Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 746 - Yemen War Mosaic 746

Yemen Press Reader 746: 16. Juni 2021: Jemen: Rückblick auf Mai 2021 – Präsidialrat – Der UN-Sondergesandte für den Jemen – Rückkehr nach Aden – Unschuldige Familie Opfer von einem Luftangriff..
Bei diesem Beitrag handelt es sich um ein Blog aus der Freitag-Community

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Eingebetteter Medieninhalt

... Fremde Mächte im Wettbewerb um den Jemen – Was die Übernahme von Jemens Inseln durch die VAE wirklich bedeutet – Jemenitische Grenzmärkte an der Kampffront – Humanitäre Mafia: Verdorbene Hilfe für den Jemen – Boot mit Migranten kentert vor dem Jemen, etwa 200 Vermisste – Neuigkeiten über Kashoggi-Mord – und mehr

June 16, 2021: Yemen Review, May 2021 – Presidential Council – The UN special envoy for Yemen – Return to Aden – An innocent family was hit by an airstrike – Foreign forces competing for Yemen – What the UAE takeover of Yemen’s islands really means – Yemeni border markets at the military frontline – Relief Mafia: Spoiled aid to Yemen – Migrant boat capsizes off Yemen, some 200 missing – News on Kashoggi murder – and more

Schwerpunkte / Key aspects

Kursiv: Siehe Teil 2 / In Italics: Look in part 2:

Klassifizierung / Classification

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

cp2 Allgemein / General

cp2a Allgemein: Saudische Blockade / General: Saudi blockade

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

cp6 Separatisten und Hadi-Regierung im Südjemen / Separatists and Hadi government in Southern Yemen

cp7 UNO und Friedensgespräche / UN and peace talks

cp8 Saudi-Arabien / Saudi Arabia

cp8a Jamal Khashoggi

cp9 USA

cp9a USA-Iran Krise: Spannungen am Golf / US-Iran crisis: Tensions at the Gulf

cp10 Großbritannien / Great Britain

cp11 Deutschland / Germany

cp12 Andere Länder / Other countries

cp13a Waffenhandel / Arms trade

cp13b Söldner / Mercenaries

cp14 Terrorismus / Terrorism

cp15 Propaganda

cp16 Saudische Luftangriffe / Saudi air raids

cp17 Kriegsereignisse / Theater of War

cp17a Kriegsereignisse: Schlacht um Marib / Theater of War: Marib battle

cp18 Kampf um Hodeidah / Hodeidah battle

cp19 Sonstiges / Other

Klassifizierung / Classification




(Kein Stern / No star)

? = Keine Einschatzung / No rating

A = Aktuell / Current news

B = Hintergrund / Background

C = Chronik / Chronicle

D = Details

E = Wirtschaft / Economy

H = Humanitäre Fragen / Humanitarian questions

K = Krieg / War

P = Politik / Politics

pH = Pro-Houthi

pS = Pro-Saudi

T = Terrorismus / Terrorism

Für wen das Thema ganz neu ist / Who is new to the subject

Ältere einführende Artikel u. Überblicke für alle, die mit den Ereignissen im Jemen noch nicht vertraut sind, hier:

Yemen War: Older introductory articles, overviews, for those who are still unfamiliar with the Yemen war here:

(B H K P)

Film: What’s Causing a Humanitarian Crisis in Yemen?

A civil war, demolished infrastructure, and millions of people at risk of starvation. Here’s why Yemen’s is considered the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

cp1 Am wichtigsten / Most important

Khashoggi: Siehe / Look at cp8a

(** B H K P)

The Yemen Review, May 2021

The Sana’a Center Editorial: A Presidential Council: The Best of Bad Alternatives to Hadi

Despite all the talk of regional proxy wars in Yemen, after more than six years of conflict the same two primary obstacles to peace remain: the armed Houthi movement and Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi, president of the country’s internationally recognized government. The former, led by paranoid zealots, operates like an ideologically driven mafia in the areas it controls in the country’s north. For those who have lived under Houthi rule, the social control has been suffocating, with free thought and expression quashed and religious indoctrination imposed as the Houthis attempt to establish a totalitarian theocracy in their image. While these ambitions are unlikely to materialize in a durable form over the long run, just as unlikely is the idea that the Houthis will cease to be a factor in Yemen. If, and hopefully when, there is a nationwide agreement reached to end the ongoing conflict, as unpalatable as it will be for many Yemenis, there will have to be some sort of national reckoning with, and accomodation of, the Houthis in Yemen’s political future.

The same cannot be said for Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi, president of the internationally recognized Yemeni government that would also have to sign on to any peace agreement to end the conflict. Hadi, whose mandate in office was meant to expire in 2014, will almost certainly be exiting power in any post-conflict arrangement, as neither the Houthis nor most parties in the anti-Houthi coalition would accept him remaining president.

Hadi is widely regarded as an inept statesman; he lacks domestic legitimacy, and his presidency is a siphon for corruption through which members of his inner circle have lavished wealth upon themselves. Indeed, his exit is so assured in any post-conflict arrangement that it is against his vested interests for the war to end. And other than pilfering, Hadi has primarily used his office to undermine rivals within the anti-Houthi coalition – in particular the Southern Transitional Council – fracturing the common front against the Houthis militarily and politically and contributing to the failure of basic state functions across areas the Yemeni government nominally controls.

In short, the Yemeni president is the rotten core of a failing government – as long as he is left to fester at the center of power, neither military progress against the Houthis nor headway toward peace will see sustainable gains, and even improvements in good governance will be only fleeting. For stakeholders in the Yemen conflict – in particular the foreign parties that have kept Hadi afloat – the immediate need should be clear: He must go (as this editorial column has previously argued). This then begs the question: What and how should come next?

A presidential council is not the optimal solution for Yemen; however, as a short-term, transitional measure it is the best possible option in the current circumstances. Holding a new election is impossible. Parliament is moribund and holds even less legitimacy than Hadi. The council’s mandate, however, should be limited: with purview over peace talks, foreign and defense policies and the appointment of top government positions such as the prime minister. Importantly, the council’s access to the state budget should be restricted, with the council’s role focused on oversight rather than implementation. The handling of day-to-day government functions and ministries would be handled by a cabinet of technocrats.

There are historical precedents for a presidential council in Yemen, and the Sana’a Center has examined the concept in depth in a recent paper. In sum: Saudi Arabia would have to be the principal backer of the transition, given that Riyadh is the only party with the leverage to compel Hadi to acquiesce. The process would have to be facilitated through the UN and given international legitimacy through a new UN Security Council resolution. Membership on the presidential council should be made up of the political power brokers from across Yemen and also include representation from prominent women, youth and civil society figures. The body’s voting process and regulations should be clear and the rights and responsibilities of each member made explicit. =


Eye on Yemen

May at a Glance

The Political Arena

Developments in Government-Controlled Territory

Developments in Houthi-Controlled Territory

International Developments

State of the War

In Marib

In Taiz

In Aden

Uptick in AQAP Activity in Abyan

Military Developments in Brief

Economic Developments

No Fuel Imports Via Hudaydah

Production of LPG Set to Increase

Saudi Arabia Delivers Fuel to Aden for Electricity Power Generation

Yemeni Rial Depreciates in Non-Houthi Areas

Houthis Normalize Parallel Market Fuel Price


Wanted: A Peacemaker Who Can Deliver

Special Envoy Griffiths: A Retrospective – By Benjamin Villanti

The UN’s Messenger – By Abdulghani Al-Iryani

An Opportunity to Revisit the UN Approach in Yemen – By Nadwa Dawsari

The Iran Dilemma of the Next UN Envoy – By Thomas Juneau

20 Rules to Live By for the New Special Envoy to Yemen – By Farea al-Muslimi

‘Hadi is in the hearts of the Yemeni people and he’s always been there’ – A Q&A with Abdullah Al-Alimi

A Ramadan Diary from Sana’a – By Shuaib al-Mosawa

In Focus

Return to Aden – By Ghaidaa Alrashidy

The Curtain Call for Cinema in Aden? – By Khaled Lekra

Special Envoy Griffiths: A Retrospective

Griffiths’ initial priority was developing a framework for negotiations. This was largely in line with what was discussed at the Kuwait peace talks: a Houthi withdrawal and disarmament in exchange for a role in Yemen’s political future. Griffiths’ key challenge was figuring out how to sequence the security and political steps, which had upended the Kuwait talks, along with questions about the appropriate level of Houthi representation and how to include the voices of Yemen’s many other factions and stakeholders.

Within months, however, Griffiths became focused on the fighting around the critical port city of Hudaydah

During his tenure, Griffiths was most effective when he was able to leverage US pressure on the Saudi-led coalition. In 2018, US pressure on Saudi Arabia was key to getting the Yemeni government to Sweden and then to accept the Stockholm Agreement. Similarly, US support in 2021 has been key to mobilizing international support for Griffiths’ latest cease-fire initiative. However, Griffiths has lacked a partner on the other side, a country that possessed leverage with the Houthis and was willing to use it. One potentially hopeful sign, which the next special envoy may be able to build upon, was Griffiths’ February 2021 visit to Iran.

But Griffiths could only mediate. He could not create peace when one or both of the parties themselves did not want it. Over the past three years, he has often recalled the role of a mediator. “I seek common grounds for agreements,” Griffiths told the UN Security Council in February 2021. “That is my job. With the support of the international community, we persuade, we facilitate, we encourage dialogue and we try to get past the events of the war.” He continued: “[There is] nothing anybody can do unfortunately to force the warring parties into peace unless they choose to put down the guns and talk to each other. And this is their responsibility.” – by Benjamin Villanti

The UN’s Messenger

To evaluate Martin Griffiths performance as a mediator and special envoy is a tricky task. UN special envoys are not ordinary mediators. They bring with them the full diplomatic weight of the international community as well as an array of carrots and sticks. They can commend good behavior, suggest rewards – funding for humanitarian response and early recovery projects – and extend technical support. Above all, they can recommend international recognition for parties to the conflict.

Special envoys can also point out bad behavior, reveal misdeeds, uncover criminal acts and recommend sanctions. Perhaps most importantly, they also shape the international community’s perception of the warring parties. While peace cannot be achieved until the parties are ready for it, a skilled UN envoy can create the conditions for peace by using these various tools to change the calculus of the warring parties so that peace becomes more profitable than war.

When Martin Griffiths was appointed in February 2018, advisors warned him that there were a number of obstacles to peace in Yemen.

The list of Griffiths’ flaws and shortcomings is long, but did he fail? The answer is: it depends.

One of the privileges of such a senior international post is that the holder has some latitude in defining his or her mission, and Griffiths was smart enough to define his mission in Yemen as one “to end the war, not to make peace.” Griffiths recognized that making peace requires a deep understanding of the politics and history of Yemen. It also requires an appreciation of the regional political dynamics that have had a tremendous influence on the conflict. That is a tall order for an outsider, so early on Griffiths told staff that he did “not want to be confused by the details.”

According to Griffiths’ definition of his mission, he did not fail by much. A nationwide cessation of hostilities is almost at hand.

However, the Joint Declaration Framework is a sure formula for a return of hostilities, probably in line with what the Saudi official meant by “keeping the situation as it is.”

During Martin Griffiths’ tenure, Yemen inched further towards collapse. Many opportunities to reverse or stop that were missed. However, we cannot blame him. That was not his responsibility. As per his definition, he was not a peacemaker, he was only the messenger – By Abdulghani Al-Iryani

An Opportunity to Revisit the UN Approach in Yemen

Since his appointment in February 2018, Griffiths has been unable to make any notable progress. It did not help that he inherited a rigid UN framework centered around power-sharing as a prescription to end the conflict in the country. By allowing the Houthis and the Yemeni government to monopolize the negotiations, UN mediation has incentivized violence and reinforced the power dynamics that led to the war. This elite-centric approach has overlooked other key local actors who have power and legitimacy as well as unaddressed grievances. Griffiths overestimated his ability to influence political parties and was so eager for a quick victory that he underestimated the complexity of the conflict.

Almost immediately after taking the job in early 2018, Griffiths launched a broad diplomatic campaign, engaging powers including the US and UK to pressure the Saudi-led coalition and the Yemeni government to end their offensive to retake the key seaport of Hudaydah from the Houthis. This pressure resulted in the Stockholm Agreement, which ultimately stopped the Hudaydah offensive in December 2018, but the agreement was far from a success.

Griffiths managed to gather enough international support to force the coalition and Yemeni government to halt their military operations, but he did not exercise the same pressure on the Houthis.

A new UN envoy should be more realistic. Putting pressure on one party while failing to successfully exercise the same pressure on the other will inadvertently tip the scale in favor of the party that refuses to cooperate. The Houthis have demonstrated time and again that they are unwilling to de-escalate or accept a political solution with other parties.

Even if the current international pressure manages to achieve a political settlement between Hadi’s government and the Houthis, it will likely backfire. It would legitimize the Houthis military gains with political recognition, setting a precedent for incentivizing violence – by Nadwa Al-Dawsari

My comment: This piece is by an anti-Ghouthi activist and it’s quite biased anti-Houthi. People like her miss the point that peace always is made with an enemy and not with a friend. There will be no peace in a civil war if one side claims that the other must loose all its positions and its influence. In the case of Yemen, you of course could ask what a peace between a totalitarian and kleptocratic government and a kleptocratic2 government will actually be. At least, it shpould mean the absence of war, a state of non-war.

The Iran Dilemma of the Next UN Envoy

The next UN special envoy in Yemen will face an extraordinarily difficult task given the multiple and complex obstacles that the peace process in the country faces. One of those challenges is the role of Iran.

This reality raises the question of Tehran’s views on the peace process. It is not opposed – in theory. But it is, first, willing to be patient: It assesses, correctly, that the Houthis are winning the war. As such, any stalling of the fledgling peace process further bleeds its Saudi rival and allows its Houthi partners to continue expanding and consolidating the territory under their control. Second, Iran will only support a peace process if it entrenches Houthi influence in any post-war settlement. Any effort that calls, in particular, for the Houthis to unilaterally disarm – as UN Security Council Resolution 2216 does – is a non-starter from Iran’s perspective. And, as the past two decades have clearly demonstrated, the Islamic Republic is highly skilled at spoiling regional political developments that it believes fail to sufficiently take into consideration its interests.

The bottom line is that the next envoy will have to strike a difficult balance: Failing to involve Iran in the peace process will provoke Iranian spoiling, but Saudi Arabia and the US – whose cooperation the envoy will need – will continue to resist Iran’s involvement – by Thomas Juneau

My comment: UNSC resolution 2216 is one of the main obstacles to peace. The Houthis simply will not fulfill its demands which asks them to cease arms.

20 Rules to Live By for the New Special Envoy to Yemen

Don’t take the job. Seriously, don’t. But if you must, then apologize in advance to your kids and partner.

Condition accepting the post on a new UN Security Council Resolution that replaces 2216. Without it, you’re just wasting everyone’s time.

Be patient. Things in Yemen take time, a lot of time. Trying to do too much too quickly is how your predecessors made mistakes (See: Jamal Benomar’s rush toward federalism and Martin Griffith’s rush and over ambitiousness with the Stockholm Agreement of 2018).

Don’t try to reinvent the wheel. Instead, study the efforts of previous envoys and build on what is already in place. And always have Plan ‘B’ & ‘C’ ready, because Plan ‘A’ probably isn’t going to work.

The Golden Rule regarding Yemen is that the devil, and his entire tribe, are in the details – by Farea Al-Muslimi

‘Hadi is in the hearts of the Yemeni people and he’s always been there’

– A Q&A with Abdullah al-Alimi

On May 7, 2021, the Sana’a Center held a media briefing with President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi’s chief of staff, Dr. Abdullah al-Alimi.

Abdullah al-Alimi: We are in very serious discussions on all of the different political issues and on different political levels to try to deal with the situation. Over the past two or three days, I’ve met twice with Martin Griffiths, the UN special envoy, who is doing everything he can. I’ve also met with [US Envoy to Yemen] Mr. Tim Lenderking, whose appointment was a very important addition to the situation in Yemen. I found him to be very serious, dynamic and understanding of the situation in Yemen. He’s also doing everything he can to resolve the situation.

During these two meetings that we have had with the special envoys, we [the internationally recognized government] announced that we are fully prepared to go into direct talks with the Houthis again in order to put several points on the negotiating table: achieving a cease-fire; allowing humanitarian access; and also resuming political negotiations.

Sana’a Center: Are you saying that you offered to start direct negotiations between the government and the Houthis?

Al-Alimi: Yes, we said we are prepared to go into direct talks with the Houthis on these issues. We are prepared for any efforts, any proposals that will help alleviate the humanitarian situation, that will help implement the cease-fire and to help resume the political process and talks.

We understand the humanitarian situation, and the government, despite all of the difficult conditions that it has been [faced with] and despite all of the battles that it is involved in, is still doing everything it can to resolve or alleviate the humanitarian situation. You know the obstacles that stand in the way of the government, the most recent of which was the government having to leave Aden. I don’t want to go into too much detail. I think, you know, what has occurred in the south.

My comment: Just looking at the headline, you could imagine that thre is a bulk of propaganda BS here.

A Ramadan Diary from Sana’a

April 22

Mohammed, or Sheikh Mohammed, as he’s known in my neighborhood, has upgraded the mosque he runs with more loudspeakers. This was in preparation for Ramadan’s Taraweeh, the optional congregational prayers held after Isha prayers during Ramadan. During Taraweeh, the imam reads long Surahs aloud, which last for roughly two hours.

Before the upgrade, the loudspeakers were working just fine. You could hear Sheikh Mohammed from a mile away. Now if you’re his neighbor, like I am, he’s even louder.

The upgrade is good news for Salafis, but bad news for me and probably a few others. When the call to prayer sounds it echoes throughout every room in my apartment. It wakes me up day or night. It’s even worse for the kids. They wake up frightened and calling for help.

I can’t help it. I can’t wait for the call to prayer to end.

Salafis have a unique prayer call. In fact, it is easy to tell if the muezzin is a Salafi or not. My rule is this: if the call to prayer is a performance full of high drama then you know it is a Salafi doing the call.

With the upgrade finished and the call to prayer louder than ever, I’m thinking about moving. But maybe it will end when Ramadan does. Fingers crossed – By Shuaib al-Mosawa

Return to Aden

In February 2016, after 29 years in Aden, I left my city to live in another country. My mother asked me to leave because of the security situation. In the five years since I’ve returned three times – my latest trip home was earlier this year.

I will write in all melancholy about the scenes I see today in this city. Crisis and war have imposed themselves on Aden before, each time reshaping its identity. But what seems different this time is society’s acceptance of what we are becoming. I fear for the future and the intimate memories Aden will leave to the next generation.

From Civilian Coexistence to a Militarized Society

For my birthday in January, my older brother gave me a V. Bernardelli 7.65 Italian pistol. Now, he said, everyone carries a weapon in Aden. Everyone has to defend themselves, by themselves.

The idea of expressing love by gifting a weapon is not strange in Yemeni society, but it was never common in Aden. I was surprised to see how many homes in Aden now have weapons, and how many people – people you wouldn’t expect – now carry them.

Arms and military checkpoints have proliferated throughout Aden. Almost as if a city that was once characterized by civility, coexistence, and harmony has become an army camp. Aden was liberated from the Houthis six years ago, but the armed men have remained.

Hardly a day goes by without clashes between military forces of various names. Some days the conflicts are over politics, other days they are personal or criminal. But each one is violent and a resort to the force of arms to win a dispute. This violence isn’t limited only to Aden’s various armed groups. You can see young men and teenagers buying military uniforms at the Haraj Market, even if they aren’t soldiers. They believe people will respect and fear the uniform.

More than half of the young people I know have become soldiers with this or that force, both inside and outside of Aden. Many of them have a scientific education, but they chose a military livelihood. Not that there are really any other options. Doctors, engineers, university students, and teachers all seem to prefer to join an armed group that can provide them with a stable income and financial security for their families.

Others have benefited from the insecurity to implement their own agendas. News websites report on kidnappings, assassinations, and raids by individuals wearing military uniforms, only to discover later – if they are ever arrested – that some do not belong to any official security forces. The city’s tenuous security situation since 2015 has made it a fertile environment for committing crimes.

Today children play war in the streets of Aden.

Because Yemeni society is armed in general, firearms are used in wedding processions in various regions across the country. But in Aden, this was never the case. I remember a few years ago that if firearms were used in a wedding, security forces would come and take the bridegroom to prison to spend his first night of marriage in jail.

Today, wedding processions are mobile battlefields, in which various types of light and medium weapons – from pistols and Kalashnikovs to anti-aircraft guns and sound bombs – are fired into the air. Not surprisingly, this has resulted in many civilian casualties and injuries as gravity returns the bullets to residential neighborhoods and homes.

Shooting the Messenger

Another new development in Aden is that anyone seen criticizing the current situation is ridiculed and smeared, with those personal attacks more severe if the person resides outside of Yemen, as if whoever is not living through the current conditions and the suffering of the people has no right to criticize, even if they are from the city.

Given this, I know some people will be upset reading my thoughts and observations here, especially Southerners and the people of Aden. Maybe they will accuse me of bias and focusing on the negatives. Others may say that all this has existed for years, and that former President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regime and his forces did worse both during and after the war in 1994.

So, to my critics: Yes, I am biased toward Aden and its people, who have repeatedly been violated by the various governments. Yes, I am focusing on the negatives, because they were not part of the Aden I knew before the war. Yes, I am opposed to the armed groups. And, yes, Aden and its people suffered worse conditions during the Saleh regime. But that was being done to us. Today, we are doing this to ourselves – By Ghaidaa Alrashidy =

The Curtain Call for Cinema in Aden?

Aden has historically been a cultural and commercial crossroads, home to a famed port linking East and West. Its setting, on the Gulf of Aden, at the confluence of the Red and Arabian seas, long brought trade and people to the city, making it a cosmopolitan hub. Throughout much of the 20th century, the city played a prominent role in – among other things – cinema culture in Yemen and the Arabian Peninsula.

That culture, however, has largely disappeared — a victim of modern technology and Yemen’s political troubles. At their height, there were 40 operating movie theaters in Aden. Today there are none. Sadly, prospects for a rebirth of that culture are slim at this time.

Given the current circumstances, it seems unlikely that movie theaters will relive their glory days in Aden any time soon – or even just start showing movies again. (Currently, movies are occasionally shown in weddings halls.) Security challenges, service shortcomings and official negligence have curtailed the city’s cinema culture. The cinema buildings would need extensive rehabilitation in order to function again, and modern equipment would be required in order to screen movies – by Khaled Lekra

(** B H K)

Coffin of memories: An innocent family was hit by an airstrike

On the morning of July 3, 2017, uncle Abdo went to work on the farm as usual. Every day, he supervises his farm workers, and distributes some small tasks to his young children, whom he boasts of while working with him. At that time, he was hosting one of his daughters, Saeeda (40 years old), who visited her father with her 8-year-old daughter, Amani.

At 11:00 am, the children returned, except for three of them, Suleiman, Salim and Hanan, who remained in the farm to help their father in reaping the palm fruits. The eldest child is Suleiman, who is currently 12 years old.

Meanwhile, a disaster awaited them, when the Saudi/UAE-led coalition aircraft dropped a bomb on the two small houses, turning them to dust covered by the blood and shreds of those people inside.

The bombing killed every young and old people in the house. None survived but the father, his three children, who did not return home afterwards, and his eldest son Saeed, who lives far from the area.

A fetus and Eight people were killed in this incident, including uncle Abdo’s first wife (Maryam, 65 years old), his second wife (Hayat, 40 years old), his daughter, (Saeeda, 40 years old), his son, (Ali, 10 years old), his daughter, (Suad, 9 years old), his son (Salem, 8 years old), his daughter, (Maryam, 7 years old), and his granddaughter, (Amani, 8 years old), as well as a fetus in the womb of his second wife, who was 7-8 months pregnant.

Their flesh was mixed, and their body shreds flew away with the furniture of the two houses to variable distances. According to a witness to the incident, who said,

“I found some body parts 50 meters to the south, including the fetus’s hand, and I found some furniture 70 meters to the west”.

On the second and third of July 2019, I visited the site to document the incident, and I wish I had not.

I looked at the three surviving boys, and my emotions failed me to hold together in front of them. I could not raise my eyes into their faces or talk to them.

I got on my motorcycle, and I went back in a daze and confusion, which I have not escaped the consequences until now.

I have become certain that there is nothing more difficult than the job of a worker documenting human rights violations. My memory and imagination became confined inside a large coffin full of body shreds and moaning thoughts. Along with the surviving children, I have become in need of a psychiatrist to rescue me out of this dismal coffin.

The children need psychological, legal, and shelter support.

As for uncle Abdo, he entered a state of delirium and silence. He suffered from variant diseases, most notably of which heart disease, until he died in April 2019 to join his dead children and two wives, after nearly two years of suffering and pain at the age of seventy.

The eldest son, Saeed (45 years old), addresses a call to people of conscience and humanity to help him build a house to shelter his younger brothers, and buy a solar water pump for the farm in lieu of the pump powered by diesel, the price of which has become beyond his affordability, so that he can support himself and his brothers from their farmland, instead of being dependent to the money and donations given to them by others – by Ammar Hasan

(** B P)

In Yemen, Competitors Lay the Ground for the Long Haul

Peace in Yemen does not mean a reversion to the status quo ante; competing external powers must determine what peace terms they can tolerate.

The Houthis have changed since they seized Sana’a in 2014. Upon their arrival they left many government officials in their posts. They neither knew how to govern, nor showed much interest in doing so. Since 2018, however, they have started to behave more like a (capricious) government, segregating education and prescribing new curricula, using bureaucratic mechanisms to apply taxation, and reorganising the state intelligence apparatus to identify tribal discontent and repress opposition. Their aspirations have also continued to expand; from a desire for recognition as a legitimate power in Yemeni politics, they are now demanding that Saudi Arabia acknowledge defeat. Whether the Houthis can take and hold additional territory beyond Marib is debatable, but if they take the resource-rich province then they will eliminate any viable route to dislodge them from the land they already hold without a major external intervention.

The sense of permanence that the Houthis themselves have started to feel secure in is changing how external actors are engaging with them. Iran has supported the Houthis from the beginning of the war, but its involvement in Yemen was opportunistic. It was a way of imposing costs on Tehran’s opponents. Although Iran has never – and likely will never – direct Houthi activity, its influence has grown significantly. Iran refuses to exert any diplomatic pressure on the Houthis in their negotiations with the GCC or the UN. But the Houthis consult with and seek the advice of Iranian officials extensively.

The expectation that the Houthis will remain is also shaping the policies of the UAE. Initially heavily engaged in the conflict, Emirati troops withdrew out of frustration with an international community that was eager for them to change the facts on the ground but highly critical whenever they set about doing so. Now the UAE has quietly begun to establish an air base on Mayun Island. Not subject to Eritrean approval like the former Emirati base at Assab, less politically contentious than moving forces to Socotra, and less vulnerable than Al Anad, Aden or Mocka, the base will give the UAE a strong military position in the middle of the Bab-el-Mandeb. The re-establishment of infrastructure suggests the UAE is anticipating a need to protect its interests in the long term. The Yemeni government has objected, but to little avail.

The Saudis want out, but not at any price. They must regain control of their southern border and politically they wish to be seen to have achieved something. So far, the Houthis seem disinclined to give them the option of peace with honour. Peace in this context would not mean peace for Yemenis. The slow, attritional struggle in Marib and Taiz would likely grind on. But for the Saudis the entrenched ballistic missile threat on their southern border has caused a realignment of their defensive infrastructure, and a growing realisation that the threat will likely persist even if strikes from Yemen are halted.

In this context the international community faces a choice. Is a long-term Houthi quasi-state tolerable? If it is, then Resolution 2216 must be redrawn. There are important issues that the international community must address – like the fate of the FSO SAFER – and which the current negotiating framework is abjectly failing to resolve. Nevertheless, accepting a long-term Houthi presence also means abandoning Yemenis to a repressive and regressive government, indoctrinating their youth with an aggressive religious ideology that lays claim to large swathes of Saudi territory. The humanitarian cost of that decision is high. Any diminution in the blockade also risks allowing Iran to threaten freedom of navigation in the Bab-el-Mandeb, vastly complicating the existing problem in the Straits of Hormuz.

If a long-term Houthi quasi-state is unacceptable to the international community, then external powers cannot simply let the war grind on, with the opposition increasingly fragmented. Trend lines must be reversed, with an acceptance that peace will take years to become a realistic expectation – by Jack Watling

(** B K P)

What the UAE takeover of Yemen’s islands really means

Far from withdrawing from the war in Yemen, the Emirates is pursuing a hard-line and establishing itself as a military power for the long haul.

To this day, the UAE remains a major influence in the impoverished country, and now it is exploiting Yemen’s vulnerabilities by establishing a hold in Mayun Island and UNESCO protected Socotra Island. This encroachment threatens to lengthen the devastating conflict in Yemen.

Currently, a military base is being built on Yemen’s Mayun Island — a volcanic island off Yemen situated in a maritime choke point for crucial energy shipments and commercial cargo. The island itself can provide a base for any operation into the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden, and East Africa. Furthermore, it is easy to launch airstrikes into mainland Yemen from the island. The construction of the base violates Yemen’s sovereignty as the U.N.-recognized Yemeni government was not informed about the construction. While no country has claimed the air base, there are clear links to the UAE.

The UAE is also in control of Socotra Island. While Socotra is technically under the rule of the Southern Transitional Council — separatists who call for an independent South Yemen — the UAE is in de facto control.

UAE military bases and other influences are dramatically changing the rhythms of everyday life in Socotra. The 60,000 inhabitants have lived on the island for thousands of years with limited contact with the outside world, if any.

Now, the UAE is funding major infrastructure projects on the island. These include docks, hospitals, and communication networks that link Socotris to the UAE — not Yemen. It is conducting its own census and inviting influential Socotris to Abu Dhabi for free healthcare and special work permits. There are even rumors that the UAE is planning to hold a referendum on seceding from the mainland and officially becoming part of the Emirates.

The UAE is also bringing tourists to the island without the permission of the U.N.-recognized Yemeni government.

Multiple international organizations have expressed concerns over the UAE’s actions in Socotra and its harmful effects on the population and environment.

As Farea al-Muslimi, a non-resident fellow at Chatham House, notes: “The UAE has surprised everyone, even themselves, with how well they’ve done militarily in Yemen. They have almost had free rein as a result to control and have presence in whatever they want in the country, including Yemen’s ports, which is a prize for them.”

Not only is Socotra under threat, but the entirety of Yemen. Through building military bases both in Socotra and Mayun Island, the UAE is aggressively pursuing a hard-line stance in Yemen. It is establishing itself as a military power for the long haul.

The UAE has proven itself to be a hostile actor within Yemen. The more Yemeni land it controls, the larger impediment it poses to peace efforts within the country. The international community cannot allow the UAE to build illegal military bases on Yemeni land, especially at the cost of local ways of life and environmental degradation. Socotra is a UNESCO world heritage site— not Dubai 2.0 – by Arwa Mokdad

(** B E P)

Yemeni Border Markets: From Economic Incubator to Military Frontline


The ongoing war in Yemen, which assumed a regional dimension in 2015 and pits the Houthis against a Saudi-led Arab military coalition, has turned the borderlands into battlefields. The Saudi authorities’ closure of all crossings on Yemen’s northwestern border has added to the borderlands’ woes.

Many border markets have scaled back their operations drastically, others have moved elsewhere, and yet others have closed down permanently. Smuggling, which always existed, has surged and now includes African migrants who wish to make their way to Saudi Arabia.

The collapse and closure of the border markets led to the Saudi military and the Houthis swooping in and competing with each other for control over the former economic hubs. Saudi officials have turned several former markets into military bases.

If a Saudi-Houthi peace deal allows Riyadh to achieve its aim of establishing a buffer zone in the borderlands, the era of bustling markets on Yemen’s northwestern border with Saudi Arabia will have come to a definitive end.


During the first decade and a half of this century, a string of open-air markets located on Yemen’s northwestern border with Saudi Arabia came to serve collectively as an economic hub that benefited both the Yemeni borderlands and the Yemeni interior, in addition to cementing social ties between Yemeni and Saudi border communities. Crucially, despite recurring conflict within Yemen, the warring domestic parties by and large took care to avoid clashing in the vicinity of these markets, given their value to the economy. This changed in 2015, when Yemen’s most recent conflict, which had erupted the previous year, began to witness the direct involvement of outside actors. The principal confrontation pitted the Iran-backed Ansar Allah rebel group, commonly known as the Houthis, against a Saudi-led Arab military coalition.

Both sides quickly came to view the borderlands as a strategic asset and took to building up their military presence there. In and of itself, this development had negative repercussions on trade. Yet worse was to come. Saudi Arabia’s closure of the northwestern border crossings for stretches at a time prevented Saudi citizens—upon whose purchases the markets relied quite heavily—from entering Yemen. The economic downturn accelerated. Finally, outright clashes transformed the borderlands into battle zones. This led to the shuttering of the border markets and sundered long-standing cross-border economic and social links.

Prospects for a significant amelioration of the current dismal state of affairs are bleak. Saudi Arabia and its allies have proven unable to dislodge the Houthis from most borderlands. As a result, even if the warring parties reach a peace deal, it is likely that they will divide the borderlands between them. Traders and stall owners seem to have realized as much. Some have gravitated toward smuggling, others have reconstituted smaller versions of the markets in inland Yemen, and yet others have set up shop along the more remote northeastern parts of the border. If a Saudi-Houthi peace deal allows the Saudi government to achieve its aim of establishing a buffer zone in the borderlands, the era of bustling markets on Yemen’s northwestern border with Saudi Arabia will have come to a definitive end.


Peace through the establishment of a buffer zone would have consequences both far-reaching and long-lasting. Border markets proved successful because they turned the confluence of two countries’ peripheries into a center, gave rise to a distinct economic system, and came to constitute a bridge between cross-border communities. All that is gone now. Yet it appears that a worse development is on the horizon: a permanent disfigurement of the landscape along with forced demographic change through a Saudi-Houthi joint project for a buffer zone. To the ordinary Yemeni borderland resident, this would be a no man’s land. Indeed, it is not an exaggeration to say that the buffer zone would mark the definitive end of the border market era.

In a sense, the subordination of the northwestern borderlands’ needs to those of external powers is of a piece with what is happening across Yemen. The country is undergoing a process of cantonization, one driven by the political and military imperatives of Iran, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. Iran has encouraged the Houthis to try to wrest control of Ma’rib and offered them various forms of support. The capture of Ma’rib would enable Houthi-ruled northern Yemen to stand on its own as an economically viable and politically pro-Iranian statelet, and possibly facilitate further territorial gains. Meanwhile, the UAE is backing southern Yemeni separatists in their efforts to detach much of southern Yemen from the region controlled by the internationally recognized and pro-Saudi government. The Emiratis are also facilitating the settlement along Yemen’s western coast of yet another military faction that they back, the Guardians of the Republic. In light of all this, Riyadh’s buffer zone project, which the Houthis may well endorse in the event of an agreement with Saudi Arabia, deepens the ongoing and possibly permanent division of Yemen into foreign-backed cantons – by Ahmed Nagi

(** B H P)

Relief Mafia: Spoiled Aid to Yemen with UN Flavor

The World Food Programme (WFP) provides spoiled food continuously and in insufficient quantities, forcing poor families to sell the food basket in exchange for a simple healthy food. Therefore, citizens demand UN and the WF to give them the price of the food basket in cash so that they can benefit from it and its value, and so that they can spare their children and families from malnutrition

Salem Mohammed Al-Faqih, one of those displaced from Hodeidah governorate to Sana’a, describes the taste of food basket provided to him by the World Food Programme as “heartbreak”.

The citizens demanded that the WFP give them half of the amount only to benefit from it in their interests, or to stop the siege and aggression, then there would be no need for their assistance.

The WFP tried to bring large quantities of spoiled flour into Yemen, under the justification of disbursing it as aid to the Yemeni people, the latest of which was seized in the port of Hodeidah last week.

The Yemeni Organization for Standardization, Metrology and Quality Control stated in a statement that it rejected this quantity after conducting the necessary tests, which revealed that flour contained insects or dead black mites inside the flour bags, which confirms that the flour is damaged and unfit for human use.

Despite the complaints, the WFP remains silent, and does not defend itself or explain the reason for bringing these spoiled quantities of flour into Yemen, and who benefits from that.

"Although there are a limited number of international organizations that work in accordance with humanitarian principles and standards and have relatively contributed to serving the victims and alleviating the suffering, the list of relief mafia is long and a lot of crimes committed in the humanitarian and relief in Yemen" said Talaat Al-Sharjabi, the Spokesman for the Supreme Council for the Management and Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Al-Sharjabi adds that in the Council they are not only facing a problem with the corruption of some international organizations and their suspicious deals to supply expired or near-expired food or medicine, but they also face international mismanagement of relief by the UN and the use of people’s pain as means of pressure.

The organizations are politicizing humanitarian aid and trying to exploit and pressure to pass agendas and achieve advantages that they were unable to achieve by military force, in addition to using starvation and siege as a means of war with UN cover and silence.

They also play suspicious intelligence roles in favor of international powers. Espionage or intelligence work sometimes does not stop at mere information gathering, but rather goes beyond that to sow division and rivalry among Yemenis.

"There are some international organizations that do not adhere to standards and specifications with regard to purchase, production date, expiry, transportation and storage methods, according to technical, health and humanitarian requirements" Al-Sharjabi said.

He also clarified that the process and the corruption of organizations stands behind international corruption that seeks to exploit the needs of the victims and achieve harm to those targeted by them in exchange for imaginary financial gains and profits.

(** B H)

Fischer bergen 25 ertrunkene Geflüchtete vor Küste des Jemen

Vor der Küste des Jemen haben Fischer am Montag 25 Leichen geborgen. Nach Angaben der Behörden war zuvor ein Boot mit bis zu 200 Schutzsuchenden an Bord gekentert. Den Fischern zufolge wurden die Toten in der Meerenge Bab al-Mandab entdeckt, die zwischen dem nordostafrikanischen Dschibuti und dem Jemen liegt. Das Schicksal der anderen Bootsinsassen war zunächst unklar.

»Das Boot ist vor zwei Tagen gekentert und hatte zwischen 160 und 200 Menschen an Bord«, sagte ein Behördensprecher unter Berufung auf jemenitische Schlepper. Die Internationale Organisation für Migration (IOM) der Vereinten Nationen bestätigte den Untergang eines Bootes in dem Gebiet, konnte aber zunächst keine näheren Angaben machen.

Die Leichen seien vor Ras al-Ara in der südlichen Provinz Lahidsch geborgen worden, sagten Fischer der Nachrichtenagentur AFP. Das Gebiet wird von Einheimischen wegen der dort sehr aktiven Schlepperbanden »Tor zur Hölle« genannt. Bei den Ertrunkenen handele es sich mutmaßlich um afrikanische Geflüchtete.

und auch


(** B H)

Officials: Migrant boat capsizes off Yemen, some 200 missing

U.N. and Yemeni officials said Monday a boat capsized off the coast of war-torn Yemen a day earlier and some 200 migrants, mostly from the Horn of Africa, were missing.

The shipwreck Sunday was the latest sea disaster involving African migrants seeking a better life in oil-rich Gulf countries.

The boat left the East African country of Djibouti over the weekend and sank off Yemen’s Ras al-Ara area in southern Lahj province, according to Abd Rabou Mehwali, former head of the Ras al-Ara municipality and current deputy education minister of the internationally recognized government.

A U.N. migration official said the boat was carrying some 200 people, mostly Africans, and a handful of Yemenis. It wasn’t immediately clear if there were fatalities or if any migrants were rescued. But the official said those on board were missing.

and also



(** A H)

Bodies of 25 migrants recovered off Yemen

The bodies of 25 migrants were recovered off Yemen on Monday after the boat that was carrying them capsized with up to 200 people on board, a provincial official told AFP.
“The boat overturned two days ago and was carrying between 160 and 200 people,” said Jalil Ahmed Ali from the Lahij provincial authority, citing information given by Yemeni smugglers. The fate of the other people on board was unclear.
Fishermen in southern Yemen told AFP that they had recovered the 25 bodies, saying the victims appeared to be of African origin — some of the many who try to reach war-torn Yemen before crossing into the wealthy Gulf states.
The fishermen said the bodies were floating in the waters of the Ras al-Ara area in the southern province of Lahij, overlooking the Bab al-Mandab strait off the coast of Djibouti.

and also

cp1a Am wichtigsten: Coronavirus und Seuchen / Most important: Coronavirus and epidemics

(A H P)

UNICEF airlifts COVID-19 testing kits to Yemen to boost response as cases soar

A first batch of 10,000 COVID-19 tests arrived in Sana’a on a UNICEF-chartered plane today, to increase the COVID-19 testing capacity amid the rapid increase of cases in Yemen. An additional shipment of 8,000 tests is expected to arrive in Aden in the coming days.

“These test kits will allow wider testing for COVID-19 across the country and the timely management of confirmed cases to save lives,” said Sara Beysolow Nyanti, UNICEF Representative in Yemen.

(A H)

One new case of COVID-19 reported, 6,864 in total

The committee also reported the recovery of ten coronavirus patients. No death has been recorded.
1,836 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(A H)

5 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 6,862 in total

The committee also reported the death of two coronavirus patients and the recovery of 16 others.
1,830 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

(* A H)

20 new cases of COVID-19 reported, 6,856 in total

The committee also reported the death of four coronavirus patients and the recovery of 8 others.
1,604 polymerase chain reaction (PCR) tests for the virus were carried out on the same day, the statement added.

cp2 Allgemein / General

(* A K P)

Interactive Map of Yemen War =

(* A K P)

Yemen War Daily Map Updates

(A K P)

Map Update: June 13, 2021

(* B P)

Warten auf Frieden

USA unterstützen weiterhin Kriegskoalition gegen Ansarollah im Jemen. Oman schickt Vermittler nach Sanaa

Mehr als vier Monate nach Bidens Aussage, der Jemen-Krieg gehöre beendet, müssen US-Militärbeamte zugeben, dass Washington noch immer saudische Kriegsflugzeuge wartet, die die jemenitische Zivilbevölkerung bombardieren. Eine nachdrückliche Forderung des Weißen Hauses nach umfassender Aufhebung der Blockade, damit endlich ausreichend humanitäre Güter ins Land gelangen können, blieb bislang aus – und das, obwohl die Kinderhilfsorganisation UNICEF vor dem drohenden Hungertod von 400.000 jemenitischen Kindern warnt. Gerade erst hat die US-Regierung Sanktionen gegen Persönlichkeiten im Umfeld der von großen Teilen der jemenitischen Bevölkerung unterstützten Ansarollah verhängt. Und mit Timothy Lenderking hat der US-Präsident einen Sondergesandten für den Jemen installiert, der seit Jahren äußerst enge Verbindungen in die Golfstaaten pflegt und nicht müde wird, die Ansarollah und Teheran mit Schuldzuweisungen zu überziehen.

Washington weigert sich beharrlich, die in den vergangenen sechs Jahren erheblich verschobenen Kräfteverhältnisse anzuerkennen, und auch die UNO legt noch immer die Sicherheitsratsresolution vom März 2015 allen Verhandlungen zu Grunde. Diese forderte die Ansarollah zur Rückgabe aller von ihnen eroberten Gebiete auf, verhängte ein einseitiges Waffenembargo und etablierte einen UN-Mechanismus zur Kontrolle aller Importe, um angeblichen iranischen Waffenschmuggel an die »Huthis« zu unterbinden, mit dem die Kriegskoalition bis heute die völkerrechtswidrige Blockade gegen des Land »legitimiert«. Auch ihr Angriffskrieg wurde vom UN-Sicherheitsrat fast einstimmig – bei Stimmenthaltung Russlands – gebilligt.

Dabei hat Riad den Krieg längst verloren. Das saudische Königshaus sucht angesichts seiner Unfähigkeit, den Vormarsch der Ansarollah auf die gas- und ölreiche Stadt Marib aufzuhalten, und der regelmäßigen Drohnen- und Raketenangriffe auf saudisches Staatsgebiet eine gesichtswahrende Rückzugsoption. Zugleich führt die Kriegskoalition ihre Luftangriffe auf die »Huthis« und die jemenitische Zivilbevölkerung unvermindert fort. Die von Teilen der sogenannten internationalen Gemeinschaft anerkannte, aber seit mehr als sechs Jahren nicht mehr demokratisch legitimierte »Regierung« von Abed Rabbo Mansur Hadi fordert einen sofortigen Waffenstillstand, weil sie um jeden Preis die Einnahme der Stadt Marib, ihrer letzten Hochburg im Norden des Landes, verhindern will. Die Ansarollah hingegen machen eine Aufhebung der Beschränkungen für den Flughafen in Sanaa und den Hafen von Hodeida zur Bedingung für einen umfassenden Waffenstillstand.

(* B P)

Audio: ElisabethKendall & Maysaa

The #Yemen war is not about religion & Yemen is not naturally sectarian. But religious 'education' is being used to deepen regional identities & further political ambitions I asked @Maysaashujaa @SanaaCenter to explain

Shuja Al-deen: Thank you very much, Elisabeth. Yemen was always divided into Sunni and the Sunni School was the majority of the population, actually two third of the population and it was dominated by the Shafi'i School and uh they say a Shi'a school and it is one third of the population, it is in the north.
And they are it is Zaydi school, different than the Twelver school in Iran.
And since the 70s, at the mid 70s, this um, this has been changed as the Shafi'i school, the traditional Shafi'i school has been pushed on the, on the side by the Salafi, the spread of the Salafism And also by the rising of the Houthi movement in 2000.
They start also to push the traditional school, the traditional Zaydi schools and replaced by their school, the Houthi school, which is very influenced by the Iranian uh by the Iranian influence. They stress on their Shi'a connection and they are very hostile towards the Sunnis. The same thing goes with the Salafis who start before them.
And they were very, they discredit the Zaydi doctrine and they consider them non Muslim. And this, this created a kind of tension between the two big schools in Yemen.

Shuja Al-deen:Sectarian division in Yemen is in its first level, it is a tribal regional division.
The Zaydi, the Zaydism exists in the upper of Yemen and what was called Upper Yemen, it is in the north of Sanaa.
It is that the land of Hamdan tribes and this division is before Islam, actually, the upper Yemen, lower Yemen.
And it's different, totally different than south and north now.
But because Yemen has become part of the sectarian regional tension between the Saudis and the Iranians. So I think the sectarian dimension or the religious dimension in this war has been grown since it started in 2015.

Shuja Al-deen:Um it's the change was massive actually. My my grandfathers were judges and they learned their religious education from Sunni schools, Sunni Shafi'i schools and from Shia Zaydi schools and this was coming and it's not weird in Yemen at that time, this was a long time ago, but because at that time the idea is, the aim of these traditional schools is to give you knowledge so they accept their differences and the different explanations of Islam.
But now, because the aim of these kinds of schools is to um train or to establish a loyal group.
Um so they want to discredit the others, so they don't accept the differences and they always talk about the unity of Islam, that Islam has one version and our explanation is the only right Islam. So others are not right, and they always rely on the holy text and they don't accept the logic or the reason, using logic and reason, and their explanation of Islam.
So they always believe that you have to gain your knowledge from your teacher or from your leadership and you don't have your own individual knowledge.
So it's a very different, it's a very different approach and it's a very different result, definitely.

(A K P)

[Hadi gov.] Yemen's Information Minister: The Houthi siege of Taiz left unprecedented misery for four million people

Yemen's Minister of Information Muammar Al-Eryani said the Houthi militia's siege of Taiz continuing since the coup of 2014 has left an unprecedented misery for four million people in the central Yemeni city.

In a statement to Yemeni News Agency (Saba), Al-Eryani said the siege and abuses there, " amounts to war crimes."

"The continuity of Houthi siege around Taiz for six years, reveals the falsehood of the terrorist militia's presentation of itself as a campaigner against the [Coalition's] blockade, a rhetoric it employs to draw the sympathy of and mislead the international community while seeking to cover up its own despicable crimes."

cp2a Saudische Blockade / Saudi blockade

(A H K P)

[Sanaa gov.] Health Ministry: Detention of fuel ships tired out health sector in Yemen

The Ministry of Public Health and Population on Monday said the continued aggression, the siege, the closure of Sana'a International Airport, and the prevention of the entry of fuel ships has tried out the health sector in Yemen.

During a vigil organized by the employees of the Ministry and the Yemeni Petroleum Company in front of the United Nations office in Sana'a, the official spokesman of the Health Ministry Dr. Najeeb Al-Qubati referred to the size of human suffering as a result of the Saudi-led aggression coalition forces' piracy on fuel ships.

(A K P)

YPC: Losses due to Fuel Ships Detentions Exceed $10 Billion

The Executive Director of Yemeni YPC, Ammar Al-Adrai, confirmed that direct and indirect losses incurred by the national economy due to acts of piracy by US-Saudi aggression exceeded 10 billion dollars. Al-Adrai pointed out that a full year has passed since YPC launched an emergency plan to manage the stifling crisis of oil fuels.

and also

cp3 Humanitäre Lage / Humanitarian situation

Siehe / Look at cp1

(B H)

RDP: Yemen: Monthly Situation Report (May 2021)


264,765 CU2 & PLW were provided with BSFP commodities through hundreds of food distribution points in 16 districts of IBB, Taizz, Dhamar, and Hajjah governorates.

Through 12 health facilities, RDP continues to support 308 children U5 and 357 pregnant and lactating women with MAM treatment in Taizz governorate.

(B H)

Yemen: Health Cluster Achievements (April 2021)

(B H)

Film: Yemen living conditions harshest in history =

(B H P)

USAID: Yemen - Complex Emergency Fact Sheet #5, Fiscal Year (FY) 2021

Yemen ‑ USG Response to the Complex Emergency (Last Updated 06/15/21)

(B H)

CCCM Community Projects and Site Maintenance Approval Process

and for provinces:

(B H)

Film: Karish Healthcare Center Watch how we contributed to better healthcare in Yeme

Previously destroyed by conflict, Karesh Health Centre, in Lahj Governorate, can once again provide healthcare to almost 140,000 Yemenis! Thanks to the European Union's support to UNDP and Social Fund for Development, the facility was rehabilitated and equipped with solar power to ensure uninterrupted services.

(* B H)

Yemen Nutrition Cluster Bulletin, Issue 10: Jan-Dec 2020

In 2020, the nutrition cluster comprised of 43 partners (4 UN agencies, 2 government, 20 international NGOs, and 17 local NGOs) that collectively recorded significant achievements, key achievements included:

Overall, the nutrition cluster reached 81% of People in Need (PIN) and 167% of the targeted beneficiaries these include: a total of 6,000,328 which includes 1,198,520 girls, 1,151,520 boys and 3,650,198 Pregnant and Lactating Women were reached with critical nutrition services in the period January to December 2020.

Outpatient therapeutic feeding program (OTP) was implemented in 332 districts in 2020. The number of districts prioritized for Targeted Supplementary Feeding Program (TSFP) increased to from 290 in 2019 to 323 districts, however, TSFP was implemented in 297 (92%) by the end of December 2020. Meanwhile, the coverage of OTP and TSFP sites increased to 4,144 (83%) and 3,576 (75% ) in health facilities in prioritized districts respectively in 2020

The number of children under five with severe acute malnutrition admitted in OTP sites reached 289,953 representing 93% of the annual target. Moreover, 17,638 children were suffering from Severe Acute Malnutrition (SAM) with medical complications were treated in Therapeutic Feeding Centers (TFCs).

A total of 738,085 children under five with moderate acute malnutrition were admitted in the TSFP, representing 74% of the annual target. The corresponding figure for PLW was 755,335 representing 112% of the annual target.

Children 6-59 months reached with micronutrient powders (MNPs) supplementation was 883,391 representing 46% of the annual target. Vitamin A supplementation was provided to a total of 1,637,812 under-five children representing 90% of the annual target.

Meanwhile, 748,099 children under two years and 520,390 pregnant and lactating women were enrolled in Blanket Supplementary Feeding Program (BSFP) representing 111% and 83% of the annual target respectively.

(B H)

Yemen Women Protection AoR Services, May 2021

(* B H)

Comment: Families on the brink of famine in Yemen cannot wait

The World Food Programme appeals for vital funding and decisive political action to break the corrosive cycle of conflict and hunger

For years, Yemen’s been described as the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. Then, at the end of 2020, it seemed it got worse yet again: analysis from the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) showed that, for the first time in two years, pockets of famine conditions had returned to the country.

Over half of all Yemenis — 16.2 million people — are food insecure. Over 5 million are at immediate risk of famine, and almost 50,000 are already experiencing famine-like conditions. But what does that actually mean?

For Hayat, 30, it means constantly worrying about how she will feed her three little girls.

“I was crying last night and thinking about where I can get food to give them,” she says, sitting in the makeshift tent that is now the family’s home.

“My daughters wake in the night and ask for food. I have to tell them I can’t get food. They sleep hungry.”

Informal camps have sprung up to host families like Hayat’s who have been displaced by conflict. The dust blown up by the relentless coastal wind is brutal.

Hayat is one of the nearly 13 million people in Yemen who receive assistance from the World Food Programme (WFP). The flour, vegetable oil, pulses, sugar and salt from WFP is all she has, she says. With no source of income, she trades some of her WFP food for other items such as vegetables.

WFP also supports 3.3 million children and mothers with nutrition supplements to treat and prevent malnutrition, and provides 1.55 million children with daily snacks in school — a vital nutrition boost that also helps keep them in education.

Each year of war has further eroded the ability of Yemenis to weather shocks like rising food prices. Having exhausted savings and sold what they could — jewellery, livestock, even land — many families now are reducing meals to one per day, or limiting their diets to the cheapest and most basic foods like bread and rice.

These extreme coping measures are taking a devastating toll on Yemen’s youngest children, half of whom are at risk of malnutrition in 2021 — that’s 2.3 million children aged under-5.

Meanwhile, the conflict continues to rage, displacing more people each week. Food prices are still rising, while the value of the Yemeni riyal fluctuates daily. A deadly second wave of coronavirus is only just abating, and crippling fuel shortages restrict access to healthcare and jobs, even preventing people from travelling to collect their food assistance.

Thanks to additional funding provided by donors — led by the United States, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, the European Union and Germany — this year WFP has been able to increase food assistance in the areas with the highest rates of food insecurity.

Maintaining this level of support is the only thing that can stop Yemen from spiralling into widespread famine conditions. So far, WFP has received US$937 million of the US$1.9bn it needs in 2021.

Operations being almost half-funded is positive news, but not enough to last to the end of the year.

(A H)

UN-Habitat improves water distribution and sewer networks Aden, Yemen

Residents of six districts in Aden - Al Manquleen, Al Rawdha, Sheikh Othman, Teqaneia, Bir Fadhl and Sirah districts – will see major improvements in water and sewage services after UN-Habitat completes its ongoing work. The work is part of the “Prevention of Water Borne Disease Outbreak through Emergency Repair and Upgrade of Damaged Wastewater Facilities in Aden City- Yemen” project funded by the Government of Japan.

At least 6,000 metres of water and wastewater pipelines, including fittings, valves, accessories, and manholes will beinstalled.

The project will improve the water and sewer networks and reduce the risk of waterborne disease outbreaks. It will directly benefit around 25,000 community members living in the targeted areas and create employment.

(* B H)

Gesundheitsministerium in Sanaa: Im Jemen stirbt alle 5 Minuten ein Kind

Najib al-Qubati, der Sprecher des jemenitischen Gesundheitsministeriums, berichtete am Montag über die Schwierigkeiten im Gesundheits- und Medizinsystem des Landes, das durch die saudischen Angriffe und Blockaden zerstört worden sei.

Die laufende saudische Militärkampagne habe zur vollständigen Zerstörung oder teilweisen Beschädigung von 527 Krankenhäusern geführt, sagte al-Qubati.

Er fügte hinzu, dass jährlich in seinem Land mehr als 8.000 Frauen sterben und mehr als 2,6 Millionen Kinder an Unterernährung leiden. 1,5 Millionen Menschen hätten gegen chronische Krankheiten zu kämpfen, von denen rund 32.000 ins Ausland reisen müssten, um sich behandeln zu lassen. Außerdem benötigten 5.000 Patienten eine Nierentransplantation, und die Schließung des Flughafens Sanaa bedrohe ihr Leben. Mehr als 3.000 jemenitische Kinder hätten angeborene Herzfehler, die im Ausland behandelt werden müssten.

Der Sprecher des jemenitischen Gesundheitsministeriums wies darauf hin, dass 500 Kranke eine Lebertransplantation und 2.000 weitere eine Hornhauttransplantation benötigten.

(* B H)

[Sanaa gov.] Health Ministry: 50% of Facilities Were Out of Work Due to US-Saudi Siege

Ministry of Public Health and Population’s cadres organized a sit-down, Monday, in front of the United Nations office rejecting the continuation of the US-Saudi aggression and siege and its impact on the health sector.

Health Ministry spokesman Najeeb Al-Qubati confirmed that the continuous bombing during the years of aggression led to the total and partial destruction of 527 health facilities, and 50% of the facilities were out of work.
He explained that because of the siege a child dies every 5 minutes, more than 8000 women die annually, and more than 2.6 million children suffer from malnutrition.
He indicated that 1.5 million suffer from chronic diseases and 32,000 of them need to travel to receive treatment, noting that 5,000 patients with kidney failure need kidney transplants, and the closure of Sana’a airport threatens their lives.
He pointed out that over 3,000 children have congenital heart defects and need to travel for treatment, 500 cases of final liver failure require liver transplantation, and 2,000 cases require corneal transplantation. All of them were registered in the Medical air bridge that was promised to travel.
He pointed out that there is a significant increase in oncology patients, as over 72,000 patients registered with the National Cancer Center, which lacks modern medicines and equipment to treat them.

A spokesman for the Ministry of Health explained that the siege resulted in the absence of 120 types of medicines for chronic diseases.
The siege caused a shortage of 50% of the medicines required for oncology patients, and also prevented the arrival of shipments of medicines and damaged many of them and increased their prices due to deliberate and arbitrary obstacles, he added.

and also

(* B H)

Yemen, the testimony of the MSF surgeon: “Even civilians on the street in war are forced to improvise doctors to save lives”

Doctor Iezzi, what is happening in Yemen?
“Geopolitical analyzes are not up to me, much less military ones. I can only tell the drama of civilians, the main victims of a conflict that, like the others, escapes human understanding. In the MSF surgical center we treated everyone, regardless of ethnicity, religion and belonging. But it is the innocent victims who leave you speechless ”.

You operated in a war hospital, didn’t you?
“Yes, most of the wounded, and unfortunately also of the victims, arrived at our hospital due to the consequences of military actions. Gunshot wounds, anti-personnel mines, bombings. It is difficult to remain cold in the face of certain situations, especially for those arriving from a peaceful country like Italy “.

In six months he will have seen dozens of dramas. Are there any stories that particularly impressed you?
“Sure, one happened on Sunday as I was leaving the hospital. An ambulance arrived from the district of al-Durayhimi from which an 11-month-old baby emerged. Everyone was screaming cut, bombing. He had just entered the world and since that day he has lost his left leg. There were splinters in his head, some deep. To the little boy’s grandfather I could not say anything other than ‘We have done everything possible, but the conditions remain very serious’. The man had a long white beard and a disarming dignity. I have it in my mind. He started crying, sitting next to me and I could feel his pain. There is also another very painful one… ”.

You can also tell stories.
“One Saturday in the emergency room and in the operating room there were dozens of patients, a condition that unfortunately was repeated almost every day. I was watching their faces when a man from the Dhubab district of Taiz governorate arrived in the emergency room and jumped on a landmine. He had lost a leg while he was working to get his house back on its feet. Someone who was on the street prepared a for him tourniquet (lace, bandage, ed.) perfect from a technical point of view, to stop massive bleeding. And one of my thoughts, at that moment, was that normal people shouldn’t know how to do a tourniquet and instead in war you are forced to learn it ”.

Did you only deal with war-related casualties and injuries?
“No, but in a certain sense cases related to the conflict, more or less as a direct consequence. I am thinking of pregnant women who have arrived in terrible conditions due to unsupervised labor. Lesionate placentas, infections, bleeding. Very often it was late. Infant and newborn mortality is very high in Yemen. And then there are the road accidents due to the totally destroyed and abandoned roads as a result of mines and bombings and due to lack of maintenance ”.

(B H)

European Union supports UNFPA for lifesaving aid to women, girls and the displaced in Yemen

Nearly half a million of the most vulnerable women and girls in Yemen will receive emergency relief, life-saving reproductive health and mental health services thanks to a EUR 6 million humanitarian contribution from the European Union (EU). The funds will allow UNFPA, the United Nations Population Fund to continue providing critical services at a time when its humanitarian response is challenged by limited funds and the rapid spread of COVID-19.

The health system remains in tatters. Nearly half of all health facilities have been forced to close, or are only partially functioning. COVID-19 has aggravated the situation

The new funding will support UNFPA to provide emergency obstetric and maternal health care in 30 hospitals; mental health services in two specialized psychological care centres, and facilitate coordination and enrolment for emergency assistance through the UNFPA-led Rapid Response Mechanism when fighting leads to new displacement.

(B H)

Sowing the seeds of self-sufficiency

Now, with the support of the Yemen Humanitarian Fund (YHF), the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) is helping 1,000 farming families like Abdullah’s in Jabal Habashi district, Taiz, to grow vegetables.

The families are provided with seeds, farming tools, training, and cash to pay for ploughing and access to water. Farmers then sell part of their harvests, including tomatoes, zucchini, okra, and onions, at the village market. “Now, families have money to buy what they need,” says Abdullah.

Although only a small proportion of Yemen’s food is produced domestically, nearly two-thirds of Yemenis make a living from agriculture. Projects like this increase access to food for vulnerable people, and also help them earn an income.

More support is needed for sustainable livelihoods in Yemen so that people do not have to rely on aid to survive and can ensure their families do not go hungry.

(* B H)

Yemen crisis is worsening and the world must act now, say aid workers

The Arab world’s poorest country has been in the midst of a perpetual humanitarian disaster for years but the situation can get even worse.

Despite multiple warnings from aid organisations that millions of people in Yemen are on the brink of famine, the world’s richest countries have dragged their feet on setting aside required funds for the war-torn country, relief workers say.

“People in Yemen feel that they have been forgotten by the world while they are suffering,” said Rabih Torbay, the CEO of Project Hope, an international healthcare NGO.

The World Food Programme (WFP) has already warned that thousands of people in places such as Hajjah, Amran and Al Jawf risk starvation.

This is not the first time that an alarm with a great sense of urgency has been raised for a country where already 90 percent of the 30 million population is dependent on some sort of international food assistance.

Experts say the ongoing conflict makes it difficult for humanitarian agencies to conduct ground surveys that help establish the severity of the famine engulfing the most vulnerable regions.

An air blockade imposed by a coalition led by neighbouring Saudi Arabia, which backs the Yemeni government in the north, makes it difficult for even aid supplies to be flown in easily.

Torbay said that the Covid-19 pandemic has killed at least 150 doctors in Yemen but exact figures are hard to get by due to lack of data.

“This is a country which has around 10 healthcare workers for 10,000 people. That’s not 10 doctors but 10 healthcare workers (including nurses). Imagine the impact of the doctors dying on patients who go untreated.”

Famine or no famine, tens of thousands of people are already in need of medical and food assistance in Yemen where one woman and six newborns die every two hours due to pregnancy-related complications.

“We are talking about 20 million people who don't have access to basic health service - that’s two-thirds of the population,” said Torbay.

“Just imagine that over 1 million pregnant women are malnourished, around 2.8 million children are malnourished including 400,000 who are severely malnourished.”

(* B H P)

Film: “Fighting famine and human rights violations in war-torn Yemen” =

(B H)

Film: These young people have learned much more than just #football with the Integrated Child Protection programme in schools in #Yemen.

cp4 Flüchtlinge / Refugees

Siehe / Look at cp1

(* B H)

Internal displacement's impacts on health in Yemen

This collaborative paper by IDMC and guest authors from Boston University, UNICEF and the University of Aden discusses the health risks facing internally displaced people due to Yemen’s longstanding humanitarian crisis.

It explores the effect of climate change in limiting IDPs’ access to healthcare, the impact of reduced humanitarian assistance on responses, and the policy implications of these issues.

A spotlight dives deeper into the impacts of Covid-19 on the health, livelihoods, housing, education and security of displaced and non-displaced Yemenis.

from Introduction

Internal displacement not only affects people’s security, livelihoods and housing conditions, but also their health. The war raging since March 2015 has caused what has been called the worst humanitarian crisis in recent history.3 More than half of the country’s health facilities have been damaged, and water and sanitation infrastructure has broken down, leading to high rates of communicable diseases and reducing the likelihood of internally displaced people (IDPs) being able to reach a functioning health facility and receive care.

The damage the conflict has caused - a collapsing economy, widespread unemployment, disease outbreaks and reliance on humanitarian assistance - disproportionately affects IDPs. The country’s worsening food insecurity will further aggravate their already challenging living conditions.

Covid-19 has caused a significant reduction in international aid for Yemen, heightening IDPs’ vulnerabilities at the same time as the pandemic was increasing their needs.

The effects of climate change, such as more frequent and severe storms and floods, also trigger displacement and increase the risk of diarrhoeal disease and acute malnutrition. Frequently displaced to camps with few if any sanitation and hygiene services, limited access to healthcare and disproportionately high levels of food insecurity, IDPs face myriad health risks.

This paper discusses those risks, the effect of climate change in reducing IDPs’ access to healthcare and triggering further displacement, and the impact of reduced humanitarian assistance on responses. The final section outlines the policy implications of these issues.

(B H)

IOM Yemen | Rapid Displacement Tracking (RDT) - Reporting Period: 06 to 12 June 2021

During the reporting period, between 06 and 12 June 2021, IOM Yemen DTM tracked 169 households (1,014 individuals) displaced at least once.
From 01 January to 12 June 2021, IOM Yemen DTM estimates that 6,121 households (HH) (36,726 Individuals) have experienced displacement at least once.

(A H P)

QRCS hands over new housing units to displaced families in Yemen

Qatar Red Crescent Society (QRCS) has completed a project to provide shelter for the internally displaced persons (IDPs) affected by the war and flooding in Yemen. At a total cost of $210,024, 224 housing units were handed over to the beneficiaries in two sub-divisions of 'Abs District, Hajjah Governorate.

(B H)

Yemen: UNHCR Operational Update, 3 June – 9 June 2021

UNHCR assessed some 3,900 displaced Yemeni families (23,346 individuals) in Sana'a, Amanat Al Asimah, Al Baydha, Dhamar, Amran, Ibb, Taizz, Al Dhale'e, Sa'adah, Al Jawf and Al Hudaydah governorates during the reporting period. More than 2,700 internally displaced persons (IDPs) received protection services, including psychosocial, legal support, social counselling, case management, and emergency cash assistance.

In May 2021, UNHCR distributed multipurpose cash assistance (MPCA) and cash for food to 56,022 internally displaced Yemeni families. The following distribution cycle is planned to take place in June 2021.

During the reporting period, UNHCR provided 1,728 refugee and asylumseeker families with MPCA.

cp5 Nordjemen und Huthis / Northern Yemen and Houthis

Siehe / Look at cp1

(A H P)

Facing Saudi-led Siege, National Strategy is to Substitute Imported Medicines

Adviser to the Yemeni Pharmaceutical Manufacturers Union, Abdul Rahman Al-Olfi, confirmed that there is currently a national strategy based on replacing a number of pharmaceutical brands with their imported equivalents.

Al-Olfi explained that there are more than 1,160 types of medicines in Yemen that can be produced with the high quality in local factories including heart diseases and diabetes.

He pointed out that with regard to the local product, it is required that raw materials be imported from international companies. He noted that in the field of the pharmaceutical industry, there are international companies specialized in the production of raw materials, which are still monopolized by these companies, and many countries depend on their production.

He said that the pharmaceutical industry is a strategic industry that must develop along with science and technology in Yemeni universities, and if our universities can keep pace with this development, then local industries will make a qualitative leap.

(A P)

The Social Committee of the Houthi militia in Sana’a has imposed low dowries for the widows of its militants who were killed in the battle against the government to ensure their re-marriage including the militia’s leaders./ Khabar News Agency’s website.

(A P)

The Houthi militia’s “Deputy Foreign Minister” Hussein Al-Ezzi calls for polygamy in the militia’s areas of control to give birth to more children./Multiple websites

(A P)

Parliament condemns Saudi regime decision to prevent performance of Hajj

and also

(* B P)

320 captives have so far died in the jails of the Houthi militia since the beginning of the Yemeni war in 2015./Almashehad Alkhaleeji.

(A P)

Stopping hajj deprives Saudi regime from custody over Holly Mosque: Houthis

Saudi Arabia betrayed Islamic sacred places, the Houthi group said Sunday, calling for ousting and suing the Saudi regime for restricting the hajj rite this year to residents who received Covid-19 vaccines.
For the second year, the Kingdom "boldly announced that visitors from outside its lands would be prevented from practicing the hajj, and this decision is rejected," scholars affiliated to the Houthis said in a statement.

(A P)

Houthis are forcing public employees in their areas of control to listen to the speeches of their leader./Yemen Voice.

(A P)

Film: Mothers hold a vigil demanding the release of their detainees’ sons in the prisons of Houthis

Abductees Mothers Association held a vigil in front of the temporary Taiz Governorate headquarter calling for the reveal of their sons’ fate and their release. According to the statement issued by vigil, the Houthis continue to kidnap 123 citizens and conceal 31 others, refusing to include them in the negotiations lists with local or international mediation

(A P)

Yemen's Scholars Condemn Saudi regime's Ban on Performing Hajj for Second Year in Ro

and more

(B P)

Irans Verfolgung der Baha’i im Jemen

Eine weitere religiöse Minderheit, die von Muslimen verfolgt

Die derzeitige Verfolgung der Baha’i-Gemeinde im Jemen durch die vom Iran unterstützten Houthi-Milizen weckt erschreckende Erinnerungen an das, was die Baha’i-Gemeinde im Iran unmittelbar nach der Islamischen Revolution von 1979 erleben musste.

Verschiedene Menschenrechtsgruppen bestätigen, dass die Houthi-Rebellen zunehmend die Anhänger des Baha’i-Glaubens im Jemen ins Visier nehmen und in den von ihnen kontrollierten Gebieten die Baha’is aus rein religiösen Gründen verfolgen. Um besser zu verstehen, was vor sich geht, hat dieser Reporter Jemeniten aus der Baha’i-Gemeinde interviewt, um sie über die Verfolgung durch die Houthi zu befragen. von der internationalen Gemeinschaft fast

(A P)

Parliament approves second term agenda


(A P)

Parliament listens to report of Trade and Industry Committee


(A P)

Yemeni Parliament Renews its Rejection of Foreign Military Presence On Yemeni Territory

and also

(A P)

Jemen: Britischer Gesandte fordert Sabotageakte gegen Regierung von Sanaa

Der stellvertretende Außenminister des Jemen, Hussein al-Ezzi, sagte, der britische Botschafter habe bei seinen Treffen mit den Jemeniten Sabotageakte gegen die Regierung von Sanaa unterstützt.

„Der britische Botschafter hat in einem besonderen Gespräch mit den Jemeniten zu Sabotageakten gegen die Sanaa-Regierung aufgerufen. Die Verletzung seiner Mission als Botschafter wird verurteilt“, sagte al-Ezzi am frühen Samstag in einem Post auf seinem Twitter-Account.

(A P)

Britain seeking sabotage in Yemen

Hussein al-Ezzi, deputy foreign minister in Yemen's national Salvation government, revealed in a tweet that: "In a meeting with the Yemenis, the British ambassador called for sabotage activities against the Sanaa government."

and also

(A P)

Houthi leader al-Bukhaiti when asked about commitment to a cease-fire: "We'll fight until the end." This is an honest statement that must not be overlooked. That when a cease-fire deal is inked, you don't get surprised why it collapsed within less than 24, 72 or 240 hours!

referring to film:

(A P)

Houthi Says US Prioritize War in Yemen After New Sanctions

“America prioritizes the option of war in Yemen at the same time as pretending to be supportive of peace. The imposition of sanctions on the pretext of securing peace represents an obstacle to the latter,” Mohammad Ali Al-Houthi, a member of Yemen's Supreme Political Council, tweeted Friday, presstv reported.

He said the punitive measures against the Yemeni private sector following bans on the country’s central bank plus airstrikes on factories and production plants, starvation of Yemenis through a blockade as well as halt to the payment of civil service salaries are all crimes, which fall within a systematic plot to exterminate the Yemeni economy.

The US Treasury on Thursday slapped sanctions on a money network which it accused of funding Ansarullah - a popular movement which is at the center of a national government administrating the country from capital Sana'a.

and also

cp6 Südjemen und Hadi-Regierung / Southern Yemen and Hadi-government

Siehe / Look at cp1

(A P T)

Five criminal investigators abducted by Al-Qaeda in occupied province of Shabwah

Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) had on Tuesday kidnapped five criminal investigation officers in the occupied province of Shabwah, media sources said.

“Al-Qaeda gunmen kidnapped five criminal investigation officers in Khora district, south of the provincial capital Ataq,” the sources explained .

Meanwhile, local mercenaries loyal to the UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) militia accused the local authorities in the province of “handing over these officers to al-Qaeda elements.”

(A B P)

Security checkpoints belonging to @STCSouthArabia prevent ppl coming from northern areas to go to Aden & force them to return to their cities. Most of these ppl are travellers who r heading to Aden International Airport. This constitutes a violation of freedom of movement

STC checkpoint stopped and interrogated me for hours when I went to #Aden for a vacation w/ my family a month ago. They searched me & my car, took my ID & phone. They still hold my phone. Don't know why, but probably coz I'm journalist from North Yemen, or I live in Marib as Idp.

(A P)

Campaign against arms, unlicensed vehicles kicks off in Aden

My comment: Separatists, not the government is ruling Aden.

(* A K P)

Emirati occupation force using African immigrants as settlers to enforce demographic change on occupied Yemen

UN sources have revealed in Tuesday that there is a link between the capsising of a ship that was carrying African refugees off the Coast of Yemen, and an intensive Emirati campaign to resettle Africans in Yemeni areas under its control, Yemen News Portal Reported.

The sources pointed out that the ship that sank in the Bab al-Mandab Strait earlier Monday, with 250 Ethiopian refugees on board, was supervised by Emirati officers in coordination with human trafficking smugglers.

The sources said that the campaign comes as part of a recruitment process in which the UAE aims to deploy more mercenaries on the island of Mayyun.

The UAE has established a military base on the island, amid the refusal of local people to evacuate the island in exchange for money, amounting to one million Saudi riyals, and houses in the city of Tariq in Mocha.

In recent days, the Yemeni coast has witnessed an unprecedented influx of African refugees.

Most of the arrivals are dropped off at smuggling centres in Lahj and then transported in containers to Aden, the main stronghold of pro-UAE factions, before being redeployed to various areas in southern Yemen as settlers (photos)

(A K P)

One Yemeni civilian killed during militia infighting in Lahj

(* A K P)

UAE builds illegal military base in Hadhramaut

The UAE occupation forces have established a new military base in Hadhramaut province, eastern Yemen.

According to Al-Jazeera correspondent, Samir Al-Nimri, the Emirati occupation forces have established a new military base at Al-Rayyan Airport comes without the knowledge of the “Saudi-backed Hadi government.”

Al-Nimri said on Twitter that the new air base that the UAE is working on establishing at Al-Rayyan Airport includes hangars for warplanes and military training sites.

He explained that the construction process came after the Emirates closed the airport to civil flights for nearly 6 years.

Al-Nimri attached a set of aerial photos of the military developments carried out by the UAE forces inside Al-Rayyan Airport.


(A P)

Houthis condemn construction of Saudi military sites in east Yemen

The Ansar Allah group, known as the Houthis, on Monday condemned the construction of new Saudi military sites and installations near Al-Ghaydah Airport in Yemen's eastern province of Mahrah.

Ali Hussein Al-Faraji, Mahrah governor appointed by the group, condemned abusive Saudi practices against the Yemeni people in the province, including hunting and imprisoning anti-occupation figures.

Arrests of people by pro-Saudi militias have increased, he said, pointing out that militias have tortured arrestees.

and also

(A P)

Government, STC agree to end escalation

The delegations of Yemen's internationally recognised government and the southern transitional council held a meeting in the Saudi capital Riyadh on Monday and agreed to end all manifestations of escalation and arrange for the return of the government members to the interim capital Aden.

Government members left to Saudi Arabia three months ago amid tensions with the UAE-backed council.

The meeting was held in a positive atmosphere under the auspices of the Saudi team overseeing the implementation of the Riyadh agreement led by the Saudi ambassador to Yemen Mohammed Al Jaber, the Saudi press agency reported.

The two sides also agreed to finalise the implementation of the agreement, it said.

(* A K P)

UAE-backed Yemen leader says his troops at island air base

A militia leader and nephew of Yemen’s late strongman president has acknowledged that his Emirati-backed troops are stationed on an island in a crucial maritime chokepoint where a mysterious air base is now under construction.

The comments by Tariq Saleh come as ship-tracking data show that at least two Emirati-owned vessels have traveled to Mayun Island since an Associated Press story in May highlighted the base’s construction.

The United Arab Emirates has not responded to repeated requests for comment about the base.

Speaking in an interview published Monday by the Arabic service of Russia’s state-owned Sputnik news agency, Saleh acknowledged the presence of troops from his National Resistance Forces militia on Mayun Island.

“We have forces affiliated with the Yemeni Coast Guard ... present on the island of Mayun, and there is also a small force of the Arab coalition forces present on the island represented by the Saudi forces,” Saleh said, according to Sputnik. “The runway was built to provide future logistical support for the joint forces on the western coast, or for any other parties.”

He added that Mayun Island “is a Yemeni island and will remain in Yemen.”

Saleh, like his late uncle, once fought alongside the Iranian-backed Houthis and then switched sides in late 2017 as the Houthis killed his uncle, Ali Abdullah Saleh. Now based in the Yemeni city of Mokha, Saleh is believed to have as many as 20,000 troops under his command, said Gregory D. Johnsen, a Yemen analyst.

In May, Saleh told the Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies that his militia was in a “partnership” with the UAE.

and also

Remark: The comments by Tariq Saleh come as ship-tracking data show that at least two Emirati-owned vessels have traveled to Mayun Island since an @AP story in May highlighted the base's construction.

(A P)

Yemen foreign minister to EU: to stop the war, talk to Iran

Yemen's foreign minister Ahmed Awad BinMubarak has a clear message to the European Union: to be united, and to talk to Iran, in order to achieve peace in Yemen.

"I ask the EU to use all the leverage it has to give a message to the Houthis and Iran," BinMubarak said in an interview with EUobserver.

(A P)

Saudi Team to Implement Riyadh Agreement Holds a Meeting with Yemeni Government and Southern Transitional Council's Representatives

and also

(* A P)

Yemeni ministers return to Aden following Saudi guaranties

Some members of the Yemeni cabinet are expected to head from Riyadh to Aden on Monday.
The ministers will arrive in the interim capital to perform their duties, Yemeni government source told Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, following Saudi guaranties.
The Yemeni prime minister, Maeen Abdulmalek, will also return in few days after the arrival of the ministers, according to the source.
The Yemeni cabinet's return comes one day after the Saudi ambassador for Yemen said the Kingdom continually works with the Riyadh Agreement's parties to finalize the deal application.

(A B P)

UAE-backed mercenaries violently repress northern Yemenis in Aden

The UAE-backed Southern Transitional Council (STC) militias have detained dozens of citizens from northern Yemeni governorates in and prevented them from entering the Crater area in Yemen’s southern port city of Aden, Aljanoob Alyoum Net reported, citing local citizens.

According to the citizens, the Security Belt forces have forced any citizen from Taiz province to disembark from buses they were travelling in, and prevented them from entering the area.

The pro-UAE militias are continuing their violations against the citizens from northern governorates, engaging in crimes against them as varied as arrest, looting if possession, forced displacement and even murder.

(A P)

"Mossad Spy in Yemen" Documentary Released, Old Story with Contemporary Truths

The Director of the Yemeni Armed Forces, Yahya Saree, announced the broadcasting of a documentary about the Israeli aging captured in Yemen a few decades ago, "Mossad Spy in Yemen".

Brigadier Sare'e explained that the documentary film revealed with documents and evident, part of the Israeli intervention in our country, the plan to target Yemen militarily, and other secrets revealed for the first time.

(A E P)

Saudi-led Aggression, Forces, Saudi Backed Government Responsible for New Looting of Oil in Yemen

In the latest chapters of the organized looting of oil, a giant transport ship arrived at the Radhum port in Shabwa, in preparation for the shipment of nearly one million barrels of crude oil, with an estimated value of $74 million, equivalent to 43 billion Yemeni riyals.

These sums and the previous exorbitant funds are sufficient to pay the salaries of employees for more than twenty years, which the Islah Party has harnessed for the benefit of its leaders and to finance its war and militias in the south, and in the Ma’rib governorate in particular, at a time when the humanitarian crisis continues to have catastrophic repercussions on millions of Yemenis in all governorates.

(A P)

After seizing its building, STC renames Aden-based Saba

The Southern Transitional Council (STC) renamed the Aden-based Saba News Agency on Sunday, one week after the Emirati-backed group seized the official agency's building.
STC supporters placed on top of Saba building a new plate reading the 'Southern Media National Corporation' and 'Aden News Agency', local sources said.
On 2 June, the separatist STC seized Saba headquarters in Aden and forced its guards and staff out of the building.

and also

(A P)

MP and former governor of Taiz Ali al-Maamari says any arrangements between the government and the Houthis that do not resolve the Taiz siege issue will destroy the remaining credibility of the government.

(A P)

[Separatist] Shabwani soldier released after 40 days of arbitrary detention

A soldiers of the Shabwa Elite Forces (SEF) was released on Sunday, by the Muslim Brotherhood-linked authorities in Shabwa province, after about forty days of arbitrary detention.

(A P)

Legitimate Government Stance Based on Backing up the Saudi Initiative, Says Yemeni Foreign Minister

(A P)

Massive hike in bread prices cause protests in occupied city of Aden

The rise in the price of a loaf of bread in Aden city, southern Yemen, has angered the citizens, who expressed their dissatisfaction and anger at the difficult living situation.

This came due to the failure of the Saudi-led Hadi puppet government in controlling the province.

The price of the bread suddenly increased despite assurances of the Hadi government to control the prices, as it rose from 30 riyals to 40 riyals per loaf.

Angry citizens have started to to express their dissatisfaction and anger at the increased prices of the bread and the worsening famine it causes.

Bakery owners argued that the increase in the price of bread is due to the rise in flour and gas prices.

(* A P T)

Yemen's STC force captures Al Qaeda-linked cell responsible for deadly attacks against troops

Al Qaeda members admit to recent attack that killed seven Southern Transitional Council soldiers in southern Yemen

"Following the terrorist blast which targeted our soldiers on Friday, a battalion from our forces succeeded in identifying the head of the Aqap-linked cell that orchestrated and carried out Friday's attack," Abyan SBF spokesman Capt Salah Al Yousifi told The National on Sunday.

"The head of the terrorist cell was captured in Zinjubar city on Sunday morning along with another member of the cell."

Capt Al Yousifi said both militants admitted their responsibility for Friday's terrorist attack.

"The interrogation with the head of the cell led us to capture the other 13 members engaged in Friday's attack," he said.

Capt Al Yousifi said many of them admitted responsibility for a dozen attacks on soldiers in Abyan.

and also (with photos)

(A P)

Saudi Arabia urges to facilitate return of Yemen government to Aden

Saudi Arabia on Sunday urged to facilitate the return of Yemen's internationally recognised government to the interim capital Aden and enable it to assume its responsibilities to alleviate the suffering of the people

The Yemeni government should return to Aden in accordance with the Riyadh agreement, the Saudi ambassador to Yemen Mohammed Al Jaber said in a statement on Twitter, coinciding with ongoing indirect talks sponsored by his country between the partners in the government, including the UAE-backed southern transitional council.
Saudi Arabia is working with the parties to the Riyadh agreement to finalise its implementation, he said.

and also

(A K P)

UAE Accelerating Militarization of Yemeni Island, Mayon, before Peace Agreement

Informed sources revealed that the coalition intensified its moves to militarize Mayon Island, located in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, before reaching an agreement that would end the US-Saudi aggression against Yemen.

The sources indicated that the UAE made attractive financial offers to the island's residents in exchange for their final departure, stressing that the amounts offered amounted to one million Dirhams ( around $270 US).

The sources confirmed the rejection of these offers by the island residents, but there is fear among the people that the UAE will bring in mercenaries to push them to leave the island by force, especially since Abu Dhabi has brought mercenaries to Socotra and helped them settle there.


(A K P)

Emirati transport ship carrying military equipment arrives on occupied island of Mayyun

An Emirati ship has unloaded military equipment on the Yemeni island of Mayyun, near the strategic Bab al-Mandab Strait.

This was reported by Yemen News Portal, citing navigation data.

The data showed the arrival of UAE cargo ship Naayem to the island of Mayyun on Thursday evening.

Satellite data showed that the UAE cargo ship arrived at the port of Mukalla on June 7, and then moved towards the island of Mayyun, arriving on Thursday evening.

The vessel unloaded military equipment on the island, before continuing its way to the port of Mocha, in the west of Taiz province.

(A P)

Hundreds take to Taiz streets in protest against blockade

Hundreds of people took to streets in Yemen's Taiz city on Saturday to condemn continued Houthi shelling and blockade on the city.

They carried placards with slogans criticising international silence over the blockade which has been suffocating the city for six years.

The blockade will remain a stain on the world and humanity, a statement by the demonstration said.

(A K T)

One pro-STC soldier killed, seven injured in southern Yemen attack

One soldier was killed and 7 injured after an explosives-laden bicycle was rammed into a vehicle carrying troops of the southern transitional council in Yemen's southern province of Abyan on Friday.

The troops were members of the security belt forces in the province and attacked in Zunjibar, the capital of Abyan

(A P)

Government's silence over developments in Yemen reflects its subordination to Saudi Arabia, observers

It seems a solution to the Yemeni crisis is now in sight as sources revealed on Thursday that Omani mediators have made a breakthrough during visits to Yemen's Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa and the Saudi capital Riyadh.

Reports say the warring parties are close to agreeing on a ceasefire as a prelude to a comprehensive political settlement.

Nonetheless, the internationally recognised government is still absent and its official stance is unclear.

On Wednesday, a source at the presidency office said the government would make a statement to clarify information about the Oman role in the peace process.

But it has not done that yet. Observers argued that the government's silence is reflecting its confusion and subordination to Saudi Arabia.

(A K P)


(* A T)

Dozens killed, injured in blast targeting [separatist] Security Belt in Abyan

Eight soldiers of the Security Belt Forces were killed and at least 25 others, including civilians were severely injured on Friday, after the explosion of a booby-trapped motorcycle near a local market in Zinjibar, the provincial capital of Abyan.
Security and local sources said that the blast occurred as a vehicle transporting soldiers of the Security Belt Forces was passing near a crowded market in Zinjibar and resulted in heavy casualties among soldiers and civilians.
No group has claimed responsibility for Zinjibar terrorist attack so far.


(* A T)

Officials: Explosion kills 6 separatists in southern Yemen

An explosion in Yemen's southern province of Abyan on Friday killed at least six separatist troops and wounded 15 people, including civilians, Yemeni security and medical officials said.

The source of the explosion was not immediately known and no group immediately claimed responsibility for an attack.

The officials said the blast took place moments after a convoy of the secessionist Southern Transitional Council arrived at a market that sells khat leaves. The plant is highly popular in Yemen and widely chewed by men for the plant’s stimulant properties.

7 killed:

8 killed:


Fortsetzung / Sequel: cp7 – cp19

Vorige / Previous:

Jemenkrieg-Mosaik 1-745 / Yemen War Mosaic 1-745: oder / or

Der saudische Luftkrieg im Bild / Saudi aerial war images:

(18 +, Nichts für Sensible!) / (18 +; Graphic!)

Liste aller Luftangriffe / and list of all air raids:

Untersuchung ausgewählter Luftangriffe durch Bellingcat / Bellingcat investigations of selected air raids:

Untersuchungen von Angriffen, hunderte von Filmen / Investigations of attacks, hundreds of films:

11:02 16.06.2021
Dieser Beitrag gibt die Meinung des Autors wieder, nicht notwendigerweise die der Redaktion des Freitag.
Geschrieben von

Dietrich Klose

Vielfältig interessiert am aktuellen Geschehen, zur Zeit besonders: Ukraine, Russland, Jemen, Rolle der USA, Neoliberalismus, Ausbeutung der 3. Welt
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Dietrich Klose