B P)

A New Path Forward: Empowering a Leadership Role for Yemeni Civil Society

Executive Summary

Throughout six years of conflict, Yemeni civil society organizations (CSOs) have sought to contribute to humanitarian response efforts in a dynamic crisis. However, they have faced considerable challenges in playing a leadership role in response efforts, building meaningful partnerships with international organizations and directly accessing donor resources. Despite commitments to localization, enshrined in the Grand Bargain and the Charter for Change, the international community has failed to support Yemeni civil society to prepare for a role following the conflict, while parties to the conflict have often manipulated organizations in a highly politicized context.

There are a wide range of barriers detracting from donor support to Yemeni CSOs resulting in a lack of accountability to commitments to the localization of humanitarian action. This has limited the sector’s ability to address needs and build a foundation to respond to future needs. Partnerships between international organizations (UN agencies and international non-governmental organizations, INGOs) and local entities, including government and quasi-governmental organizations, have been essential in humanitarian response efforts and mitigating the impact of the conflict in Yemen. However, international organizations have also failed to fulfill their commitments to localization in Yemen, a reality that some UN agencies and INGOs have recognized.

Meanwhile, in the wake of the conflict the recognition by the Yemeni government of the positive role of civil society has been substantively undermined. Parties to the conflict have too often instrumentalized local CSOs. In Yemen, like other conflict-affected settings, the war has disrupted normal government services and fragmented governance and rule of law processes. With parties to the conflict using violence and the force of arms to pursue their military objectives and political agenda, civic space has diminished throughout the country; civil interactions in active conflict zones have been particularly hard hit.

All CSOs have felt the impact of the conflict on the economy with: complexity in bank transfers; dramatically fluctuating currency exchange rates in various parts of the country; the general plummeting value of the Yemeni rial; and inconsistent availability of hard currency in the market or banks to pay staff salaries and vendors in dollars. Financial sanctions on Yemen present a major challenge for all organizations operating in the country, but at times they have had a crippling impact on local organizations. The US State Department’s recent move to designate the armed Houthi movement, also known as Ansar Allah, as a Foreign Terrorist Organization is likely to have a devastating impact on humanitarian response efforts and exacerbate existing high levels of food insecurity contributing to the looming shadow of famine in the country.

This policy brief presents the challenges and insights of various key stakeholders on Yemeni civil society during the current crisis. Drawing from 41 interviews conducted with donors, international organizations, Yemeni civil society activists, researchers and scholars, as well as an online survey completed by 19 Yemeni CSOs from throughout the country, this brief explores the challenges that restrict donors and international organizations from developing meaningful partnerships with local CSOs. It also looks at the range of barriers to local CSO leadership in the humanitarian-development-peace nexus from internal issues to contextual challenges.

The following recommendations are designed to contribute to a conversation on how to invest in Yemeni civil society to address declining humanitarian funding and contribute to CSO sustainability. An additional factor shaping the following recommendations is to seek to create a more lasting impact in the country by building on the massive investment in humanitarian response by the international community over the past six years.

(** B H K P)

A Yemeni Family Was Repeatedly Attacked by U.S. Drones. Now, They're Seeking Justice

Yemenis who say their families and lives have been destroyed by seven erroneously-targeted attacks seek to hold the U.S. accountable for its war on terror, and have filed a petition against the government.

The day was supposed to be joyous. On December 12, 2013, the al Ameri and al Taisy families joined together in Yemen’s al Bayda province to celebrate the marriage of Abdullah Mabkhout al Ameri and his new wife Wardah al Taisy. During the traditional wedding procession from the bride’s home, a United States drone launched four missiles and killed 12 people. Seven members of the al Ameri family and five members of the al Taisy family were killed; six more were injured.

Over the next five years, members of the al Ameri and al Taisy families, and their neighbors, were victims of six more attacks. The year 2017 was particularly brutal: they say that 15 members of their families were killed on January 29 after an on the ground raid, two distantly related neighbors died on March 6, one family member was killed on November 23, three died on November 26, and one died on December 22, during drone strikes. Less than a year later, on September 18, 2020, two more family members were killed. Over seven separate attacks by the United States—six drones strikes and one raid—36 members of the al Ameri and al Taisy families were killed. A quarter of them were children between the ages of three months and 14 years old. The families lost loved ones, homes, livestock, and neighbors, as 12 other people were killed by the strikes as well. Though U.S. government authorities have claimed throughout the years that the targets were terrorists, investigators and the families have consistently said that is untrue. While it has been seven years since the first strike, they still haven’t received any answers; instead, they live in fear.

Each attack was covered in the press at the time it occurred, but the disparate reports of casualties have failed to capture the catastrophic misfortune borne by the al Ameri and al Taisy families. Their experience as victims of America’s two-decade long war on terror mirrors that of their country, and is a story of unimaginable heartbreak—of repeated attacks without explanation, deaths without accountability, and trauma without recourse. “It’s a life with constant fear,” Mohammed Ali Mabkhout al Ameri, a survivor of four attacks, told VICE World News. “You always feel tense. If you go out in your vehicle, you’re afraid. If you walk out individually, you’re always afraid to leave the village because you think you might be mistaken and targeted.”

The families, led by Aziz al Ameri, a family patriarch, are filing a petition on January 25 against the U.S. government through the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, an arm of the Organization of American States that observes and investigates human rights conditions throughout the Western Hemisphere. With the assistance of Reprieve, an international human rights organization that has worked with and represented drone strike victims, al Ameri is asking for accountability.

“The family is searching for answers and they've been blocked from getting any sort of answer from the U.S. government,” said Jennifer Gibson, a human rights lawyer and project lead on extrajudicial killing at Reprieve. “So they're now going to the Inter-American Commission, hoping to get from them the answers and the relief that they have not been able to get from the U.S. government or from the U.S. courts.” The families are presenting several documents, including a 50-page dossier of evidence, and seeking “precautionary measures”—effectively an injunction against assassination.

“The families are trying in every way they can to almost literally raise their hand and say, ‘Hey, wait a minute. You're hitting the wrong people here. Please stop hitting us and let us put forward the evidence that we're not whoever you think we are,’” Gibson said. While the Commission doesn’t have enforcement powers, it carries substantial weight in the international community and could ask the U.S. to actually investigate and publicly acknowledge the consequences of what has otherwise been a nameless and faceless war, and compensate the survivors accordingly – by Leah Feiger and Nick Turse

and also

und kurzer Bericht auf Deutsch:


(** B P)

Yemen: Engaging, Not Isolating

To resolve the conflict the Biden administration will have to grasp the nettle of subnational governance reform and be prepared to work with – not against – the Houthis in finding a sustainable political settlement.

As shown by past efforts, any political settlement process that fails to accommodate the Houthis or any of the other major conflict parties is destined to collapse. Even in the unlikely event that Pompeo’s actions would weaken the Houthis and tilt the balance of power in favour of the internationally recognised government of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, only temporary stability can be achieved in the absence of a long-term solution that can foster sustainable peace through the accommodation of all segments of Yemeni society.

Despite their status, the Houthis’ core demands were rejected in a January 2015 constitutional draft. The proposal for a federal system based on six regions fragmented the Houthi community between different administrative areas and denied them access to the Red Sea and to natural resources. This triggered a swift southwards advance by the Houthis and their allies, which allowed them to establish control over the capital Sana’a and large parts of the rest of Yemen.

In our recent book for the World Bank, Subnational Governance and Conflict, we explore what conditions are necessary for successful peacemaking in deeply divided and fragmented societies like Yemen. When designed well and embedded in a robust structure of intergovernmental relations, subnational governance can accommodate the demands of different factions for retaining local control, while balancing the need for a viable overall state. This is particularly crucial in the case of Yemen where a dismissal of Houthi demands for an appropriate subnational governance arrangement was the key factor in triggering the current war.

The most critical conclusion we reached is that subnational governance reform is inherently politicised. Any re-definition of a state’s subnational and intergovernmental arrangements brings with it a formal and institutionalised recognition of the shift in the political power balances reflected in the violent conflict it seeks to end. As subnational governance reform seeks to transfer power away from the centre to the periphery, re-defining the state at the negotiation table requires the resolution of competing claims of factions fighting to consolidate power at the centre and those striving to gain more autonomy and control over political and financial administration at the regional and local level.

In Yemen, this never was, and certainly is not now, just a question of accommodating Houthi demands. There has long been a powerful southern separatist movement, now organised in the Southern Transitional Council (STC). In the course of the current war, the STC has always been opposed to the Houthis but it has also been at odds with President Hadi, leading

The persistent fighting along numerous frontlines throughout the six-year war has led to yet more fragmentation beyond the Saleh–Houthi–Hadi–STC split. Local branches of Al-Qa’ida in the Arabian Peninsula and of the Islamic State control some territory in Yemen, as do numerous local warlords associated with various Yemeni tribes. Moreover, civil society and other political groups that reject violence have distanced themselves from the main conflict parties. All of these groups have different aspirations when it comes to future governance arrangements.

For any peace settlement to endure it will need to be built on compromises that reflect the power constellations and competing political incentives of these factions. In turn, for these compromises to lead to sustainable peace, it is critical that negotiations over the form of the new institutional structure have to be inclusive of all major conflict parties, while also giving a voice to those who have not engaged in violence. This, rather than the proposed sanctions, will usher in long-term stability and regional security – by Simona Ross and Stefan Wolf

and full book for download:

(** B P)

Subnational Governance and Conflict: The Merits of Subnational Governance as a Catalyst for Peace

The potential for subnational governance to serve as a catalyst of peace has been widely recognized. It is reflected in the frequent inclusion of subnational governance arrangements in political settlements. The study seeks to analyze the merits and risks of subnational governance as a conflict mitigation mechanism within the framework of political settlement processes. This work is a contribution to the broader effort to close the knowledge gap on how development interventions can support the transition from war to peace. The findings are largely informed by in-depth analysis of seven case studies of countries where subnational governance arrangements have been applied and proposed as a tool for mitigating violent conflict. These include Kenya, the Philippines, Somalia, Myanmar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Yemen, and Mali.

(** B P)

Houthi's 2012 Intellectual and Cultural Manifesto

The committee concluded the following:

1. In issues related to the fundamentals of religion, we believe that Allah is the One and the only Refuge. He neither begets nor is born, He has no likeness, no peer and no competitor. He knows everything and is capable of everything. He is the First, the Last, the Ascendant and the Intimate. Vision, neither in this world nor in the Hereafter, perceives Him not, but He perceives all Vision; and He is the Subtle, the Acquainted. He is the rich who needs no one. He should not be attributed of organs, parts, hands, feet or any of the like; He should not be attributed of movement, immobility, or disappearance, and is not contained by time and place.

The Almighty is wise and just and He does not oppress His servants, and does not accept corruption. He does not charge people with more than their capabilities, and does not force deeds on people, but provides choice to the eligible (whoever wills, let him believe; and whoever wills, let him disbelieve)[Al-Kahf: 29]. He does not punish anyone except with their sins (and every soul earns not [blame] except against itself, and no bearer of burdens will bear the burden of another) [Al-An’am: 164]; (and that there is nothing for man except that [good] for which he strives) [Al-Najm: 39].

We also believe that Allah is sincere in His promise for the believers and in His promise for the sinners; He does not break His promise as the Almighty says (the word will not be changed with Me, and never will I be unjust to the servants) [Qaf: 29]. We believe that Heaven is an eternal home to those who obeyed Him, and that Hellfire is an eternal settlement and residence to those whoever He judges. Intercession shall not be for the disbelievers and disobedient wrongdoers (grave sinners), but intercession is for, as the Almighty said, those whom He approves (no one can intercede except on behalf of one whom He approves and they, from fear of Him, are apprehensive) [Al-Anbiya: 28]; (For the wrongdoers there will be no devoted friend and no intercessor [who is] obeyed) [Ghafir: 18].

We also believe in Allah, His angels, His books, His messengers, and the Hereafter, and in the greatest and last messenger our Prophet Mohammed, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him, and his Book, the Holy Qur’an which Allah has given exclusively for this Ummah and made it guidance for the righteous and an eternal miracle that is not subject to distortion, exchange, increase, nor decrease, (Falsehood cannot approach it from before it or from behind it; [it is] a revelation from a [Lord who is] Wise and Praiseworthy) [Fussilat: 42]. This is our Great Qur’an and our constitution and guidance over the passage of time and age.

We believe that the Imam, after the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, is his brother and trusted Emir of the Believers Ali Bin Aby Taleb, then Al-Hassan, then Al-Hussein, and then their sons such as Imam Zaid, Imam Al-Qassim ibn Ibrahim, Imam Al-Hadi, Imam Al-Qassim Al-‘Ayani, Imam Al-Qassim ibn Mohammed, and those guiding imams who followed their approach.

We believe that the approach of guidance, and the survival and safety from misguidance is through adhering to the Thaqalayn (the two weighty sources of knowledge): The Book of Allah which is the source of guidance and light (by which Allah guides those who pursue His pleasure to the ways of peace, and brings them out from darkness into the light, by His permission, and guides them to a straight path) [Al-Mayida: 16]. (The Qur’an is an intercessor whose intercession is accepted, and its testimony is believed. Whoever puts it in front of him, it will lead him into Paradise, and whoever places it behind his back, it will drive him into Hellfire. It is the guide that leads to the best path, and it is the Book of detail, explanation, and collection. It is a decisive statement, not an amusement. Its wonders are countless and never wear out. It contains the lamps of guidance, beacons of wisdom, and the evidence for knowledge to whom knows the method…. to the end of the Hadith); and the smaller Thiqal (the smaller of the two weighty sources of knowledge) is the descendants of the Messenger of Allah who are the guidance of Ummah and the Book’s counterparts until the day of judgment (Al-Mighty informed me that these two will never go apart until they meet on the Pond of heaven), and they are the evidence of Allah on His earth.

We also believe that the promotion of virtue and prevention of vice, the jihad against the wrongdoers, and standing against the arrogant is one of the greatest religious duties enjoined to all people, and that supporting Awliya Allah (patrons of Allah) and being hostile to the enemies of Allah – as per Allah’s Sharia – at the top of which are the infidels who are represented in our current age by America, Israel, their supporters, aiders and whoever is on their side in their hostility towards Islam and Muslims, is a religious duty that Allah imposed on His servants. (You will not find a people who believe in Allah and the Last Day having affection for those who oppose Allah and His Messenger) [Al-Mujadala: 26].

2. The knowledge and teaching of Allah’s religion is a religious duty, some of which is an individual duty and some of which is a collective duty, because it entails the knowledge of religion and does what God enjoined people to do. Working religious scholars hold the position in which Allah has placed them (Allah will raise those who have believed among you and those who were given knowledge, by degrees. And Allah is Acquainted with what you do) [Al-Mujadalah: 11]; (Say, “Are those who know equal to those who do not know?”) [Al-Zumar: 9]. So, they should be respected and revered.

While criticism of scholars might be acceptable, this should not involve the scholars of Ahl Al-Bait (the People of the House) of the Messenger of Allah and their working Shiites, nor their knowledge. However, criticism should involve those who instruct jihad of wrongdoers and do not instruct a promotion of virtue nor prevent vice, and believe in silence and obeying those who should not be obeyed.

Jihad for the sake of Allah to uphold the word of Allah is obligatory for all, and was instructed by the Almighty and the Sunnah of the Messenger, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him, and was performed by the Imams of the People of the House, peace be upon them, which is denied only by an ignorant person or a person incompatible with the People of the House, peace be upon them.

Generally speaking, everyone agrees on the approach of the People of the House, peace be upon them, in their principles and beliefs that the guiding Imams followed from the dawn of Islam to our time including the predecessors and successors, although we prefer the method of the predecessors such as Al-Hadi and Al-Qassim for their proximity to the Divine and Qur’anic instinct.


As for the question of selection, we believe that Allah The Almighty selects whoever He wills from His servants whether groups or individuals as the Almighty says (Indeed, Allah chose Adam and Noah and the family of Abraham and the family of ‘Imran over the worlds) [Al-‘Imran: 33], and as the Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, said (Allah has chosen Ismael from the sons of Ibrahim, Kinanah from the sons of Ishmael, Quraish from Bani Kinanah, Bani Hashim from the Quraish, and has chosen me from the Bani Hashim). We believe that Allah has chosen the House of the Prophet, peace and blessings of Allah be upon him, and made them guides to the Ummah, heirs to the Book after the Messenger of Allah until the Day of the Hour, and Allah prepares a person in every age to be a torch-holder for His servants who is capable of running the Ummah and promote it in all fields (For every Bid’ah [innovation] after me that is plotted against Islam, there will be a Wali (patron) from my People of the House who will be tasked to declare and enlighten the truth and expose the plan of the plotters; so take warning, O people of insight, and rely on Allah). Our approach in endorsing and appointing him is the approach of the People of the House, peace be upon them.

Fundamentals of Islamic Jurisprudence (Fiqh)

As for the fundamentals of Islamic jurisprudence, whatever is inconsistent with the Holy Qur’an or an alternative to the House of Mohammed shall be rejected and criticized by all. Whatever is consistent with the Qur’an, and is used as an aid to understand the Sharia texts within the framework of the House of Mohammed – noting the significant role of sincerity to Allah the Almighty and working on the reasons of the Divine guidance (if you fear Allah, He will grant you a criterion) [Al-Anfal: 29], (And those who strive for Us – We will surely guide them to Our ways. Indeed, Allah is with the doers of good) [Al-A’nkabout: 69], (And those who are guided – He increases them in guidance and gives them their righteousness) [Mohammed: 17], shall be acceptable and endorsed and shall not have any objection or problem.

Ijtihad (Intellectual Reasoning)

As for ijtihad, whatever leads to superiority in religion and differences in the knowledge of Allah and other fundamentals of Sharia; violates the approach of the revered People of the House; harms the unity of Muslims and the composition of the Ummah as ordered by the Lord of the worlds (And let there be [arising] from you a nation inviting to [all that is] good, enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong, and those will be the successful) [Al-‘Imran: 104]; or opposes those whom Allah has ordered to obey and made them guardians of the Ummah, shall be rejected ijtihad that we do not approve or accept, and shall instead be considered corruption of religion.

Whatever uses time and energy in searching for the provisions of religion and Sharia of the Lord of the Worlds in line with the approach of the Holy Qur’an and in line with the path and approach of the revered People of the House, and does not lead to conflict in this Ummah, and does not oppose those whom Allah has ordered to obey and made them guardians of Ummah, and is under the controls placed and followed by the Imams of the House, peace be upon them, shall be acceptable and required in knowing religion – especially in newly arisen issues.

The Science of Kalam (Science of Discourse)

As for the criticism of the science of Kalam, this is not meant to involve the science of religious fundamentals or doctrines which the pure Imams of the House followed, but it relates to the depth and method pursued by the philosophers Al-Mu’tazila and others, and pertaining to their approach and methodology which is contrary to the methodology and approach of the People of the House, peace be upon them.

This is our doctrine and our unified vision on these matters, which will supersede any other vision or doctrine that might be formed by any party.

May Allah guide us to whatever He likes and accepts, and may He reunite the Ummah and unify its word under the truth of Mohammed and his people, peace and blessings be upon him and his people. Allah is the Arbiter of Guidance and Success. Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the Worlds.

My comment: For a 21th century world??

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

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COVID-19 Movement Restrictions: Yemen Mobility Restriction Dashboard #20 (27 Jan 2021)

HIGHLIGHTS (From 30 Dec 2020 to 26 Jan 2021)

22 new cases – 07 new deaths. | source: WHO • Updates on numbers of new cases in areas controlled by Sana’a DFA are not available.

No IDP Households reported COVID-19 as the reason of displacement. So far, the total number of IDPs who have cited COVID-19 as the primary reason for displacement is 1,550 households (see RDT Dashboard for more information).

IOM sub-office in Marib has provided courses for 120 trainees from the combined medical team to address COVID19 procedures.

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One new case of COVID-19 reported in Hadramout

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Arabien: der lange Weg zum Impfstoff

In Nahost haben es vor allem die weniger wohlhabenden Staaten es schwer, Impfstoff gegen das Corona-Virus zu beschaffen. Sie werden Opfer eigener politischer Missstände, aber auch des globalen Rennens um die Vakzine.

Der Jemen ist ein besonders deutliches Beispiel für die global ungleiche Distribution der verfügbaren Vakzine. "Diese ist hochgradig ungerecht und wird nicht zu einer effektiven Eindämmung der Pandemie beitragen", sagt Elisabeth Massute, politische Referentin in der Medikamentenkampagne von "Ärzte ohne Grenzen" (MSF), im DW-Interview.

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Coronavirus patient recovered in Hadramout

cp1b Am wichtigsten: USA stufen Huthis als Terroristen ein / Most important: US terror designation against Houthis

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Gehören die Houthis wirklich auf die US-Terrorliste?

„Des einen Terrorist ist des anderen Freiheitskämpfer“ – dieser geflügelte Satz beschreibt einen Evergreen politischer Auseinandersetzungen: Eine allgemeingültige Definition von Terrorismus existiert nicht. Umso praktischer ist der Begriff für so manche Regierung. Terroristen sind vogelfrei, moralisch definitiv auf der falschen Seite und müssen bekämpft werden. Nach 9/11 haben die USA vorgemacht, wie unter dem Dogma der Terrorbekämpfung Tabus fallen. Al-Kaidas ehemaliges Oberhaupt, Osama bin Laden, wurde zum Inbegriff des Terroristen. Staaten und Organisationen wie die EU und UN verteilen „Terrorlabels“. Wer sich auf einer Terrorliste wiederfindet, kann mit weitreichenden Sanktionen rechnen. Der Begriff hat also ganz reale Konsequenzen. Dass es trotz dessen keine klare Definition gibt, was Terrorismus überhaupt bedeutet, macht die Sache problematisch. Heutzutage wird der Begriff inflationär verwendet – sowohl zwischen politischen Gruppen als auch zwischen Staaten.

Ganz aktuell ist der Fall der Houthis im Jemen.

warnt auch die ehemalige Direktorin von Human Rights Watchs MENA Division, Sarah Leah Whitson, im hier gepiqden Artikel. Das Terrorlabel werde vornehmlich als ökonomische Waffe gegen verfeindete Regierungen genutzt, erweise sich aber selbst in diesem Zusammenhang als unwirksam. Abgesehen von den dramatischen humanitären Folgen verwässere die Trump-Regierung das Konzept von Terrorismus außerdem immer weiter. Einen Hehl daraus gemacht hat Donald Trump nie: Letztes Jahr strichen die USA den Sudan von der Terrorliste, im Gegenzug versprach die sudanesische Führung, die Beziehungen mit Israel zu normalisieren. Deal!

Zwischenfazit: Niemand kann so genau sagen, was Terrorismus ist, die Mehrheit bezieht sich aber darauf, wenn es gerade passt.

Eine radikale Forderung könnte deshalb sein, den Begriff einfach zu streichen. Verwässert wie er ist, findet er vielleicht ganz von allein den Weg in den nächsten Gulli. Leider lässt sich ein etablierter Begriff nicht einfach wegwünschen.

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Blinken says taking close look at designation of Yemen's Houthi movement

U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Wednesday said the State Department was taking a “very urgent and very close look” at the Trump administration designation of Yemen’s Houthi movement as a foreign terrorist organization and wants to make sure aid groups can deliver assistance to the country.

“It’s vitally important even in the midst of this crisis that we do everything we can to get humanitarian assistance to the people of Yemen, who are in desperate need. And what we want to make sure is that any steps we are taking do not get in the way of providing that assistance,” Blinken told reporters at his first press briefing after being sworn in.

“We want to make sure that not only are American aid groups able to do what they can to provide assistance, but so are aid groups around the world,” Blinken added.


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U.N. says still concerns about Yemen trade despite U.S. allowing Houthi deals

The United Nations is still hearing concerns that companies are planning to cancel or suspend business with Yemen despite a U.S. decision to allow all transactions with the Houthi movement “given this move does not resolve underlying uncertainties,” U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said on Tuesday.

The United States on Monday approved all transactions involving Yemen’s Houthi movement for the next month as Washington reviews a Trump administration designation of the Iran-aligned group as a foreign terrorist organization.

“With millions of civilians at risk of starvation, Yemen cannot afford even a temporary disruption in commercial activity and it is not yet clear that the new license will prevent those kinds of disruptions,” Dujarric said. “We continue to call for a reversal of the designation on humanitarian grounds.”

then, this film sounds too optimistic:

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Film: Aid boost in Yemen after U.S. allows Houthi deals

My comment: What really means: Aid decreases less than predicted.

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USA machen Rückzug bei Sanktionierung der Ansarullah im Jemen

Das US-Finanzministerium gab am Montagabend (Teheraner Zeit) bekannt, dass es eine einmonatige Befreiung für einen Teil der Sanktionen Washingtons gegen die jemenitische Ansarullah-Bewegung erlassen hat.

Nach Angaben des US-Finanzministeriums sind alle Finanztransaktionen, an denen die jemenitische Ansarullah-Bewegung oder Unternehmen und Organisationen beteiligt sind, die zu mehr als 50 Prozent im Besitz der Bewegung sind, mit Ausnahme der in Absatz b der Befreiungsgenehmigung beschriebenen, bis 00:01 Uhr am 26. Februar 2021 von den Sanktionen befreit.

In Abschnitt b der einmonatigen Ausnahmegenehmigung des US-Finanzministeriums für Sanktionen gegen die jemenitische Ansarullah-Bewegung heißt es, dass die gesperrten Konten von natürlichen und juristischen Personen in Verbindung mit der jemenitischen Ansarullah-Bewegung, sowie alle Finanztransaktionen und -aktivitäten gemäß den sogenannten Terrorismusbekämpfungsbestimmungen (GTSR) der USA, von der einmonatigen Befreiung ausgeschlossen sind.

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U.S. approves all deals involving Yemen's Houthis for one month

The United States on Monday approved all transactions involving Yemen’s Houthi movement for the next month as Washington reviews a Trump administration designation of the Iran-aligned group as a foreign terrorist organization.

The move appeared designed to allay fears of companies and banks involved in commercial trade to Yemen, which relies almost solely on imports. The Treasury Department in a Frequently Asked Question specifically stated that foreign banks will not be exposed to sanctions “if they knowingly conduct or facilitate a transaction” for the Houthis.

“It essentially wipes out the entire effect of the designation while giving the Biden administration a chance to make the decision on its own rather than getting stuck with Mike Pompeo’s decision,” said Brian O’Toole, a former Treasury official under the Obama Administration.


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Biden administration suspends some sanctions on Yemen rebels

The Biden administration on Monday suspended some of the terrorism sanctions that former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo imposed on Yemen’s Houthi rebels in his waning days in office.

The Treasury Department said it would exempt certain transactions involving the Houthis from sanctions resulting from Pompeo's designation of the group as a “foreign terrorist organization” on Jan. 10. The exemption will expire Feb. 26, according to a statement from Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control announcing a general license for transactions that involve entities owned by the Iran-backed Houthis.

Treasury's license does not reverse Pompeo's designations and does not apply to specific members of the Houthi group who have been otherwise sanctioned.

and also

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How is The Biden Administration 'Easing' on Yemen?

The Treasury Department appeared to be trying to allay the fears of companies and banks involved in commercial trade to Yemen, which relies mainly on imports.

The Treasury specifically stated in a Frequently Asked Question, “Foreign financial institutions do not risk exposure to … sanctions … if they knowingly conduct or facilitate a transaction” for the Houthis.

Brian O’Toole, a former Treasury official under the Obama Administration, says the license “essentially wipes out the entire effect of the designation while giving the Biden administration a chance to make the decision on its own rather than getting stuck with Mike Pompeo’s decision.”

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Jemen: Hilfsorganisationen fordern die US-Regierung zur Rücknahme der Terror-Einstufung von Ansar Allah auf

22 im Jemen tätige Hilfsorganisationen fordern in einem gemeinsamen Aufruf die Regierung Biden dazu auf, die Terror-Einstufung von Ansar Allah, auch als Huthi bekannt, unverzüglich zu widerrufen. Das Land steht nach rund 6 Jahren Krieg am Rande einer Hungersnot. Jede Beeinträchtigung der lebensrettenden Hilfsmaßnahmen und der Versorgung mit Nahrungsmitteln, Treibstoff, Medikamenten und anderen lebenswichtigen Gütern wird das Leben von Millionen Menschen gefährden. Die Rücknahme der Terror-Einstufung ist der einzig wirksame Weg, um die jemenitische Zivilbevölkerung vor den katastrophalen humanitären Auswirkungen zu schützen.
Die vier von der US-Regierung erteilten Ausnahmegenehmigungen für humanitäre Organisationen im Jemen sind bei weitem nicht ausreichend.

Die Terror-Einstufung wird zu großen Beeinträchtigungen in der Wirtschaft führen. Für viele Unternehmen wäre das Risiko zu hoch, mit der US-amerikanischen Gesetzgebung in Konflikt zu geraten, wenn sie weiter im Jemen arbeiten. Jemenitische Importunternehmen, die 80 bis 90 Prozent der Lebensmittel, Treibstoffe und Medikamente des Landes einführen, warnen bereits, dass sie ihre Geschäfte einstellen müssen.

Preissteigerungen und Einschränkungen im Handel wirken sich unmittelbar auf die humanitäre Arbeit aus.

Nicht zuletzt wird die Terror-Einstufung den von den Vereinten Nationen geführten Bemühungen um eine friedliche Lösung des Konflikts schaden.

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Aid agencies make unprecedented and united call for Biden administration to revoke Ansar Allah terrorist designation

Twenty-two aid organisations working in Yemen remain extremely concerned about the humanitarian consequences of the designation of Ansar Allah as a Foreign Terrorist Organisation (FTO) and Specially Designated Global Terrorists (SDGT), which came into effect on 19 January.

This designation comes at a time when famine is a very real threat to a country devastated by six years of conflict, and it must be revoked immediately. Any disruption to lifesaving aid operations and commercial imports of food, fuel, medicine and other essential goods will put millions of lives at risk.

The four general licences issued by the US government aim to allow the continued flow of aid to Yemen, seeking to mitigate the impacts of the designations by providing broad authorisations for humanitarian organisations, and some commercial imports. The legal implications of the designation and its impact on our work on the ground are yet to be fully clarified and understood. However, it is already clear that even with licences and exemptions in place for humanitarian work, the designation will have serious implications, causing delays and uncertainty in our ability to deliver assistance, making it even more difficult to operate in Yemen, particularly in areas controlled by the Ansar Allah de facto authorities which are home to the majority of people in need.

In addition to the lack of clarity on the humanitarian activities authorised in the licences, we have grave concerns that the licenses do not cover enough of the commercial sector. This will cause disruptions as the licences and associated guidance do not provide sufficient guarantees to international banks, shipping companies and suppliers that still face the risk of falling foul of US laws. As a result, many in the commercial sector will likely feel the risk is too high to continue working in Yemen.

This is why today we make an unprecedented and united call for the Biden administration to immediately revoke the designation.

Finally, the designation of Ansar Allah as a terrorist organisation will likely hurt UN-led efforts to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, as Martin Griffiths warned in his Security Council briefing.

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US Terrorist Designation for Houthis is Bad for Yemen Even Beyond Crippling Aid Efforts

In fact, examples elsewhere show that such a designation also could undermine political prospects for peace for years to come.

The United Nations and humanitarian groups warned of the possible consequences of this designation for a nation already enduring violence and extreme hunger as a result of a six-year war.

But terrorist designations not only criminalize humanitarian action and imperil principles of neutrality and impartiality on the part of aid providers, but also all but shut off the chances of political negotiations. And while donors and providers can tinker with exceptions to reduce – though not eliminate — the harm to assistance efforts, the listing of the Houthis also results in hindering any third-party actors trying to engage the listed group in the context of a peace process.

Concerns over Long-Term Peace Talks

Martin Griffiths, the U.N. special envoy for Yemen, has expressed concern the listing may have “a chilling effect on his efforts to bring the parties together,” the U.N. said in a Jan. 14 press release. “The path to peace in Yemen was never easy, and I believe that it is now a great deal more difficult than a month ago,” he said in the statement.

While Houthi representatives apparently participated in renewed talks about prisoner exchanges in Amman, Jordan, on Jan. 24, the terrorist listing creates a form of extreme vilification that would be hard to overcome for negotiations toward a permanent peace. My research on Colombia and other conflicts shows that while designating a group as a terrorist organization may be an effective way to deny them resources and de-legitimize an adversary, that vilification is incredibly hard to roll back when parties to the conflict decide they want to discuss peace.

International listings of armed groups as terrorists affects the overarching conflict narrative — the way the conflict is understood and framed. It crystallizes a judgment that one side in the conflict should be considered a “terrorist” and therefore isn’t worthy of recognition as a legitimate party.

It also becomes far easier to treat the listed armed group in a way that would otherwise be deemed unacceptable. That risks laying the ground for potential atrocities, especially as the designation often comes with significant military and intelligence resources as well as outside support for the non-designated side in the conflict.

In Colombia’s five-decade civil war, the U.S. decision to sweep the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) into the broader war on terror even before 9/11 by designating the group as a foreign terrorist organization in October 1997 greatly bolstered the Colombian government’s efforts to fight the rebels under President Álvaro Uribe, who held office between 2002 and 2010. There was thus little incentive for the government to shift away from a purely bellicose and militarized strategy.

A similar dynamic risks emerging in Yemen, unless the designation is quickly reversed – and some damage might already have been done in this regard.

A “Linguistic Ceasefire”

Having stigmatized the armed group in such an extreme way, the listing constrains policy choices. No Yemeni government that seeks peace will be able to switch directly to de-vilifying its listed enemy. This has a deep effect on the timing and sequencing — and even the prospects entirely — of negotiations.

In Colombia, the terrorist listing of the FARC led to a vilification so extreme that it greatly complicated efforts by the government of Uribe’s successor in 2010, Juan Manuel Santos, to enter negotiations to end the fighting.

The government first had to put in place a “linguistic ceasefire,” as I call it, by dropping the terrorist label and recognizing the group’s political motivations and grievances, before being able to negotiate with them.

The poisonous label, which remains in place even today, more than four years after Santos finally secured a peace agreement, has impeded the group’s ability to transform into a nonviolent political actor

In conversations and interviews with high-level mediators and third-party actors for my research, I heard time and time again that the listing of armed groups as terrorists raises the entry cost of negotiations. In some cases, as in Spain’s Basque region, it made direct negotiations between the Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) separatist group and the Spanish government impossible. In other contexts, as in the case of the conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish government, the “linguistic ceasefire” took hold for a time but was then rolled back.

The Trump administration’s ramming through of this designation in its dying days in office as part of its hawkish policy towards Iran not only gutted humanitarian aid efforts, but also imperils the prospects for peace in a country that has already suffered enough – by Sophie Haspeglagh

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The formal designation of armed groups as terrorists creates a set of obstacles for international efforts to resolve conflicts peacefully. Research suggests (see here, here, here and here) that terror-listing can embolden governments, making them less willing to offer concessions, make compromises, or implement reforms. Because it stigmatizes the groups designated as terrorists, it can also shift their internal power balance in favor of hardliners, diminishing the influence of factions that may be more willing to consider conciliation and negotiations. Terror-listing can also make contacts between parties harder to establish since terror-listing creates legal roadblocks in communicating and interacting with groups listed as terrorists. This in turn affects the efforts of third-party intermediaries and mediators.

The increasing use of proscription of armed actors in the last two decades has been matched by a parallel decrease in the use of mediation to resolve armed conflicts. In our study, we found that, of 95 conflict years involving actors listed as terrorists in the 1989 to 2013 period, only two experienced some kind of mediation intervention, a considerably lower average than conflicts in general. This decline in the number of mediated conflicts is surprising, particularly given that it occurred at the same time as the interna

If this pattern has any predictive value for Yemen, it clearly indicates that prospective peacemakers—the UN included—will face difficulties as a result of the Trump administration’s decision.

The Houthi movement in Yemen is not, by any standard, innocent in terms of atrocities and violence against civilians. It has not respected or implemented the Stockholm agreement as it has promised to do, and should be held accountable for its actions. Still, to label the group as a terrorist outfit will only undermine efforts to bring the civil war in Yemen to a negotiated settlement and one of the world’s worst conflicts to a peaceful end.

cp2 Allgemein / General

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Interactive Map of Yemen War

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Yemen War map updates

Jan. 28:

Jan. 27:

Jan. 26:

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Huthis haben laut UN Milliarden für Krieg abgezweigt

Die Rebellen im Jemen haben einem UN-Bericht zufolge mindestens 1,8 Milliarden US-Dollar aus der Staatskasse umgeleitet. Das Land ist bitterarm, Millionen hungern.

Jemens Huthi-Rebellen haben einem vertraulichen UN-Bericht zufolge eine Milliardensumme an Staatsgeldern für ihren Kampf im Bürgerkrieg abgezweigt. "Das Gremium schätzt, dass die Huthis 2019 mindestens 1,8 Milliarden US-Dollar (1,5 Milliarden Euro) umgeleitet haben, die ursprünglich dazu bestimmt waren, die Kassen der Regierung des Jemens zu füllen". Das geht aus einem Bericht eines UN-Expertengremiums für den Sicherheitsrat hervor. Das Geld war demnach eigentlich für Gehälter und die Grundversorgung der Bürgerinnen und Bürger in dem bitterarmen Land bestimmt.

Die von Saudi-Arabien unterstützte offizielle Regierung betreibt demnach außerdem Korruption und Geldwäsche; dies beeinträchtige "den Zugang der Jemeniten zu angemessenen Nahrungsmitteln". In einem Fall seien Gelder der jemenitischen Zentralbank im Wert von 423 Millionen US-Dollar auf Kosten der Bevölkerung an private Unternehmen geflossen. =

Mein Kommentar: Dass die Hadi-Regierung und ihre Organe zutiefst korrupt sind, weiß man seit 2014. In Sachen Huthis geht diese Mitteilung von falscher Wahrnehmung aus (die auf der eigenen politischen Voreingenommenheit beruht) und die dann zu falschen Schlüssen führt: Die Huthis stellen seit 2015 eine Regierung, seitdem gibt es zwei Regierungen im Jemen. Dass die Steuern, die in den der Huthi-Regierung unterstehenden Landesteilen bezahlt werden, dazu bestimmt sein sollten, „die Kassen der Regierung des Jemens zu füllen“ (womit die international anerkannte Gegen-Regierung von Präsident hadi gemeint ist), erscheint angesichts der realität im Jemen als bizarr. Was man der Huthi-Regierung in Sanaa natürlich vorwerfen kann, ist die Tatsache, dass sie die knappen Steuergelder, anstatt sie für die dringendst notwendige Grundversorgung der Bürger und die teilweise seit jahren überfällige Bezahlung der zivilen Staatsbediensteten (einschließlich der Lehrer) zu stecken, stattdessen für die Kriegführung verwendet. Nur, wäre das so außergewöhnlich? Das Deutsche Reich verfügte 1915 über Einnahmen von 2,185 Milliarden Mark (|log23&physid=phys128#navi). Für die Kriegführung wurden in diesem jahr aber etwa 30 Milliarden Mark ausgegeben – überwiegend aufgebracht durch Kriegsanleihen (|log23&physid=phys131#navi). Der Bevölkerung ging es immer schlechter, und wofür gab die Regierung das Geld aus? In Kriegszeiten stecken die Regierungen immer den größten Teil der Finanzen in die Kriegführung… – Ein weiterer Punkt: Wenn man der Huthi-Regierung vorwirft, Staatsgelder ins Militär zu stecken, anstatt die drängenden sozialen Bedürfnisse der bevölkerung zu berücksichtigen, kommt einem das nicjht bekannt vor? Extremfall ist sicher die USA, die im den gesamten Militär- uns Sicherheitsbereich jedes jahr ca. 1,25 Billionen Dollar versenkt, während die öffentliche Infrastruktur verrottet, die zahl der Armen ständig wächst, es nur eine mangelhafte soziale Absicherung gibt und keine öffentliche Gesundheitsversorgung, die diesen Namen verdient?

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U.N. report accuses Yemen [Hadi] government of money-laundering, Houthis of taking state revenue

Independent U.N. sanctions monitors accused Yemen’s government, in a report seen by Reuters on Tuesday, of money-laundering and corruption “that adversely affected access to adequate food supplies” and said the Houthi group collected at least $1.8 billion in state revenue in 2019 to help fund its war effort. The annual report to the U.N. Security Council on the implementation of international sanctions on Yemen coincides with U.N. officials saying that the country is on the verge of a large-scale famine with millions of civilians at risk.

The monitors said Saudi Arabia deposited $2 billion with the Central Bank of Yemen in January 2018 under a development and reconstruction program. The money was intended to fund credit to buy commodities - such as rice, sugar, milk and flour - to strengthen food security and stabilize domestic prices.

The U.N. investigation found that Yemen’s Central Bank broke its foreign exchange rules, manipulated the foreign exchange market and “laundered a substantial part of the Saudi deposit in a sophisticated money-laundering scheme” that saw traders receive a $423 million windfall.

“The $423 million is public money, which has been illegally transferred to private corporations. Documents provided by the Central Bank of Yemen fail to explain why they adopted such a destructive strategy,” according to the U.N. report.

The monitors said they view it as “an act of money-laundering and corruption perpetrated by government institutions, in this case the Central Bank of Yemen and the Government of Yemen, in collusion with well-placed businesses and political personalities, to the benefit of a select group of privileged traders and businessmen.”

Yemen’s government and the Central Bank did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the accusations.

The U.N. report said that in areas controlled by the Houthis the group was collecting taxes and other state revenue needed to pay government salaries and provide basic services to citizens. It estimates the Houthis diverted at least $1.8 billion in 2019, “a large portion” of which was used to fund their war effort.


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UN panel: Yemen’s war being fueled by economic profiteering

The panel said there is “an increasing body of evidence suggesting that individuals and entities” in Iran supply “significant volumes of weapons and components to the Houthis.”

The panel said the government lost strategic territory to both the Houthis and the Southern Transitional Counci

“The lack of a coherent strategy among anti-Houthi forces, demonstrated by infighting within them, and disagreements between their regional backers, has served to strengthen the Houthis,” the experts said.

The report said the Houthis perform government functions including collecting taxes and other state revenue, “a large portion of which is used to fund their war effort” — not to help the Yemeni people.

“The government of Yemen is, in some cases, engaging in money-laundering and corruption practices that adversely affect access to adequate food supplies for Yemenis, in violation of the right to food,” the panel said.

In the $423 million scheme that illegally transferred public money to traders, 48% was received by a single holding corporation, the Hayel Saeed Anam Group, known as HSA, the experts said.

The HSA Group called the allegations “baseless” and denied them “in the strongest terms.”

It urged the panel to issue a statement distancing itself from the allegations and launch an immediate investigation “to ascertain the illegitimate source” of the report and said it will commission an independent audit into the allegations “to provide a full review and account of the facts.”

“HSA operates in line with international best practice in compliance and governance standards in every market we operate in and is committed to transparency and accountability,” a company statement said.

and also

My comment: In German, above.


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Audio: Diwan Episode 3 - Special episode reviewing a report by the UNSC Panel of Experts on Yemen


(A P)

Yemen's central bank dismisses UN corruption allegations

Yemen’s central bank dismissed United Nations allegations that the Yemeni government misused millions of dollars from Saudi Arabia to buy essential commodities for the Yemeni people

A report by a panel of U.N. experts released to the media this week accused the internationally recognized government of implementing a scheme to illegally divert to traders $423 million in Saudi money.

The report says the funds were meant to buy rice and other supplies for Yemenis suffering from the country’s six-year civil war.

“The government of Yemen is, in some cases, engaging in money-laundering and corruption practices that adversely affect access to adequate food supplies for Yemenis, in violation of the right to food,” the panel said.

The Central Bank of Yemen said Wednesday the report was based on “misleading claims and information” propagated by “enemies of Yemen.”

and the story picked by the Houthi side.

(* B E P)

Saudi-backed Yemeni puppet government stole around 2 billion dollars of development aid, UN report shows

Southern Yemeni journalist Adel Al-Hassani said on Thursday that a United Nations report has revealed scandalous facts about the practices of higher officials in the Hadi “government” specifically its so-called Prime Minister Maeen Abdul-Malik Saeed.

“The report confirmed the involvement of Maeen Abdul-Malik Saeed in suspicious financial deals, in partnership with the Hayel sons, Al-Karimi and others,” Al-Hasani added.

He noted that financial corruption is raging in all the conflicting forces, and that bigger matters would soon become clear, with the Saudi ambassador also not being far from all this.

The United Nations report revealed large-scale corruption and money laundering caused by the Hadi government, as it robbed around $2 billion that Saudi Arabia deposited in the Central Bank of Yemen in Aden in 2018.

The money was supposed to finance a credit limit to purchase commodities such as rice, sugar, milk and flour in order to enhance food security and to stabilise the the prices of these commodities locally.

(B P)

Arabischer Frühling im Jemen: Neue Hoffnung durch Biden

Zehn Jahre nach dem Arabischen Frühling herrscht Bürgerkrieg im Jemen. Neue Hoffnung auf Frieden bietet der Machtwechsel in den USA. Doch es droht eine Dreiteilung des Landes.

Die Lage im Jemen sieht düster aus. Der Amtsantritt Joe Bidens mag trotzdem für einen kleinen Hoffnungsschimmer sorgen. Sollte sich die Lage zwischen Washington und Teheran entspannen, könnte dies den Verhandlungen im Jemen neuen Schub verleihen. Anders als unter Trump hätte Riad keinen Blankoscheck mehr für den Krieg. Ein Ende des überaus teuren und zunehmend unpopulären Engagements ist jedoch auch im eigenen saudischen Interesse.

Der Weg zum Frieden freilich wäre lang und steinig. Man würde nicht umhin kommen, die politisch-militärischen Realitäten vor Ort anzuerkennen und sowohl den Huthis als auch den südlichen Separatist*innen international Legitimität zuzubilligen. Das bedeutet eine effektive Dreiteilung des Landes, die wohl nur langsam wieder zurückgeführt werden könnte. Zehn Jahre nach den großen Hoffnungen auf Demokratie und Wohlstand scheint dies sehr wenig. Für die Menschen im Jemen jedoch wären ein dauerhafter Waffenstillstand und der Beginn des Wiederaufbaus ein großer Schritt in eine bessere Zukunft.

(* B P)


Yemen suffers from numerous problems that affect women, but one of the most difficult is the political situation. The dire state of female representation was made crystal clear in December when, for the first time in 20 years, a new government was formed without a single woman. It triggered an instant online backlash. This was a regression by any standard and was all the more disappointing given Yemeni women’s prominent presence during the 2011 uprising. Yet, as social activist and researcher Shaima Bin Othman argues, women in Yemen should focus on fighting for a new system where they can participate as equal citizens, rather than try to be part of a broken system solely based on their gender.

On December 18, 2020, Yemen announced a new government with 24 ministers – all men. It was formed under the Riyadh Agreement, which was signed between President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi’s government and Southern Transitional Council over a year ago. When news of the all-male Cabinet leaked, the backlash was immediate, with Yemeni women launching an aggressive social media campaign rejecting the government’s formation and demanding Hadi’s resignation under the hashtag #NoWomenNoGovernment.

In the patriarchal, misogynist system that controls Yemen, women are not seen as competent political players, they are only viewed through the prism of their gender – and even then they are dismissed as unimportant. This is despite the clear change occurring on the ground in terms of female societal roles.

Given the pledges Yemen’s leaders have made over the years about boosting female representation and the prominent role women played during the 2011 uprising, their presence at the highest levels of decision-making this past decade should have been guaranteed. Yet apart for some ministerial portfolios in the transition government, this has not transpired.

Female empowerment has become little more than a slogan. The enormous funds spent on women and youth empowerment projects have had little to no impact on the ground over the years. Women’s efforts have so far translated into superficial fame on social networking sites, rather than real influence or decision-making power.


The problem, of course, is much broader than the marginalisation of women. In Yemen, millions of men and women are denied their right to have a dignified life. Their salaries are not paid, and they are left to hunger and disease. As a result, Yemeni citizens have lost trust in President Hadi and his government. He has been the transitional leader of Yemen since 2012, when he assumed power in an election in which he was the only candidate. Almost 10 years later, the country has deteriorated significantly. Yemen is going through the world’s worst humanitarian crisis, as the UNFPA 2021 appeal shows. Citizen satisfaction in public services, government transparency, and anti-corruption measures is low.

Referred to jokingly as the “Government of Hotels” because its politicians reside in a hotel in Riyadh, Cabinet posts under Hadi have turned into financial opportunities. His government is dispersed, paralyzed and lacks the credibility or power to enforce its own program. Unless our political leaders return to Yemen, receive their salaries in Yemeni rial, have their children go to government schools and are treated in local hospitals, distrust will remain and a political solution will be out of reach.

This gap between the powerful and the people is not entirely new. Indeed, we have not seen a democratic process in our lifetime. But recently the gap between the elites and the average person has widened so much that we have lost our political compass.


Today, Yemenis are inheritors of two separate pasts: the Yemen Arab Republic in the north and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen in the south. Neither provide an ideal blueprint for our future state, however, in terms of conceptualizing Yemenis as citizens, there is a thing or two we can learn from the southern Socialist Party. Rather than basing the quality of citizenship on gender as our current state does, the Democratic Republic based it on active participation in the community. As a result, society viewed women as equal partners in building the nation, as evidenced by the 1974 Family Law, which guaranteed identical rights to women and men in all fields of life.

This should be the foundation for the women’s rights struggle in Yemen. At the moment, we are asking for political participation on the basis of our gender, rather than because we are – or should be – equal citizens of the Yemeni state. Men and women alike must strive for a new kind of citizenship that gives us not just female government ministers, but equal civil, social, and political rights – by Shaima Bin Othman

(* B H K)

#Yemen war dead could hit 300,000 this year in what #UN calls ‘humanity’s greatest preventable disaster’. The international community led by the #US must recognize that Yemen is not just a humanitarian catastrophe! It is the largest man-made disaster in the world.

(* B H K)

Entesaf Organization: Children, Women Victims of US-Saudi Aggression Exceeded 13,888

A report by Entesaf Organization for Women and Children Rights revealed that the number of children and women victims of the US-Saudi aggression from the beginning of the aggression until the end of January 2021 exceeded 13,888 martyrs and wounded, indicating that three newborns die every hour as a result of the aggression and siege on Yemen.

The organization highlighted during a press conference, held in Sana’a on Thursday, the crimes of aggression and the siege and their effects on women and children in Yemen.

“The number of children and women victims of aggression from the beginning of the aggression until the end of this January reached 6,190 martyrs and 6,898 wounded,” it added.

The human rights report indicated that the percentage of congenital anomalies increased by 8% during the years of the aggression due to the use of internationally prohibited weapons, indicating that malnutrition rates jumped during the years of the aggression to 200% as a result of aggression and blockade.

“Malnutrition among children under the age of five in Yemen exceeded 2.6 million out of 5.5 million, which is 47%,” the organization added.

It indicated that the neonatal mortality rate was 27 births out of every 1,000 births, and that there were about 30,000 newborns who died during 2019 only, out of 1,122,781 births, meaning 3 births die every hour.

It stressed that the closure of Sana’a International Airport resulted in isolating Yemenis, restricting the freedom of millions and disrupting navigation in front of vital and commercial supplies.

“The closure of Sana’a airport exacerbated the humanitarian situation and led to the death f 80,000 patients who needed to travel for treatment,” it added, indicating that more than 450,000 patients urgently need to travel for treatment outside the homeland.

“More than 12,000 patients with kidney failure are in need of urgent kidney transplantation.”

It stressed that more than 65 thousand patients with cancer, including a large number of children and women, are threatened with death as a result of the continued closure of Sana’a airport.

(* A K P)

US and British forces arrive in eastern Yemen

A southern Yemeni journalist revealed on Wednesday that American and British forces had arrived in Mahrah province, east of Yemen.

Activist and journalist Saleh Al-Mahri confirmed, that American and British military forces had arrived at Al-Ghaydah International Airport, which is controlled by Saudi forces in Mahrah.

referring to

(* B H K)

Film: Diwan Episode 2- @ButhainaFaroq discusses the situation in al-Haima & Ammar Basha talking filmmaking

This Episode was recorded just prior to the US Administration listing Ansar Allah as a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTC), and is uploaded as Yemeni activists launched the Twitter hash tag #HouthiTerrorismInYemen calling on the international community to address the many IHL violations by the Sana'a-based authorities. We are joined by Ms @ButhainaFaroq of the Rasd Coalition discussing the situation in al-Haima & Mr. Ammar Basha talking filmmaking in Yemen.

also here:

(* B K P)

Film: Diwan Episode 1 - Intro. With Mr. Khaled al-Yamani, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.

catch up on news from #Yemen​ & our interview with former Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Khaled al-Yamani. Diwan podcast hosted by @alimahmood19844 (from Aden) & @CarvajalF (in the US).... Mr. @KhaledAlyemany discusses the new coalition government, sanctions on Houthis & views on incoming Biden/Harris administration, including suggestion of needed US Special Envoy to the Yemeni conflict.

and also here:

(* B K P)

Film: Diwan Episode 1 - Mr. Labib Nasher. Hosts : Fernando Carvajal & Ali Mahmoud (twitter @Diwan_Yemen )

Mr Labib Nasher joins Diwan podcast from NYC to discuss his experience in 2011 as an activists, his detention in Sana'a under Houthi authorities, views on the new coalition government and widespread corruption.

and also here:

(B K P)

Neue Kämpfe und alte Probleme im Jemen-Krieg

Um im Jemen-Krieg Stärke zu demonstrieren, beschießen die Houthi Saudi-Arabien. Das dürfte denjenigen in Bidens Regierung ungelegen kommen, die Trumps Einstufung der Rebellen als Terrorgruppe rückgängig machen wollen.

Die jetzigen Angriffe wurden als Botschaften der Houthi gewertet, die auf diese Weise Stärke demonstrieren wollten (Bezahlschranke)

Mein Kommentar: „Die jetzigen Angriffe wurden als Botschaften der Houthi gewertet, die auf diese Weise Stärke demonstrieren wollten“: Zweifelhaft, da die Huthis leugnen, dass der Angriff von ihnen kam.

(* A P)

Yemen: Mothers of abductees call on UN to intervene

The Abductees' Mothers Association called on the United Nations secretary-general and his special envoy to pressure the Yemeni parties to release those who have been kidnapped, women and the sick, immediately and unconditionally.

This came in a statement issued by the association in conjunction with the fifth meeting of the supervisory committee on prisoners and detainees held in the Jordanian capital Amman on Sunday.

The organisation documented the abduction of 725 civilians, including two women, and 119 cases of forcible disappearances, including that of two women, held in Houthi prisons and six civilians detained in the prisons of the internationally-backed government.

In a statement, it said kidnapped and detained civilians have a right under international law to freedom, and those who have kidnapped them should be held fully responsible for their lives and safety.

and also

(* A P)

UN inspection of abandoned oil tanker off Yemen delayed until March

A UN mission to inspect a long-abandoned fuel tanker off the coast of Yemen, which threatens to rupture and cause a massive oil spill, has been pushed to March, the body said Wednesday.

"We've hit a few delays with international shipping that were beyond our control and had some back and forth on signing documents, which has now been resolved," UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters.

"For now, we think we can get there by early March. From our side we are doing everything possible to stick to that timeline and deploy the mission," he said.

In November, Yemen's Huthi rebels confirmed they had given the green light for a mission to assess the FSO Safer fuel tanker, which the UN initially planned for late January or early February.

The Iran-backed Huthis -- who control much of Yemen's north after a war that erupted in 2014 -- had previously denied access.

Sticking to the new timeline "will depend on continuous facilitation by the Ansar Allah authorities," Dujarric said, using the official name of the Huthi movement.

"We have communicated to the authorities our concern over several logistical issues that remain pending," he added. "We urgently need to resolve these issues in the next several days to avoid missing the window for timely deployment." 0

and how an anti-Houthi, pro-UAE site tells it:

(A P)

Houthis delay UN inspection of Safer oil tanker, despite danger

Analysts see the Houthi attitude as yet another ploy to pressure the incoming US administration as its reviews the terrorist list of the UN backed militias.

A UN mission to inspect a long-abandoned fuel tanker off the coast of Yemen, which threatens to rupture and cause a massive oil spill, has been pushed to March due to obstacles put up by the Iran-backed Houthis.

Sticking to the new timeline “will depend on continuous facilitation by the Ansar Allah authorities,” Dujarric said, using the official name of the Houthi movement.

“We have communicated to the (Houthi) authorities our concern over several logistical issues that remain pending,” he added. “We urgently need to resolve these issues in the next several days to avoid missing the window for timely deployment.”

Analysts see the Houthi attitude as yet another ploy to pressure the incoming US administration as its reviews the terrorist list of the UN backed militias.

The UN’s announcement comes just two days after new US President Joe Biden’s administration temporarily suspended his country’s designation of the Houthis as a terrorist group until February 26, pending review.

Dujarric said the UN was reviewing the situation concerning the US terrorist designation “to ensure that non-staff contractors are not inadvertently exposed to legal risks by participating in the mission.”

and the Houthi news site:

(A P)

UN Inspection of Safer Oil Tanker off Yemen Delayed Until March

A UN mission to inspect a long-abandoned fuel tanker off the coast of Yemen, which threatens to rupture and cause a massive oil spill, has been pushed to March, AFP reported on Thursday.

"We've hit a few delays with international shipping that were beyond our control and had some back and forth on signing documents, which has now been resolved," UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric told reporters on Wednesday.

"For now, we think we can get there by early March. From our side we are doing everything possible to stick to that timeline and deploy the mission," he said.

"We have communicated to the authorities our concern over several logistical issues that remain pending," he added. "We urgently need to resolve these issues in the next several days to avoid missing the window for timely deployment."

Meanwhile, Dujarric said the UN was reviewing the situation concerning the US terrorist designation "to ensure that non-staff contractors are not inadvertently exposed to legal risks by participating in the mission."


(* A P)

[Sanaa gov.] Deputy Foreign Minister Warns UN Not to Hinder, Breach Safer Agreement

Deputy Foreign Minister Hussein Al-Ezzi called on the United Nations to abide by the agreement regarding the maintenance of the floating tank, Safer, and not to hinder and breach the agreement.

Al-Ezzi explained that the United Nations submitted additional requests not included in the agreement that was signed by the two parties.

He stated that the government informed the international party of the need to respect the agreements, especially since this new request relates to their financial relationship with insurance companies, and said, "We don’t want getting involved in what is not our concern."

He added that all the continuous postponement and change in the arrival dates of the technical team of the ship happened and is happening by the United Nations unilaterally, we have proved our great interest and concern.

He pointed out that the government is currently making efforts to ensure that there are no suspicious relations connecting the team to Washington, especially in light of the developments in the US hostile attitude towards the Yemeni people.

and also

while the Hadi government claims:

(A P)

Yemeni gov't says Houthis reneged Safer FSO repair deal with UN

The Houthi group dodges in terms of the Yemeni floating storage and offloading (FSO) Safer and reneges anew on a deal allowing UN team access to the facility for assessment and repair works, information minister in the Yemeni official government said Thursday.
The international community, particularly the UN Security Council, is urged to adopt obvious position at Houthi dodges, practice real pressures on the group to prevent a looming disaster, and support the government efforts and public calls to designate the group as terrorist, Moammar al-Eryani added on Twitter.

(* B H K P)

Yemen’s Tragedy: War, Stalemate, and Suffering

Yemen’s internal divisions and a Saudi-led military intervention have spawned an escalating political, military, and humanitarian crisis.


Yemen’s internationally recognized government and Iran-backed Houthi rebels are fighting for control, with a Saudi-led military coalition backing the government.

The country’s humanitarian crisis is said to be the worst in the world, due to widespread hunger, disease, and attacks on civilians.

The UN-backed peace process has stalled, and the Trump administration’s designation of the Houthis as terrorists has prompted fears of continued conflict and further suffering.

What are Yemen’s divisions?

Yemen has long struggled with religious and cultural differences between its north and south and the legacy of European colonialism. The modern Yemeni state was formed in 1990 with the unification of the U.S.- and Saudi-backed Yemeni Arab Republic, in the north, and the USSR-backed People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY), in the south. Ali Abdullah Saleh, a military officer who had ruled North Yemen since 1978, assumed leadership of the new country.

What caused the current crisis?

Several factors widened these political divisions and led to full-scale military conflict.

Subsidy backlash. Under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which had extended to Yemen a $550 million loan premised on promises of economic reforms, Hadi’s government lifted fuel subsidies in 2014. The Houthi movement, which had attracted support beyond its base with its criticisms of the UN transition, organized mass protests demanding lower fuel prices and a new government. Hadi’s supporters and the Muslim Brotherhood–affiliated party, al-Islah, held counterrallies.

Houthi takeover.

Military division. Military units loyal to Saleh aligned themselves with the Houthis, contributing to their battlefield success. Other militias mobilized against the Houthi-Saleh forces, aligning with those in the military who had remained loyal to the Hadi government. Southern separatists ramped up their calls for secession.

What are the prospects for a solution to the crisis?

UN-backed peace negotiations have made limited progress. The 2018 Stockholm Agreement averted a battle in the vital port city of Hodeidah, but there has been little success in implementing the accord’s provisions, which includes the exchange of more than fifteen thousand prisoners and the creation of a joint committee to de-escalate violence in the city of Taiz.

Observers worry that friction among regional actors, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE, could prolong the war. Conditions deteriorated in late 2019, when the Houthis claimed responsibility for a missile attack on Saudi oil facilities. UN monitors concluded that the Houthis did not carry out the attack but did not say who was behind it; the Saudi-led coalition blamed Iran. Some experts see the Houthis’ willingness to claim the attack as a sign of their increasing alignment with the Iranian regime. However, many analysts say viewing Yemen’s conflict as an Iran-Saudi Arabia proxy war rather than a civil war overlooks local dynamics that ultimately caused the fighting, and that Yemen’s long-term stability hinges on resolving those domestic tensions.

Some experts say that viewing the war as a two-party conflict, as exemplified by UN Security Council Resolution 2216, is unproductive given the fragmentation of anti-Houthi forces and the involvement of foreign powers. And though the Riyadh Agreement showed renewed unity among the anti-Houthi camp, Hadi’s government has little leverage with the Houthis. Involving more political parties and civil society groups to back the government in peace talks could level the playing field.

(* B H K)

Snipers, landmines, death: Life on Yemen's frontline

Yemenis in Taiz tell MEE of the daily danger they face as conflict rages around their homes

Almost every building is damaged. Dogs bark at anyone walking down the empty streets, and in the distance the sound of children playing in alleyways is interrupted by occasional gunfire.

Carpets are hung between buildings - not to dry, but to protect passersby from snipers.

These are the frontlines of Taiz, a war-wracked city in southern Yemen where terror follows its long-suffering residents.

Most Yemenis have fled the homes that now lie between the pro-government forces and Houthi fighters. But some remain - either refusing to abandon their houses and live in displacement, or simply lacking any alternative shelter.

Middle East Eye meets the Yemenis living and suffering on the frontline.

Al-Tayeb Ameen Ghalib

‘The fighting is terrifying. We feel we will meet our fate at any moment’

Ghalib, 35, used to travel to Saudi Arabia for work, but since the beginning of the war he is has been based in Taiz with his family.

“Like many other neighbourhoods in Taiz city, this one witnessed fighting and clashes around many houses. There were door-to-door clashes, and many were killed and wounded here. The fighting is terrifying. We feel we will meet our fate at any moment. Imagine what it is like being trapped in your home while there are clashes in the yard outside.

“No one dares to leave his home, especially after sunset. We can usually avoid fighting by staying in the basement, but it is very difficult to avoid the snipers. The snipers always shoot at the neighbourhood and many people have been killed by them. We tried many ways to protect ourselves from the shots, but it is difficult.

“The children can’t go out to play normally, and when we enter or leave our homes, we walk near the walls where snipers can’t see us. We resort to hanging wooden panels, carpets, blankets, plastic sheets or mattresses, so the snipers can’t see us. But they shoot the covers and tear them, so we have to replace them.

“If there is a light at night, the sniper immediately shoots at it, even if it is a cigarette, so we don’t light anything and we have shut all windows. One day last Ramadan, a sniper shot a motorcycle biker here in front of us. Immediately he fell down from his motorcycle and died.

“We are witnessing bad days and our families are terrified. They don’t want to live in such areas, but there is nothing we can do and we must struggle to adapt to the life here. I hope that coming years won’t be like the last ones.”

(* B K P)

The Yemen test

The crisis in Yemen presents the new US administration with a difficult challenge. Reviewing the designation of the Houthis as a terrorist group is the first issue, reports Haitham Nouri

The Yemeni crisis will not be easy for Washington to handle despite US State Secretary Antony Blinken saying the Biden administration will review the terrorist designation of the Houthis and his announcement that the US has ceased its support for Saudi Arabia in the Yemen war.
Because the Middle East files have become more complex, the Yemeni crisis can’t be resolved in a manner that pleases all concerned parties without reaching a settlement on the Iranian nuclear and missile programmes and resolving the debacle of Iran’s presence in Syria and Lebanon.
Without involving the Gulf, this is a settlement that is hard to attain. Such are Riyadh’s demands in any new round of negotiations to reach a settlement reminiscent of the 2015 agreement forged by former US state secretary John Kerry.
Washington should take into account its “partners in Riyadh”, in the words of Blinken, who said before the Congress that the US should consult with Saudi Arabia to stop the war in Yemen and handle the Iranian military, nuclear and missile files.
Riyadh had earlier warned it would join in the nuclear race if its rival Tehran was to attain atomic capabilities. At that time, many observers anticipated Saudi Arabia may seek Pakistan’s expertise in the field, since the two countries have been strategic partners for more than 60 years.
If Saudi Arabia turns to Pakistan, the conflict in the Gulf will grow to rival the nuclear terror in Asia (China, India and Pakistan), which will make stopping it next to impossible.
This will also encourage other countries, such as Turkey and Egypt, which had maintained a distance from the nuclear armament race, to join the fray. Will tensions spread from East Asia to the Mediterranean Sea?

My comment: It should be obvious that any solution for Yemen must fit to the intrerest of the Yemenis – and all other states interests are second.

(* A P)

As World Demands Peace and Aid for Yemen, Biden Told to 'End Every Aspect of This War'

Over 385 groups from across the globe are calling for an immediate halt to the U.S.-backed Saudi coalition's relentless attack—an armed conflict that is only intensifying the world's worst humanitarian catastrophe.

Campaigners worldwide this week are calling for an immediate end to the war in Yemen, including elevated calls for the governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada to end their support of the assault led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates that is only exacerbating a famine while also making the Covid-19 pandemic a larger and larger threat.

Led by several convening anti-war organizations—the Yemeni Alliance Committee, Action Corps, CodePink, and Stop the War U.K.—over 385 groups from around the world came together with a joint call Monday to end the war and on-the-ground demonstrations took place in approximately 30 countries.

During an international conference call via video stream, opponents of the war—including Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), former U.K. Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, Progressive International co-founder Yanis Varoufakis, Yemeni-American scholar Dr. Shireen Al-Adeimi, and many others—spoke about the ongoing campaign to end the conflict, suffering, and bloodshed.

Speaking from the U.S., Congressman Khanna said that what's happening in Yemen "is the greatest humanitarian crisis in the world" and now, with former President Donald Trump gone and both chambers of Congress back in the control of the Democrats, he would—along with Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.)—be re-introducing a War Power Resolution to end U.S. complicity and involvement in the Saudi-led attack.

Corbyn, in his remarks, announced that he had introduced what's called an Early Day Motion in the U.K. Parliament opposing the government's ongoing support for the war.

"Profits are being made from the killing of children, profits are being made from the destruction of an entire country," Corbyn lamented. He called on people from across the globe "to oppose the rise of the far right and racism all around the world, and bring people together in their quest for peace and ending poverty and the unity that will come from it."

Al-Adeimi, assistant professor of education at Michigan State University, thanked the international coalition speaking out against the war that has too often been "not forgotten, but ignored" by the world community and targeted her remarks directly at the new U.S. president.

(* A P)

25. Januar 2021 war weltweiter Protest- und Aktionstag gegen den Krieg im Jemen mit Aktionen in zahlreichen Ländern – Aktions-Überblick und einige Berichte

„Eventos y manifestaciones populares en el Día Internacional contra la Guerra“ am 25. Januar 2021 bei Resumen Latinoamericano gibt einen Überblick über geplante und durchgeführte Aktivitäten an diesem Tag, beginnend mit starken Protesten im Jemen selbst.

„Protesters urge Canada to stop arms sales to Saudi Arabia amid ongoing crisis in Yemen“ von Steve Chase am 26. Januar 2021 beim Globe and Mail berichtet von der Hafenblockade in Hamilton in der Provinz Ontario

Lunedì 25 gennaio h16:30 Ingresso Ponte Etiopiaam 15. Januar 2021 im Twitter-Kanal der Autonomen Hafenarbeiter Genuas war der Aufruf zu einer Protestdemonstration an einem der Hafeneingänge am 25. Januar

(* B P)

Yemen Can't Wait: Why a Global Day of Action Has Created a Chance for Change

Joe Biden has suggested a new direction on Yemen—we must seize the opportunity to protest in his first week as US President to make sure he keeps his promise.

Saudi’s military effort is in fact largely dependent on Western support. A former MoD mandarin and defence attache to Saudi Arabia, John Deveril, said in 2019, “the Saudi bosses absolutely depend on BAE Systems, they couldn’t do it without us.”

A BAE employee confirmed this view to Channel 4’s Dispatches, “If we weren’t there, in seven to 14 days there wouldn’t be a jet in the sky.”

Britain’s support for the war effort is partly a product of its colonial history in the country.

It is driven too by post-colonial concern to secure oil supplies from the region as well as the recent emphasis on Britain’s global role.

But more than anything it is a product of the general strategy of strengthening the anti-Iranian alliance in the region with Saudi Arabia at its heart.

We have now, however, a real opportunity to push for the end of the war.

Public opinion in the West is clearly against the intervention. In Britain fully 63 per cent of the population have opposed arms sales to Saudi Arabia for at least the last two years, with only 13 per cent in favour.

In the US the figure is even higher.

All this is reflected in the fact that Joe Biden has changed his attitude to the war.

In 2015 as vice-president he was instrumental in launching US involvement in hostilities.

During last year’s election campaign he promised to end US support for the war and to push for a peaceful solution, even if he provided little detail.

His picks for his foreign policy team are not particularly encouraging, but the new administration and Biden’s promises provide an opportunity to escalate the pressure on the Western powers to change course.

That is why the global day of action against the war is so important. Timed to coincide with Biden’s first full day at work, its purpose is to maximise pressure on all the countries backing the Saudi-led coalition of war.

Support has been remarkable. There are 320 organisations from eighteen different countries backing the protests.

These range from local anti-war groups to national peace coalitions and political groups like France Insoumise and the Democratic Socialists of America.

Many Yemeni organisations from the country itself and beyond are involved.

(* B H K P)

Film: End the War on Yemen: Today, Not Tomorrow. Now

On this episode - in support of the Day of Action calling for an end to the war in Yemen - get an introduction to the history of that horrible civil war, the U.S. involvement, and some timeless advice and warnings on entangling alliances from Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and George Washington.

(* B K P)

Film: Yemeni Alliance Committee war live.

This protest is timed to take place just days after the inauguration of Joe Biden, who has promised to end US support for the war. This is our one central aim – to hold him to his word and force fellow governments to follow suit.

For the World Says No to War on Yemen Global Online Rally we have brought together a group of prominent voices from across the world to speak out against this utterly brutal war and call for its immediate end.

Amongst those joining us at 7pm GMT on Mon 25th January are

Ahmed Al-Babati (British-Yemeni Soldier)

Dr. Shireen Aladeimi

Jeremy Corbyn

Danny Glover (Actor)

Danièle Obono (French National Assembly Member)

Yanis Varoufakis - Γιάνης Βαρουφάκης (MeRA25 Secretary-General)

Dr. Cornel West

(* B K P)

From hope to hunger: Yemen's forgotten uprising

Shockwaves from the popular movements shaking Tunisia and Egypt were quick to reach Yemen, long the Arabian Peninsula's poorest country and surrounded by the rich Gulf monarchies.

"The people want the fall of the regime," the protesters chanted, eager to shrug off Saleh's iron-fisted rule.

Saleh had likened governing Yemen to "dancing on the heads of snakes", but nonetheless had remained in power since 1978, while resentments smouldered.

"For 50 years there had been political under-representation, social inequality, poverty, corruption, and identity struggles," said Maged Al-Madhaji, a witness to the uprising and now director of the Sanaa Centre for Strategic Studies.

In the beginning, the demonstrations were peaceful and spontaneous, said activist Yasser al-Raini, who at the time was a coordinator of youth groups.

"The revolution brought together all sections of society to combat tyranny and injustice, and to build a new Yemen in the spirit of partnership and without excluding anyone," he told AFP.

In a country where there are enough guns for everyone to have their own, the movement, Raini said, remained peaceful until Saleh's forces opened fire on protestors in March.

A decade later, Yemen is engulfed in a bloody power struggle =

(A K P)

The E3 Decry Attempted Air Attacks on Saudi Arabia's Capital Over Weekend

France, the United Kingdom, and Germany on Monday denounced the weekend attempts to launch drone or missile assault on the city of Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia, thwarted by military forces of the coalition against Yemen's Houthi rebel movement.

"The E3 - France, Germany, and the UK - strongly condemn the January 23 attempted aerial attacks on Riyadh. Proliferation and use of missiles and drones undermine the security and stability of the region, to which we are strongly committed," the countries said in a joint statement.

(* B K P)

Timeline: Ten years from uprising, Yemen lies fractured and hungry

Ten years ago Yemenis rose up against corruption and economic hardship, and demanded a more accountable and inclusive government. The country fractured politically and is now stuck in a war that has created what the United Nations describes as the world’s biggest humanitarian crisis.

The following is a timeline of Yemen’s slide into conflict.

(* B P)

Yemen 'Arab Spring' unity torn asunder by hunger and war

Ten years after joining an uprising in Yemen against autocratic rule and an economy in shambles, the same activists find themselves on opposite sides of a war that has pushed the country to the brink of famine with dim prospects for peace.

More than 2,000 people died in the uprising before Saleh in 2012 yielded to pressure from the United States and Gulf Arab states to step down. He was the fourth autocrat to be toppled in the “Arab Spring” unrest that first began in Tunisia.

Riyadh and Washington hoped former Saleh deputy Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi would improve the government’s legitimacy and oversee a transition to democracy. Instead it disintegrated.

The Houthis, enemies of Saudi Arabia and friends of Iran, partnered with erstwhile foe Saleh to seize the capital, Sanaa, and ousted Hadi’s government in late 2014, triggering a Saudi-led military coalition backed by the West to intervene.

Al-Nasr, a poet with four children, joined government forces when the Houthis, who later killed Saleh when he turned on them, entered Taiz, which is still effectively under siege.

“We did not think the uprising would lead to this,” said al-Nasr, who has seen comrades die, his home destroyed and family scatter. “We were forced to take up arms to defend ourselves.”

Ali al-Dailami, a rights defender briefly detained under Saleh’s rule who is now Houthi deputy minister of human rights, joined the uprising in “Change Square” in Sanaa in the hopes it would lead to a state representing all.

Speaking to Reuters in the square, al-Dailami recalled the early days of the revolution, and lamented its results.

“At times we thought we would not live to see the sun rise because of the threats and (pro-Saleh) soldiers and hoodlums,” he said. “We wanted to move from a failed state, we wanted to break the impasse.”

He saw the Gulf initiative that ushered in Hadi as interference that “killed the revolution’s principles”.

“We wanted real change, not to repackage the old system as democracy.”

Rights advocate Tawakkol Karman, a 2011 Nobel Peace Prize winner for her role in Arab Spring protests, was abroad when the Houthis seized Sanaa and has not returned. She is a vocal critic of the group and of the Saudi-led coalition, accusing them of repressing democratic change in the region.

“After the revolution we lived three of the most beautiful years ever...we were days away from the referendum of the constitution and holding multiple elections,” she said, blaming the Houthi coup, the war and Western inaction for what followed.

Karman urged new U.S. President Joe Biden to “fulfil his commitment and his promises to end this war in Yemen” and to halt arms sales to Saudi Arabia and its ally the United Arab Emirates.

(B P)

Audio: Yemen marks grim anniversary of uprising

Yemen on Wednesday marks the 10th anniversary of an uprising that called for change but has resulted in the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

(* B P)

Film: January 27 sees #Yemen mark the 10th anniversary of an uprising that called for an end to inequality, poverty and corruption. But up to 16 million people in Yemen are still on the brink of famine.

@Dr_E_Kendall gave @GenieGodula her perspective on what went wrong


(* B P)

Film: Yemen's uprising, 10 years on: Half the population risks starvation

January 27 sees #Yemen mark the 10th #anniversary of an #uprising that called for change; for an end to inequality, poverty and corruption. But today, up to 16 million people in Yemen are on the brink of #famine. The economy is destroyed, as are schools and hospitals across the country. Jon Cunliffe, the Regional Operations Director for the Middle East at Action Against Hunger, gives us his perspective, telling us that commercial traffic has to be allowed to enter Yemen again and that sanctions on the Houthi rebels must remain suspended.

(B P)

The Arab Spring: What role did women play in the Yemeni uprising ten years ago?

Ishraq is now a judge and a member of the Commission to Investigate Human Rights Violations, in the internationally recognized government.

She says she and others who participated in the uprising do not regret their demand for change.

She adds: "What happened since the end of 2014 is not linked at all to the revolution and its demands, but it revealed the truth about the depth of the political system ... It was a form of revenge against the revolution."

Ishraq says that she and her family have never considered leaving Yemen, and that she is determined to stay and continue to do whatever she can for her country.

"I first went out to demonstrate for my children and the next generation. But sadly, the future, especially for Yemeni children and youth, is not clear. I feel sad because our ambitions in 2011 were for our path to flourish with roses, but in 2014 it turned into a minefield.

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

(B H)

WFP: 1 million children in #Yemen can now have a brighter future. To all our donors, thank you. You make this possible.

(B H)

Yemen: Health Cluster Achievements (December 2020)

(A H P)

Qatar- QRCS delivers food parcels to 68,670 beneficiaries in Yemen

(B H)

ZOA: Was ist im Jemen los?

“Der Jemen befindet sich in einer Abwärtsspirale”, erklärt Gerrianne Pennings, unsere Projektleiterin im Jemen. “Viele Menschen sind geflohen, etwa 3,6 Millionen. In den vergangenen sechs Monaten wurden 81.000 Menschen aus ihren Häusern vertrieben. Nahrungsmittelhilfe, medizinische Unterstützung, Reparatur von Wassersystemen: Alles hört auf, weil für ein Land wie den Jemen einfach kein Geld mehr da ist. Es fühlt sich buchstäblich so an, als hätte die Welt vergessen, dass es den Jemen gibt. Wir von ZOA glauben nie, dass eine Situation hoffnungslos ist, aber im Jemen ist sie sehr schwierig.”

“Wir tun, was wir können, mit dem wenigen Geld, das wir haben”, sagt Gerrianne. “Und das ist, dafür zu sorgen, dass die Menschen Zugang zu Wasser und sanitären Einrichtungen haben und dass sie Hygieneerziehung erhalten. Wenn wir in den vergangenen Monaten eines gelernt haben, dann, dass Händewaschen buchstäblich Leben retten kann. Seife und Wasser sind also unerlässlich. Außerdem unterstützen wir bedürftige Familien mit Bargeld oder durch lokale Beschäftigungsprojekte.”

“ZOA hat letzte Woche einen neuen Vertrag mit dem Jemen Humanitarian Fund unterzeichnet, in dem wir Geld für Lebensmittel für Vertriebene bereitstellen werden.

(B H)

SFD Yemen: Some 4.7 million children (80% of #Yemen students) need assisstance to ensure the continuation of their #education. Seeking to address the challenges during the conflict, #SFDEducation has: - recruited, trained 4,845 teachers، 50% females - re/built 132 schools.

(B H)

WFP Yemen Country Brief, December 2020

Under the December cycle, WFP targeted 5.3 million people with general food assistance. Of these, 4.3 million people were targeted with in-kind food assistance, around 950,000 people with food vouchers, and some 618 people with cash assistance. On 19 November, local authorities in Aden governorate forcibly entered seven WFP warehouses. While five were vacated the same day, as of 31 December two warehouses remained occupied. Due to the access constraints to the warehouses, dispatches under the December cycle in the south could not be undertaken on time. Dispatches resumed on 14 December and were considered under the January cycle.

(B E H)

Solar power for water-scarce Yemen communities

Clean water is of vital importance in Yemen, one of the world’s most water-scarce countries. Long distances to reach the water supply, the polluting and expensive operation of pumps and the risk of infections such as cholera caused by contaminated drinking water are part of the daily routine for the people of Yemen. The Yemeni government has now started a program for a sustainable water supply.

The Dhamar community has to contend with the challenges of walking long distances to collect water from wells or paying exorbitant fuel costs to run water pumps. Now the Dhamar Government Water Supply and Sanitation Local Corporation and Alnasser Solar Pump Trading have completed the first phase for the 1 MW water production solar stations that will operate 26 wells. This will help provide enough clean, portable water and an efficient sewerage system for the Yemeni people.


(A H P)

Taiz police call off wedding of an underage girl

The police in Yemen’s besieged city of Taiz cancelled a wedding involving a minor bride, several news websites reported quoting the chief of Seyaj For Childhood Protection, a CSO.

The police took the farther of the 10-year-old bride to jail and cancelled the feast.

(B H)

RDP: Yemen: Monthly Situation Report (December 2020)


  • 56,530 CU2 were provided with BSFP commodities through hundreds of food distribution points in 7 districts of IBB and Hajjah governorates.
  • 374 MAM cases received therapeutic supplements of Plumpy Sup & WSB+ throughout 12 supported health facilities in Sama and As Silw districts of Taizz governorate.
  • 60,561 individuals were benefitted from awareness-raising campaigns on health and nutrition key messages in 12 districts of IBB, Hajjah, and Dhamar governorates.


  • Providing healthcare services through RDP-supported health facilities to benefit a number of 2,961 individuals in Rahaba district, Marib governorate.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

(B H K)

Film: Asia Abdo .. Houthis killed her daughter and blew up her home. She is now an IDP.

(* B H)

IOM Yemen Quarterly Migration Overview (October - December 2020)

In 2020, movement restrictions and border closures related to the COVID-19 pandemic led to an extremely low rate of migrant arrivals into Yemen. A total of 37,535 people arrived on Yemeni shores last year, compared to an estimated over 138,000 in 2019 with similar numbers arriving the year prior. As a key country on the irregular route between the Horn of Africa and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), Yemen is not the intended final destination for the majority of migrants who arrive in the country. Initially hoping to transit through and find better life opportunities in KSA, thousands became stranded for months in dire livings conditions at key migrant hubs across the country, with no means of returning home and at risk of contracting COVID-19. Migrant’s access to assistance and support, as well as their well-being and safety conditions, progressively worsened throughout the year due to the deteriorating protection and humanitarian context in the country.

From the onset of the pandemic, a discriminatory narrative labelling migrants as carriers of COVID-19 became prevalent in Yemen. For many migrants, this affected their access to basic services, such as access to the national health care system, while increasing the risk of arrest or detention in inhumane conditions. At least 6,000 migrants are estimated to be held in detention across the country while hundreds, if not thousands, of migrants are held by smugglers (these numbers are difficult to assess due to lack of access). With limited options for survival, most migrants are dependent on humanitarian assistance or on the mercy of smugglers and traffickers for support. The pandemic has also been used as an excuse to rid certain areas of migrants. Last year over 15,000 migrants were forcibly transferred from northern to southern governorates, which greatly increased their presence there, particularly in Aden city, and consequently exacerbated their needs and pre-existing vulnerabilities.

Increasing discrimination, lack of means to survive and border closures have pushed many migrants to change their initial plan to attempt to cross into KSA, and to look for ways to return home.

(* B H)

2020 Migrant movements between the Horn of Africa and the Arabian peninsula (January - December 2020)

The Eastern Route, which runs from the Horn of Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, in particular to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), has long been the most relevant migratory corridor in terms of volume and characteristics in the East and Horn of Africa (EHoA) region. Mobility along this route is mixed in nature, with different categories of people on the move such as refugees and economic migrants, and is not without signicant hardships and challenges.

Irregular migration to the Arabian Peninsula is predominantly male and skewed towards younger age groups, while regular migration channels are largely used by women. While predominantly economic, migration along the Eastern Route is fuelled more specifically by unemployment, intermittent or insufficient wages, land-related factors such as climatic shocks and land depletion resulting in economic vulnerability in agrarian communities. In contrast to the oftentimes dire conditions the migrants report at home, they have high salary expectations in the KSA and the success stories migrants witness amongst returnees in their communities spark migration aspirations.

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly impacted migration trends across the EHoA.

In the EHoA region, IOM’s Missing Migrants Project recorded a total of 52 migrant deaths and disappearances in 2020, all involving migrants returning from the Arabian Peninsula to the Horn of Africa. All the recorded deaths happened in Djibouti except one, which occurred in Somalia.

(B H)

IOM Yemen | Rapid Displacement Tracking (RDT) - Reporting Period: 17 - 23 January 2021

From 01 January 2021 to 23 January 2021 , IOM Yemen DTM estimates that 320 households (HH) (1,920 Individuals) have experienced displacement at least once.

Since the beginning of 2021, DTM also identified other 2 previously displaced households who left the displaced location and moved to either their place of origin or some other displaced location.

Between 01 January 2021 and 23 January 2021, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 116 households (696 individuals) displaced at least once. The highest number of displacements were seen in:

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

Siehe / Look at cp1

(B P)

Houthis commit systematic abuse against women

SAM Organization for Rights and Liberties said Houthis are committing systematic abuses against women in the militia's areas of control.

In a statement, SAM said, "Women are still facing all forms of suppression, abuse and humiliation" citing the case of "200 women being detained and tortured in different militant-controlled jails."

(A K P)

Minister of Defense: 2021 Will Witness Qualitative Shifts in Various Aspects of Training, Rehabilitation, Armament

The Minister of Defense, Major General Muhammad Nasser Al-Atifi, said that the new training year will witness qualitative transformations in various aspects of training, qualification and armament on land, sea and air forces.

(A P)

Ansarullah: USA sollten logistische Unterstützung für Saudi-Arabien stoppen, anstatt Sanktionen vorübergehend aufzuheben

Ein Mitglied des Obersten Politischen Rates des Jemen Mohammed Ali al-Houthi hat die neue US-Regierung aufgefordert, die logistische Unterstützung für die von Saudi-Arabien geführte Kriegskoalition zu beenden, die an einer tödlichen Militärkampagne gegen das jemenitische Volk beteiligt ist, und stattdessen ein Waffenembargo gegen Riad und seine Verbündeten wegen des Kriegsverbrechens zu verhängen.

(A P)

Houthi: US Should Place Embargo on Arms Deliveries, Logistical Support to Saudi-Led Coalition

A member of the Supreme Political Council of Yemen called on the new US administration to end logistical support for the Saudi-led coalition involved in a deadly military campaign against the Yemeni nation, and instead impose an arms embargo on Riyadh and its allies for their war crimes.

“America should place an embargo on sending weapons, besides aviation and logistical support to Saudi Arabia and its alliance over the aggression against Yemen. This is worth reviewing until February 26,” Mohammad Ali al-Houthi wrote in a post published on his official Twitter page late on Tuesday, presstv reported.

Houthi added that any Yemeni assets that Washington has laid its hands on are money paid to allow the aggressor American-Saudi-Emirati coalition to continue murdering women and children and subjecting the country to starvation and destruction.

and also

and by another Houthi official:

(* A P)

Houthis prohibit women from using birth control methods

The so-called Houthi Ministry of Health has issued a directive banning the use of birth control methods in areas under their control, claiming that such methods don’t go with the Islamic identity.

Minister of Public Health and Population in the internationally unrecognized government of Houthis, Taha Al Motawkel, issued a directive last week prohibiting existing birth control methods in Houthi-controlled areas.

“The Ministry has made a new policy that suits our customs and Islamic identity,” he said in the directive.

The Houthi move was criticized by Yemeni and non-Yemeni human rights activists and researchers.

“After segregating society & turning schools into indoctrination & child recruitment camps, Houthis now want to turn women into baby making machines,” Nadwa Dawsari, a conflict analyst, said in a Tweeter post. “They are preparing for their holy war.”

and similar is this:

(* A P)

Houthi militia raid women's clothing shops and cafes in Sanaa

The group says the venues, which have long operated in Yemen's capital, breached Islamic values

Dozens of shops in Yemen's capital Sanaa selling western-style women’s attire last week reported being raided and ransacked by Houthi militia.

“Houthi security patrols raided all the clothing shops in our street and destroyed the mannequins we use to exhibit the outfits, claiming that such models violate Islamic conduct,” said Sami Qaid, who owns a women’s clothing shop in Sanaa.

“They claim that selling western-style outfits, which have been available in Sanaa city for many years, is a violation of Islamic morals and a matter that delays victory in Yemen, according to them,” Mr Qaid told The National.

The Houthi militia also raided a restaurant in southern Sanaa last week because of its name, the Rainbow Restaurant. The group’s security patrol stormed the restaurant and closed it, claiming that the restaurant’s name symbolises the LGBT community.

The Houthi minister of information said in last Friday’s sermon that they closed the restaurant because it was serving LGBT individuals who have been trying to infiltrate Yemeni society.

“Such places come as a part of war that target us under the call for freedom,” he said.

In December 2019, Houthi militia raided women-only cafes in Sanaa city and closed them, claiming that such places ruin women’s morals.

“They have raided all the women’s cafes in Sanaa. They forcibly closed women's cafes in Hada city and in Al Misbahi area in central Sanaa and turned them into cafeterias to serve snacks for males only,” Bardeis Al Saiyaghi, a female former detainee who fled Houthi detention in Sanaa and now lives in Egypt, told The National.

Ms Al Saiyaghi said that Houthi militiamen raided shops and sewing centres selling abayas, burning the colourful ones or those with waist belts, claiming that such clothing items do not suit the morals of Muslims and have a corruptive influence on young women.

The Houthis more and more morph to radical Wahabists – they fight against Saudis but imitate them.

(A P)

Houthis threaten to reciprocate to continued coalition attacks

The Ansar Allah group, known as the Houthis, on Tuesday said member states of a Saudi-led coalition fighting the group should not look forward to open diplomatic meetings while they are continuing their aggression and blockade on Yemen.

The aggressor on Yemen should rather wait for a reciprocal response, the group's spokesperson and chief negotiator Mohammed Abdulsalam said on Twitter.

(A P)

Ansarullah Spokesman:Yemeni People will Move Forward to Liberate Their All Land

The spokesman of Ansarullah, Mohammed Abdulsalam, stated that the Yemeni People will move forward in the liberation battle until the end of US-Saudi aggression, the siege, and the restoration of full sovereignty and independence.

and also

(A P)

Iranian Envoy to Yemen: US Mother of Terrorism

Iranian Ambassador to Yemen Hassan Irlou blasted the US for putting Ansarullah Movement’s name in the list of terrorist groups, saying that Washington itself is the mother of terrorism.

“The war in Yemen should stop. Everyone knows that the US is the sponsor and mother of terrorism in the world, it supports the siege on Yemenis and adds to their humanitarian problems,” Irlou wrote on his twitter page on Monday night.

(A P)

Jemen wird von massiven antiamerikanischen Protesten beherrscht

Im ganzen Land gehen Jemeniten auf die Straße und fordern ein Ende der von den USA unterstützten Aggression.

(A P)

20 Major Angry Popular Rallies in 12 Governorates to Condemn US Classification Against Ansarullah

Hundreds of thousands of Yemenis gathered, Monday morning, in 20 major angry popular rallies in 12 governorates, entitled “The US siege and aggression are terrorist crimes”, to condemn US terrorism and its crimes against the Yemeni people.

and also

(A P)

Yemen rebels, supporters protest US 'terror' listing

Thousands of Yemen's Huthi rebels and their supporters protested in Sanaa on Monday after the US blacklisted the group as "terrorist", a move aid groups have warned could put millions of civilians at risk.

The Huthis, who have controlled Sanaa since 2014, marched along with their sympathisers, carrying signs reading "America is the mother of terrorism!"

"Who is killing the Yemeni people?" they chanted. "America!"

Huthi official Ahmed Sharafeddine, who took part in the demonstration, told AFP the US designation would backfire.

"It will only give us more strength and unity," he said. =

and also



and reports by Saba:

(B K P)

[Hadi gov.] Yemeni minister says Houthis recruited 30,000 children

The Houthi group has recruited more than 30,000 children to fight the 6-year-old war against the Yemeni government, Yemen's information minister tweeted on Monday.

Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp7 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-711 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-711: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
Dietrich Klose